The Nigerian government paid Boko Haram militants a “huge” ransom of millions of dollars to free up to 230 children and staff the jihadists abducted from a Catholic school in November, an AFP investigation revealed Monday.
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Pendulum: Why That Popular APC Song is Getting Stale and Boring
Published
7 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, let me say on this page what I have been saying privately to my friends in Nigeria’s ruling party, APC. I must confess that I have much more friends in APC than in any other party. It is also frustrating to me that some of my preferred Presidential candidates are not in either of the two major parties, APC and PDP. Unfortunately, for whatever reason these talented politicians shun the main stream political parties and thus reduce their electability to almost zero. The truth is that, logically, if you find APC disappointing and must try another party, you must, necessarily, end up with PDP. That is the same party many of us worked hard to sack from power just over three years ago, accusing it of atrocious and abominable sins. This is the dilemma many normal Nigerians face. How can we go back to swallow the same vomit that we spewed out only a short while ago because of the odious bile that it had become in our guts? However, these are abnormal times. And it seems that we have been presented with a situation where we must scoop up our own faeces and eat it, in order to survive as a nation. The question I keep asking myself is how did we get to this sorry impasse in so short a time? I simply have no answers. Where then do we go from here? Do we allow APC to run away with gross incompetence or gobble up our puke by allowing PDP to come back with the attendant risks of returning to those incredibly profligate days? This obviously is a Catch 22 situation. No easy answer, no simple solution.
What are people saying on the streets? There are many factions, but let me reflect on what several of them think. One. Those who want APC to continue. You may wish to call them Buharists (I was once one of them, they are gentle, mild-mannered and reasonably rational) or the Buharideens (the Buhari fanatics who will never see anything wrong with Buhari or his party no matter how terrible and horrible the facts laid before them are). But they both have some things in common, their unassailable love for Brand Buhari. The deification of Buhari was one of the first miracles of the 21stcentury. Many have asked, how did a man who was sacked from power in 1985 in a military coup amidst accusations of atrocious misadventures, integrity issues surrounding his aides and friends and colleagues, not to mention horrendous human rights abuses, comatose economy due to voodoonomics (voodoo economics), religious fanaticism and ethnic jingoism, bounce back to become the last saint standing? Buhari must be praised for a job well done. What has made Buhari so attractive to his die-hard acolytes are his supposed incorruptibility, simplicity, and ascetic discipline. Can you argue with them? Not necessary. You can’t win.
Do we allow APC to run away with gross incompetence or gobble up our puke by allowing PDP to come back with the attendant risks of returning to those incredibly profligate days? This obviously is a Catch 22 situation. No easy answer, no simple solution.
Two. We have the supporters of PDP who remained steadfast despite the defeat and disgrace they suffered in the hands of APC in 2015. Notwithstanding the tag of fraudulent and corrupt persons placed on them, these are principled and loyal people because they have stuck to their guns in the face of great adversity and challenges. Indeed, some of them have had cause to jump ship and head for shallow waters at the slightest hint of trouble. They have not been able to withstand the heat.
Three. There are those who migrated from both parties at different times and crisscrossed into one or the other. There is no feeling or sense of altruism in their bones.
Four. There are those who vowed never to be in either of the two leading parties. Ask them for their reason though and you immediately can see why Nigeria is in the state that it is in. The truth is that these groups of people have a great deal of complex and fear of the unknown which, makes it difficult to do those things which can make them thrive in the circles in which they find themselves.
5. There are radical parties, like those that want to take Nigeria back from the slave masters. Sadly, whilst these parties are probably part of the ultimate solution for the country, they have little crossover appeal to the very people that will benefit from them if they win an election. They are brusque, brash, brazen and brutal. They do not speak the language of the people they seek to represent. They are so driven by anger that their judgment has been beclouded and impaired.
6. There are those that just want to be seen or heard, and so on. But I’m under no illusion that we have more than two political parties and that these parties can retain or produce the next President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The fringe parties are just too weak and disunited for them to make any appreciable inroads into the fortunes of the two largest parties who hold sway in the political landscape of Nigeria.
Back to the main contenders. The APC believes the only way to retain power is to continue pummelling the PDP into a tight corner from which it cannot emerge, by accusing it of looting and destroying Nigeria in 16 useless years.
The strategy seems very effective, but it is beginning to wear off for certain reasons. While it is true that PDP fumbled, APC cannot make an evergreen song of that. The reason APC is in power is because of promises made that it would do a much better job than PDP. Nearly four years after, nothing drastic has changed from the time PDP was sacked. The argument that the problems caused in 16 years cannot be cleared and settled in four years is not tenable. At the current speed, and attitude, I’m convinced that APC may not be able to do much even if given an open cheque of 20 years.
My favourite analogy is that of someone suffering from chronic ulcer who goes to his Doctor. The usual practice is to quickly check the condition of the patient, check his blood pressure, sugar level, and stabilise him, if need be, before prescribing remedies and administering drugs. A Doctor should never make his condition worse than when he arrived the hospital. In Buhari’s case, he took about six months to assemble a medical team. He took several more months to diagnose the ailments of the patient. Since then, the medical team has never stopped talking about the condition under which the patient was received at the ward. The patient keeps trying to tell the doctors that he is dying in the midst of this unending tirade by the Doctors about the things he did to bring the aliments upon himself. He tries to tell the Doctors that now he has been informed countless times about his deathwish lifestyle, all that he now requires is treatment. However, his pleas and entreaties fall upon deaf ears. The discordant noises being made by the medical team is all that they and the patient hear! By now the medical team should have known what to do to bring the patient’s condition under control, but their obsession with how he was the cause of his medical misfortune makes it impossible for them to offer any prognosis, much less commence the therapy. This is the tragedy of the APC strategy. No one is ever in doubt that Nigeria was in critical condition when it was rushed to the APC intensive care. The PDP Doctors were accused of cluelessness, gross incompetence and grand larceny. No one expected the APC to make matters worse. But, this is what it seems that they have done. One example is the excuse that Nigeria would have collapsed totally if PDP was not sacked but this is mere hypothesis. The Naira was much stronger, but it has collapsed since APC took over and no one knows if and when it would ever recover or whether it will even get worse.
Those who oppose APC have been promoting the following narratives. One. There is no marked difference between APC and PDP. Many of those who were in PDP are now in APC and not one of them has been rejected or sent packing for past misdemeanours. Two. It is uncharitable for APC to say PDP achieved nothing in the 16 years that Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan reigned. If nothing else, they laid the framework and backbone upon which the achievements of the Buhari government are built. 3. If PDP was peopled by devils, who are the saints in APC to which the PDP devils have migrated and welcomed with warm embrace? 4. If PDP did nothing, how come APC is today commissioning so many projects said to have been abandoned by the previous government? 5. APC promised to abolish the fuel subsidy, but it has since increased the subsidy astronomically without any plausible explanation. APC promised to fix refineries, but petroleum products are still being imported heavily and the common man is groaning. APC has increased pump prices and is still paying much more on subsidies. 6. APC promised to cancel medical tourism but the Chief Culprit has been the President himself who has lived abroad intermittently. 7. APC promised not to devalue the Naira yet the Nigerian currency has nose-dived in a kamikaze fall. Its future is uncertain!
The APC on the other hand has its own version of attack against PDP. One. PDP is a party of looters and criminals who ruined Nigeria in 16 years. Two. Anyone who supports PDP is a looter who’s not happy that Buhari has stopped corruption. 3. Most of the companies that collapsed thrived on corruption. 4. APC prefers to complete projects abandoned by PDP, the reason it is yet to start new projects. 5. APC is blocking thieves from looting. 6. No one can accuse Buhari of looting. 7. Buhari is building a new Nigeria.
My prediction is that the popular song and refrain of “looting, looting, looting” may backfire if APC continues to chant the same song repeatedly. Nigerians want action plans and real action time. They would have left PDP in power if they thought the party was doing fine. Two, Atiku Abubakar should not be underrated. I see a lot of similarities in the process that brought Buhari to power. People were simply fed up with Jonathan and his government and this led to a groundswell of opposition against him. It seems Buhari has attracted a worse opprobrium to himself and his government and is following the same path of perdition from which Jonathan never recovered or returned. It is my prayer and fervent hope that Buhari can see the huge chasm ahead and make the necessary adjustments and corrections so that he does not fall and plunge headlong into that similar gaping hole from which he may never surface!
My beloved, that popular APC song is getting stale and boring…
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Opposition Parties Reject 2026 Electoral Act, Demand Fresh Amendment
Published
8 hours agoon
February 26, 2026By
Eric
Opposition political parties have rejected the 2026 Electoral Act recently passed by the National Assembly, which President Bola Tinubu swiftly signed into law.
The parties called on the National Assembly to immediately begin a fresh amendment process to remove what they described as “all obnoxious provisions” in the law.
Their position was made known at a press briefing themed “Urgent Call to Save Nigeria’s Democracy,” held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja on Thursday.
In a communiqué read by the Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) Ahmed Ajuji, the opposition leaders stated:
“We demand that the National Assembly immediately commence a fresh amendment to the Electoral Act 2026, to remove all obnoxious provisions and ensure that the Act reflects only the will and aspiration of Nigerians for free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process in our country. Nothing short of this will be acceptable to Nigerians.”
Some of the opposition leaders present in at the event include former Senate President David Mark; former Governor of Osun State, Rauf Aregbesola; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; former Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi; and former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, all from the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
The National Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Ahmed Ajuji, and other prominent members of the NNPP, notably Buba Galadima, were also in attendance.
The coalition said the amended law, signed by Bola Tinubu, contains “anti-democratic” clauses, which they argue may weaken electoral transparency and public confidence in the voting system.
At the centre of the opposition’s concerns is the amendment to Section 60(3), which allows presiding officers to rely on manual transmission of election results where there is communication failure.
According to the coalition, the provision weakens the mandatory electronic transmission of results and could create loopholes for manipulation.
They argued that Nigeria’s electoral technology infrastructure is sufficient to support nationwide electronic transmission, citing previous assurances by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
The parties also rejected the amendment to Section 84, which restricts political parties to direct primaries and consensus methods for candidate selection.
They described the change as an unconstitutional intrusion into the internal affairs of parties, insisting that indirect primaries remain a legitimate democratic option.
The opposition cited alleged irregularities in the recent Federal Capital Territory local government elections as evidence of what they described as a broader pattern of electoral compromise.
They characterised the polls as a “complete fraud” and said the outcome has deepened their lack of confidence in the ability of the electoral system to deliver credible elections in 2027.
The coalition also condemned reported attacks on leaders of the African Democratic Congress in Edo State, describing the incidents as a serious threat to democratic participation and political tolerance.
They warned that increasing violence against opposition figures could destabilise the political environment if not urgently addressed.
In their joint statement, the opposition parties pledged to pursue “every constitutional means” to challenge the Electoral Act 2026 and safeguard voters’ rights.
“We will not be intimidated,” the leaders said, urging civil society organisations and citizens to support efforts aimed at protecting Nigeria’s democratic system.
On February 18, 2026, President Bola Tinubu signed the Electoral Act (Amendment) 2026 into law following its passage by the National Assembly. The Act introduced several reforms, including statutory recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and revised election timelines.
However, opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi have also called for further amendments, particularly over the manual transmission fallback clause, which critics say leaves room for manipulation.
The president said the law will strengthen democracy and prevent voter disenfranchisement.
Tinubu defended manual collation of results, questioned Nigeria’s readiness for full real-time electronic transmission, and warned against technical glitches and hacking.
The Electoral Act sparked intense debate in the National Assembly over how election results should be transmitted ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Civil society groups under the “Occupy NASS” campaign demanded real-time transmission to curb manipulation.
In the Senate, lawmakers clashed during consideration of Clause 60, which allows manual transmission of results if electronic transmission fails.
Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (ADC, Abia South) demanded a formal vote to remove the proviso permitting manual transmission, arguing against weakening real-time electronic reporting.
The move led to a heated exchange on the floor, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio initially suggesting the demand had been withdrawn.
After procedural disputes and a brief confrontation among senators, a division was conducted. Fifteen opposition senators voted against retaining the manual transmission proviso, while 55 supported it, allowing the clause to stand.
Earlier proceedings had briefly stalled during clause-by-clause review, prompting consultations and a closed-door session.
In the House of Representatives, a similar disagreement came up over a motion to rescind an earlier decision that mandated compulsory real-time electronic transmission of results to IReV.
Although the “nays” were louder during a voice vote, Speaker Tajudeen Abbas ruled in favour of rescinding the decision, triggering protests and an executive session.
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AFP: How Tinubu’s Govt Paid Boko Haram ‘Huge’ Ransom, Released Two Terrorists for Kidnapped Saint Mary’s Pupils
Published
3 days agoon
February 24, 2026By
Eric
Two Boko Haram commanders were also freed as part of the deal, which goes against the country’s own law banning payments to kidnappers. The money was delivered by helicopter to Boko Haram’s Gwoza stronghold in northeastern Borno state on the border with Cameroon, intelligence sources told AFP.
The decision to pay the militants is likely to irritate US President Donald Trump, who ordered air strikes on jihadists in northern Nigeria on Christmas Day and has been sent military trainers to help support Nigerian forces.
Nigerian government officials deny any ransom was paid to the armed gang that snatched close to 300 schoolchildren and staff from St. Mary’s boarding school in Papiri in central Niger state on November 21. At least 50 later managed to escape their captors.
Boko Haram has not been previously linked to the kidnapping, but sources told AFP one of its most feared commanders was behind the mass abduction: the notorious jihadist known as Sadiku.
He infamously held up a train from the capital in 2022 and netted hefty ransoms for the release of government officials and other well-off passengers.
Boko Haram, which has waged a bloody insurgency since 2009, is strongest in northeast Nigeria.
But a cell in central Niger state operates under Sadiku’s leadership. The St. Mary’s pupils and staff were freed after two weeks of negotiations led by Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, with the government insisting no ransom was paid. Nigeria’s State Security Service flatly denied paying any money, saying “government agents don’t pay ransoms”.
However, four intelligence sources familiar with the talks told AFP the government paid a “huge” ransom to get the pupils back. One source put it at 40 million naira per head – around $7 million in total.
Another put the figure lower at two billion naira overall. The money was delivered by chopper to Ali Ngulde, a Boko Haram commander in the northeast, three sources told AFP.
Due to the lack of communications cover in the remote area, Ngulde had to cross into Cameroon to confirm delivery of the ransom before the first group of 100 children were released.
Nigeria has long been plagued by mass abductions, with criminals and jihadist groups sometimes working together to extort millions from hostages’ families, and authorities seemingly powerless to stop them.
Source: Africanews
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Unlawful Invasion: El-Rufai Drags ICPC, IGP, Others to Court, Demands N1bn Damages
Published
3 days agoon
February 23, 2026By
Eric
Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has slammed a ₦1 billion fundamental rights enforcement suit against the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for what he claimed was an unlawful invasion of his Abuja residence.
El-Rufai, in a suit filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, also listed the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT, Abuja Magisterial District; Inspector-General of Police, and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as 2nd to 4th respondents respectively.
According to the suit filed through his lawyers, led by Oluwole Iyamu, El-Rufai prayed the court to declare that the search warrant issued on February 4 by the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT (2nd respondent), authorising the search and seizure at his residence as invalid, null and void.
Security operatives had stormed and searched the former Governor’s residence in the ongoing investigations against him.
However, he argued in the case marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/345/2026, that the search was in violation of Section 37 of the Constitution, and urged the court to declare that the search warrant was “null and void for lack of particularity, material drafting errors, ambiguity in execution parameters, overbreadth, and absence of probable cause thereby constituting an unlawful and unreasonable search.”
In the suit dated and filed February 20 by Iyamu, ex-governor, who is currently under detention, sought seven reliefs.
He prayed the court to declare that the invasion and search of his residence at House 12, Mambilla Street, Aso Drive, Abuja, on Feb. 19 at about 2pm and executed by agents of ICPC and I-G, “under the aforesaid invalid warrant, amounts to a gross violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights to dignity of the human person, personal liberty, fair hearing, and privacy under Sections 34, 35, 36, and 37 of the Constitution.”
He urged the court to declare that “any evidence obtained pursuant to the aforesaid invalid warrant and unlawful search is inadmissible in any proceedings against the applicant, as it was procured in breach of constitutional safeguards.”
El-Rufai, therefore, sought an order of injunction restraining the respondents and their agents from further relying on, using, or tendering any evidence or items seized during the unlawful search in any investigation, prosecution, or proceedings involving him.
“An order directing the Ist and 3rd respondents (ICPC and I-G) to forthwith return all items seized from the applicant’s premises during the unlawful search, together with a detailed inventory thereof.
“An order awarding the sum of N1,000,000,000.00 (One Billion Naira) as general, exemplary, and aggravated damages against the respondents jointly and severally for the violations of the applicant’s fundamental rights, including trespass, unlawful seizure, and the resultant psychological trauma, humiliation, distress, infringement of privacy, and reputational harm.”
The breakdown of the ₦1 billion in damages includes “a N300 million as compensatory damages for psychological trauma, emotional distress, and loss of personal security;
“A ₦400 million as exemplary damages to deter future misconduct by law enforcement agencies and vindicate the applicant’s rights.
“A ₦300 million as aggravated damages for the malicious, high-handed and oppressive nature of the respondents’ actions, including the use of a patently defective warrant procured through misleading representations.”
He equally sought ₦100 million as the cost of filing the suit, including legal fees and associated expenses.
Iyamu argued that the search warrant was fundamentally defective, lacking specificity in the description of items to be seized, containing material typographical errors, ambiguous execution terms, overbroad directives, and no verifiable probable cause.
He added that the warrant violated Sections 143-148 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015; Section 36 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences (ICPC) Act, 2000, and constitutional protections against arbitrary intrusions and several other constitutional provisions.
“Section 146 stipulates that the warrant must be in the prescribed form, free from defects that could mislead, but the document is riddled with errors in the address, date, and district designation;
“Section 147 allows direction to specified persons, but the warrant’s indiscriminate addressing to “all officers is overbroad and unaccountable.
“Section 148 permits execution at reasonable times, but the contradictory language creates ambiguity, undermining procedural clarity,” he submitted.
Iyamu stated that the execution of the invalid warrant on Feb. 19 resulted in an unlawful invasion of his client’s premises, constituting violations of the rights to dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), and privacy (Section 37) of the Constitution.
He further argued that the search was conducted without legal justification and in a manner that inflicted humiliation and distress.
“Evidence obtained without a valid warrant is unlawful and inadmissible, as established in judicial precedents such as C.O.P. v. Omoh (1969) NCLR 137, where the court ruled that evidence procured through improper means contravenes fundamental rights and must be excluded,” he said.
In the affidavit in support of the application, Mohammed Shaba, a Principal Secretary to the former governor, averred that on Feb. 19 at about 2p.m., officers from the ICPC and Nigeria Police Force invaded the residence under a purported search warrant issued on or about Feb. 4.
According to him, the said warrant is invalid due to its lack of specificity, errors, and other defects as outlined in the grounds of this application.
He said the “search warrant did not specify the properties or items being searched for.”
Shaba stated that the officers failed to submit themselves for search as provided by the law before proceeding with the search.
“That the Magistrate did not specify the magisterial district wherein he sits.
“That during the invasion, the officers searched the applicant’s premises without lawful authority, seized personal items including documents and electronic devices, and caused the applicant undue humiliation, psychological trauma, and distress.
“Now shown to me and marked as ‘EXHIBIT B’ Is the list of the items carted away.
“That no items seized have been returned, and the respondents continue to rely on the unlawful evidence.
“That the applicant suffered violations of his constitutional rights as a result, and this application is brought in good faith to enforce same,” Shaba said.
Source: Naijanews.com
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