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Friday Sermon: The Devil’s Rectangle 4

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By Babatunde Jose

The man dies in all who keep silent in the face of tyranny. – Wole Soyinka

When the public’s right to know is threatened,

and when the rights of free speech and free press are at risk,

all of the other liberties we hold dear are endangered. – Christopher Dodd

The Press is the last leg of the quadrilateral called the Devil’s Rectangle; although it was intended to be a “watchdog” for the country and the last bastion of vox populi, with its functions spelt out in the Constitution, it has had difficulty fulfilling that role due to the demands of the various competing special interest groups.

Anywhere in the world, the press has always been involved in politics, formation of public opinion, perception of images of candidates for political offices, the definition of social reality and social norms, the education, information, enlightenment and entertainment of the public, as well as the presentation and clarification of issues, values, goals and changes in culture and society.” (Lazarsfeld, P., Berelson, B., & Gaudet, H. The People’s Choice: How the Voter Makes up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign. Columbia University Press. 1948).

At various times, the press can champion causes dear to the people and even act as the vanguard of the people’s revolution. The press can be many things, for it is first and foremost a tool in the hands of it user.

Rather than singing a melody of restraint on the excesses of the political class, the Nigerian press as presently constituted has become Babel. Henry Ward Beecher said that: “The pen is the tongue of the hand; a silent utterer of words for the eye”…Our brother Akogun Tola Adeniyi listed the press among the perpetrators of the ‘culture of silence’ in Nigeria political space.  “I have critically examined the factors that had kept Nigeria on her knees for this long and I have concluded that the timidity of our people, the fear in raising a voice in the face of severest oppression and deprivation and the loss of self-esteem ranked the highest in the scale of culprits.” He went on to say: “With our eyes wide open we allowed rogues, ruffians and charlatans to dictate how our lives would be run and governed. Thieves of various shades and sizes seized our common patrimony and we applauded them in mosques and churches even as they non-challantly rape all of us with unprecedented impunity.” There is no iota of doubt; the complicity of the Nigerian press is responsible for this sad state of affairs.

Journalism has become a cash and carry industry and unlike our revered journalists of old, today’s members of the press are in it for their getonity rather than for the good of the people. The press is in dalliance with the First and Second Estate of the Realm and there are no more watchdogs to hold the Executive and Legislature accountable. In a profession where revered doyens of the profession such a Uncle Sam have not changed his residence from Anthony Village in over four decades, or late Allah De who lived in his Anjorin Street, Surulere abode till he died, our modern day Press Barons live and hobnob with the powers that be in Asokoro, Parkview and the like. Many even ride exotic cars which were once the exclusive preserve of captains of commerce and industry: All these, from proceeds of political blackmail; ‘his master’s voice’ and running of stories favourable to the establishment. The Nigerian press has become an enemy of the Nigerian people. They eulogise and celebrate plunderers of our patrimony, offer spurious defence for pen-robbers who presumably have paid tithes at the altar of the press lords; they justify high-wire corruption and chastise the government for going after their corrupt pipers. Imagine the quantum of monies doled out to them through their so-called representatives during the last ‘gold rush’ under the embattled National Security Adviser. And it is possible the sponsors of national discord are still paying. To all intents and purposes, most of our celebrated journalists have gone rogue. The Joses, Odunewus, Enahoros would be turning in their graves.

Those members of the profession who fought on the barricades in the NADECO years or the ‘war against corruption in the terminal stage of the Gowon regime; will be looking at this period with shame. This is not the press they bequeathed to us. Today, there are no more ombudsmen, investigative reporters, no diligent expose, no in-depth analysis of issues and no crack team of guerrilla journalists: Welcome to the age of pre-paid stories and reports!

Even in the age of online newspapers, many are poorly managed and sloppy in rendition with monumental mistakes that would shame a fresh student of NIJ. Headlines are routinely cast with mediocrity; the age-old sub editing of stories is a thing of the past and pictures don’t often match the stories and often at times wrongly captioned. Poor site administrators; they repeat dead stories which often nauseate readers.

The Audited Circulation of all the newspapers today is not up to the circulation of the old Lagos Weekend in the 70s. In the 1970s the Daily Times dominated the Nigerian publishing industry with 13 related papers and magazines. By 1975 the Daily Times had grown to a circulation of 275,000 copies while the Sunday Times reached 400,000. No other Nigerian newspaper has achieved such levels apart from MKO Abiola’s Daily Concord in the early 1990s which chalked up 100,000. At that time, when the press talk, people listen. They were communicating; that dyadic relationship was maintained. Today, like William Hachten wrote in his epic book, ‘Muffled Drums; The News Media in Africa‘when the communicator no longer reaches the audience, then nobody is talking’.

The decline in newspaper circulation is a worldwide phenomenon not peculiar to this clime. Some of the falls have been spectacular. In the UK the Daily Mirror has suffered a sales plunge from 2,777,501 to 562,000; the paper once did 5,000,000. The best-selling daily, the Sun, dropped to 1,450,000, from 3,500,000.

Again, it is clear that as individualism became more prevalent in society, certainly by the 1990s, the old forms of broadcasting media began to break up, allowing people wide choice of TV and radio and, eventually, infinite choice through the computer terminal.

With circulation of newspapers at an abysmal level and a general dearth of newsmagazines on the newsstand people are getting less informed and the space which was once occupied by the traditional press has been usurped by the iniquitous ‘social media’; a medium worse than what late Chris Okotie of Newbreed  termed  ‘witchcraft journalism’; purveyors of outlandish fake news, photoshopped illustrations, misrepresentation of facts including outright fabrications and posting of irrelevant stories; not to talk of propaganda of Goebellian proportion. Unfortunately, otherwise rational and intelligent social media users are taken in and swallow the gibberish hook line and sinker; turning them into educated illiterates overnight.

The overwhelming majority of journalists believe the internet is to blame for the dwindling fortune of the printed media, plus the growing availability of information through mobile phones. That, at least, makes sense. But it cannot be the definitive reason because the gradual, but inexorable, circulation decline predated the widespread use of the net through the extension of broadband.

Over the past decade there has been an observable drop in the quality of the Nigerian popular press, which has adopted the worst features of the London tabloids: Enormous headlines, the systematic quest for scandal, stories invented from start to finish and flagrant attacks on people’s person and privacy. Today, many of the dramatis personae in the orgy of yellow journalism have closed shop and litter the dustbin of history.

Ownership of the mass media in Nigeria tends to determine how they are used for political communications in the country. Other factors, such as ethnicity, religion, literacy, language of communication, legal limitations, political and socio-economic conditions, are also considered. However, the fact of ownership is not only the key which determines how the mass media are used for molding the citizen’s perception of political reality in the country, but that it is also a more precise means of understanding and investigating the role of the press in political stability or instability, national integration or disintegration.

We might conclude that as Nigeria approaches another crossroad in its march for sustained democracy in socio-economic conditions which are less propitious, there is a need for the Nigerian mass media to operate in a way which contributes to national integration: That is if they are not already compromised.

Subhana Rabbika Rabbil ‘izzati ‘amma yasifun. Wa salamun ‘alal-Mursalin. Wal hamdu lillahi Rabbil ‘alamun. Thy Lord is Holy and clear of all that is alleged against Him (by the non-believers); and He is Exalted. May God’s blessing be upon all Messengers. All praise truly belongs to Allah Who is the Sustainer of all the worlds.”

Barka Juma’at and Happy weekend

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Prerogative of Mercy: Osun Gov Pardons 53 Convicts

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The Governor of Osun State, Ademola Adeleke, has exercise his powers of prerogative of mercy, pardoning 53 convicted inmates, including a young man sentenced to death for ‘stealing fowl’.

The governor made this known via a tweet on his official X handle with the title, PREROGATIVE OF MERCY EXTENDED TO 53 CONVICTS.

The governor noted as follows:

In line with the recommendations of the State Advisory Council on Prerogative of Mercy and in exercise of the power conferred on me by paragraph (a), (c) and (d) of subsection (i) of section 212 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (As Amended), I am pleased to extend my grace and mercy unto 53 convicts serving various convictions within the Nigerian Correctional Service.

In the case of inmates convicted of simple offences, I have decided in accordance with the said recommendation to remit and forgive the remainder of the said sentences of the following 30 (thirty ) inmates in whole.

1. OLUBO SUNDAY
2. ISAH UMAR BIODUN
3. FAWAS KAREEM
4. OMIRIN TEMITAYO
5. OLARENWAJU AYOMIDE
6. DARE SUNDAY
7. OLADAPO TUNDE
8. GANIYU SAHEED
9. ADEWUMI SODIQ
10. ADEBAYO ADEOYE
KEHINDE
11. LASIS KAZEEM
12. DAUDA OJO (59 YEARS)
13. ISMAILA RAJI
14. OSENI MICHEAL
15. AJAYI KOREDE
16. ABIONA NURUDEEN
17. OSHI SAMUEL
18. SHEU YUSUF OLATUNJI
19. OJO AANU
20. MUSTAPHA KEHINDE
21. LASIS ABEEB
22. ALEXANDRA IORLAHA
23. OJO TAIWO
24. AZEEZ MUJEEB
25. AKINYEMI DAVID
26. ADEOSUN ADEKUNLE
27. OLAOBAJU SAMUEL
28. ADURA ADEFEMI
29. PAUL BASIL
30. KUNLE DAVID

I have also decided in accordance with the said recommendation to grant outright pardon to the following 12 (Twelve) inmates convicted of simple offences.

1. OLABOMIJI NURUDEEN
2. MUSTAPHA ISAH
3. OLALEKAN ABDULLAHI
4. AYOMIDE OLOJEDE
5. AKEEM RAPHAEL
6. ADEYEMI ABIODUN
7. OLADIPUPO SEGUN
8. OMISAKIN SUNDAY
9. ADEMOLA ADIO
10. TUNDE OLAPADE
11. LATE CHIEF WOLE OLA
RUFUS OJO
12. OMOLOYE OLAJIDE
OLAYEMI

In the case of the following 6 (Six) Convicts sentenced to death, I have approved the commutation of their sentence from death to outright release while OJEKUNLE TIMOTHY has his sentence commuted from death sentence to 15 (Fifteen) years imprisonment having spent at least 10 (ten) years in custody.

1 OLUWAFEMI FAGBEMI
2 BEWAJI SUNDAY
3. AMEHIN GEORGE
4. AYOMIDE ARULOGUN
5. TAIWO OLUWATOBI STEPHEN
6. ABUBAKAR ABDULAZEEZ

The following 4 (Four) Convicts also have their sentences commuted from death sentence to outright pardon.

1. SUNDAY MORAKINYO
2. SEGUN OLOWOOKERE
3. TUNDE OLAPADE
4. DEMOLA ODEYEMI

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Amnesty Demands Probe of Military Airstrike in Sokoto Communities

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Amnesty International (AI) has urged the Federal government to conduct a comprehensive, independent, and impartial investigation into a military airstrike that killed at least 10 people in two communities in Silame Local Government Area of Sokoto State.

The human rights organization called on President Bola Tinubu to promptly set up an independent inquiry into the tragic incident.

Amnesty emphasized that if investigations point to criminal responsibility, the authorities must ensure that those indicted are prosecuted in fair and transparent trials, adhering to international human rights standards.

Amnesty International criticized the Nigerian military for what it described as a consistent pattern of neglect in investigating airstrikes and other violent incidents that have repeatedly endangered civilian populations.

The organization noted that this lack of accountability has fostered a climate of fear among villagers, who live under the constant threat of recurring attacks.

“These incidents have created a vicious cycle of violence and insecurity for communities, and this must not be allowed to continue,” the statement said.

Amnesty also highlighted the need for justice and effective remedies for the victims and their families, including compensation and psychological support.

They stressed that the government’s response must go beyond investigations to address the systemic failures that enable such incidents.

The call comes amid growing concerns about civilian casualties resulting from military operations in Nigeria, raising questions about the rules of engagement and the transparency of the country’s security forces.

Observers note that accountability for military actions is critical to restoring public trust and ensuring the protection of human rights.

Amnesty’s statement underscores the urgency of addressing these systemic issues to prevent further tragedies and uphold the fundamental rights of affected communities.

The Federal government has yet to respond to Amnesty International’s demands.

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The Travails of Dele Farotimi – Out But Gagged –

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By Eric Elezuo 
Following an X post by a former presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), Omoyele Sowore, on Tuesday, embattled human rights lawyer, Mr. Dele Farotimi, has finally been released from prison, having met his N30 million bail bond condition. Other requirements for the bail included two sureties, one of whom must be a property owner, a submission of Farotimi’s passport and a prohibition of Farotimi granting media interviews once released.
He wrote, “I am pleased to report that Dele Farotimi is no longer being held at the prison yards in Ekiti State, and is now returning home to Lagos.
“The struggle continues! Happy holidays to you all!”Farotimi has been held in Ekiti Correctional Centre since his arrest on December 3 over alleged defamation charges brought against by another lawyer, Prof Afe Babalola.

Farotimi, on July 2, 2024, released a 116-page book titled Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, setting the stage for a clash of interest resulting in petitions, persecutions, prosecutions and gagging of privileges and rights.

Peter Obi, the former presidential candidate of the Labour Party at the 2023 ele tions, and a political ally of Farotimi, had volunteered to assist in helping embattled lawyer meet his bail conditions.

Though Farotimi is out of prison, he is a gagged man as he is not permitted to speak about his experiences to the media, and has his movements curtailed as his passport has been withdrawn from him.
Dele Farotimi, a legal practitioner of repute, has been a human rights activist for as long as he has been a lawyer, even longer, but never in the history of his practice or profession, has he been so inundated by crises as he is facing presently. This is as a result of the publication and circulation of his new book, The Nigerian Justice System, recently.
The book received a reserved condemnation from revered legal luminary, Prof Afe Babalola, who is also the Founder of Afe Babalola University in Ekiti State. And ever since, Farotimi has known no peace as he had been a tenant of the Ekiti State Police Command, and lately, the state’s correction centre, where he was remanded by the court, and later released on bail.
Prof Babalola had complained the a portion of the book, had defamed his person and integrity, alleging that he compromised the Supreme Court, prompting him to write a petition to the Police, who swiftly picked up Farotimi in hid Lagos home, and whisked him away to Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State, where it is a crime to defame an individual. 
The Ekiti State Police Command insisted that the human rights lawyer refused to honour invitations, giving rise to the commando fashion with which they stormed his home and took him away even as criticisms continued to trail the style of the arrest, and Police continuous denial of using unconventional means to execute the arrest.
“We got a petition from a complainant against him, ordering the publication of false news to cause fear and alarm in the public. And that is contrary to and punishable under Section 59 of the Criminal Code. And also the publication of defamatory matter, which is also contrary to Section 375 of the Criminal Code. That was the petition we got.“And after all the means used to give him a fair hearing to come and explain himself were unsuccessful, we got a court order. The command obtained a court order before proceeding to arrest him.“He was only arrested after all attempts to make him come and explain himself proved abortive. He has been investigated and the case is already in court.

“He was only arrested after all attempts to make him come and explain himself proved abortive. He has been investigated and the case is already in court,” the Command’s Public Relations Officer, Sunday Abutu, explained.

But Farotimi’s lawyer, Temitope Temokun, countered the Police statement, saying his client was never invited by the Command

“He was invited by Zone 2 on two occasions, and he went there.

“But why would you be inviting somebody to Ekiti from Lagos on something that happened in Lagos? However, he was never invited, and if he had been invited, as a lawyer, I would advise him not to go.”

The situation erupted a discourse on various fora, further questioning the the credibility of the already discredited judiciary before some Nigerians, and further popularizing the said contentious book written by Farotimi.

The lawyer reasoned that, “The book was published in Lagos. The defendant has an office in Lagos. And under the Nigerian Criminal Justice System, the law is not that you have to go to where the defendant is, to go and try the accused. You have to try the accused where the act was committed, except he had escaped justice in another state.

“So if he didn’t do that, you cannot abduct him to that state that he didn’t escape to.”

However, on appearance at The Chief Magistrates Court in the Ado Ekiti Division, days later, he was ordered to be remanded in the state’s correctional centre pending consideration of his bail application.

Considering the case, Chief Magistrate Abayomi Adeosun, after listening to the police prosecutor, Samson Osubu, who filed an 16-count allegations to which Farotimi pleaded not guilty, adjourned the matter till December 10, 2024, saying, “The defendant should file a formal application for bail. The matter is adjourned till Tuesday, December 10, 2024. The defendant is hereby ordered remanded at the Correctional Centre, Ado Ekiti.”
Farotimi’s case was further compounded when on December 7 while the adjourned December 10 date was being awaited, the Police slammed a fresh 12-count charge bordering on alleged false information to cause a breakdown of law and order on the detained activist. The legal team of Prof Babalola urged Farotimi to prove his allegations against legal luminary. They also went for the jugular, asking that Farotimi be stripped of his law license as well as ensure the stoppage of the publication and circulation of the book.The charge filed at the Federal High Court, Ado Ekiti, by the Inspector General of Police was brought under Section 24 of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 as amended.

In the fresh charge dated and filed December 6, Farotimi was alleged to have violated the Cybercrimes laws, when he on August 28, 2024 knowingly and intentionally transmitted a false communication in an online interview on Mic On Podcast by Seun Okinbaloye on his YouTube Channel in respect of a book he authored and published with the titled: ‘Nigeria and its Criminal Justice System’.

According to the charge, Farotimi was alleged to have in the said broadcast interview claimed that, “Aare Afe Babalola corrupted the judiciary”, a claim which he knew to be false information and made for the purpose of causing breakdown of law and order thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 24(1) (b) of Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 as amended.

In count two, the defendant was said to have made the allegation “with the intention of bullying and harassing the named persons thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 24 (a) of Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 as amended.”

In another charge, Farotimi was alleged to have on December 2, 2024, acknowledged that there was a charge preferred before a court in Ekiti State against him at the instance of Chief Afe Babalola.

“This preferred, hidden from view and the court had purportedly demanded my presence multiple times and failed to appear before the court and this Court had then proceeded to issue bench warrant for my arrest. This is classic Afe Babalola, I detailed his corruptive influence in my book titled: ‘Nigeria and its Criminal Justice System’ which you know to contain false information for the purpose of causing breakdown of law and order thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 24(1) (b) of Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 as amended,” the charge read in part.

In count four, Farotimi was said to have described the charge in his online broadcast as “fraudulently preferred, hidden from view and the court had purportedly demanded my presence multiple times and I failed to appear before the court and this court had then proceeded to issue bench warrant for my arrest.”

The police further accused the defendant of bullying and harassing Babalola and other named persons when through his online broadcast alleged that after he sued Babalola for libel, “the machines of corruption went into overdrive and a case that should never have been killed at the preliminary stage was killed”.

Count 10 reads: That you Dele Farotimi on December 2, 2024 intentionally sent a message in the course of a press conference held on Online on your YouTube Channel, where you stated that: “I told the truth of his corruption of the society” which you know to contain false information for the purpose of causing breakdown of law and order thereby committed an offence Contrary to and punishable under Section 24(1) (b) of Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, etc) Act 2015 as amended.

On December 10, his case was further moved to December 20 when he was granted N30 million bail. The bail conditions were completed on December 24 when he was released.

Though Farotimi is released, his freedom, which came at a cost, is not completely guaranteed as he will remain a regular visitor to courts until the final determination, which is likely to drag to the Supreme Court.

The Book Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice SystemNigeria and Its Criminal Justice System gained significant attention following its release, with Amazon listing it as the number one bestseller worldwide in its category. The book’s critical exploration of systemic issues in Nigeria’s legal and judicial landscape resonated with readers across the globe, propelling it to the top of international bestseller charts. the book received a 
 (4.00 out of 5) from the site which was based on five critic reviews.

The release of the book was accompanied by a public dispute between Dele Farotimi and Afe Babalola, In a controversial development a court in Nigeria issued an injunction halting the further production, distribution, and sale of Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System. The decision came following a lawsuit filed by Babalola, who alleged that certain portions of the book contained defamatory statements and misrepresentations about individuals and institutions within the Nigerian criminal justice system.

FAROTIMI, THE MAN
Dele Farotimi was born on April 27, 1968, and completed his secondary education at Fiditi Grammar School. He later earned a law degree from Lagos State University where he graduated with an LL.B.
A unionist and activist, he served as President of the Student’s Union at the Lagos State University (LASU), in 1994-1995, and was called to the Nigerian bar in 1999.
Farotimi began his legal career at Adesina Ogunlana & Co specializing in advocating for a better Nigeria. Over the years with a deep commitment to human rights and justice. He practiced law actively until his retirement in 2018 at the age of 50. In addition to his legal work, Farotimi is a published author. His book, Do Not Die in Their War, addresses critical issues facing Nigeria, including corruption, governance, and the rule of law. The publication has been lauded for its candid insights and call to action for systemic change.
Dele Farotimi was arrested in lagos state on December 3, 2024, and extradited to Ekiti State by the Nigerian Police Force in connection with his book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System. The arrest followed allegations of defamation brought against him by Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) Afe Babalola. Farotimi’s detention sparked widespread outrage, with activists, legal practitioners, and civil society organizations condemning the action as an attempt to stifle free speech and dissent.
Additional info: The PUNCH, ThisDay and Wikipedia
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