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Opinion

The Oracle: Of Rape, Rapists and False Rape Peddlers (Pt. 4)

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By Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

With the current campaigns against rape and other forms of sexual abuse in the country, the state needs to rise to the occasion and deal with it. The handling of reported cases by the police in some situations has discouraged many victims of rape from coming forward. Today, we shall continue our discourse on this vexed issue, commencing with the causes of rape in Nigeria.

CAUSES OF RAPE IN NIGERIA

Often times, many are quick to attribute rape to indecent dressing of women and girls. However, such line of thinking offers an escape route to rapists and in some queer way, justifies rape. It takes the blame from the rapist and rests it squarely on the victim. The argument that rape is caused by indecent dressing is lame and a lazy man’s outlet. Such argument forecloses the need for boys and men to be taught the fundamentals of consent and respect for women. Above all, it exposes an underlying rape culture that our society has advertently or inadvertently built over the years of disrespect and maltreatment of women.

  1. AN UNDERLYING RAPE CULTURE

When reference is made to the existence of a rape culture in our society, there is a tendency to assume that the society consciously and actively promotes rape. However, that is far from the meaning of a rape culture.

According to UN Women, rape culture is the social environment that allows sexual violence to be normalized and justified, fueled by the persistent gender inequalities and attitudes about gender and sexuality.

Our society somehow trivializes and even excuses rape and sexual assault on the girl child. For instance, most boys and men go about with the impression that they are entitled to a woman’s body as of right. For instance, if a boy playfully grabs a girl’s bum and the girl reports to the teacher, there is a tendency that the teacher will dismiss such complaint by labeling it “play” between students. The failure of the teacher in this circumstance to correct the boy leaves him with the impression that he can freely go about grabbing girls’ bums without any negative consequence. It also leaves the girl with the mistaken belief that a boy is free to touch her bum. This instance might seem trifling, but that is exactly how the rape culture festers.

  1. LACK OF DILIGENT PROSECUTION OF RAPE VICTIMS IN NIGERIA.

One of the leading causes of rape in Nigeria is the lack of diligent prosecution of accused rapists, leading to very low convictions of accused rapists. The lack of diligent prosecution has engendered and empowered prospective rapists with an aura of invincibility. To this extent, rapists go about committing their heinous crimes, knowing full well that they will most likely not be caught, and even if caught, would most likely walk away free. No thanks to our broken justice system.

Similarly, the Police prosecutes a majority of criminal offences in Nigeria, including rape cases. In most cases, these Police officers are not adequately trained, remunerated or as to remain motivated, and not bungle cases assigned to them. The implication of this is that most persons accused of rape are somehow let off the hook.

  1. “VICTIM BLAMING” OF RAPE VICTIMS BY THE SOCIETY

One of the leading causes of rape in Nigeria is the disgusting disposition by both men and women in the society to blame rape victims for being raped. Often times, the rape victims are blamed for dressing in a manner considered “indecent” or for seducing their rapists. With due respect, victim blaming is to all intents and purposes, irresponsible and promotes a culture of irresponsibility in young men. When victims are blamed for being raped, rapists are condoned and excused. Why is the society obsessed with dictating to a girl, what she should wear instead of teaching the boy to seek express and unequivocal consent from the girl child before sexual intercourse.

Those who make these excuses fail to consider that babies of less than eight months old (who do not know the meaning of dressing) are also victims of sexual violence. In such circumstances, one is moved to ask what a sixty year old man would find attractive in an eight month old. Insanity on the loose!

Rather than blame victims of rape, boys and men should be taught to respect the bodies of girls and women. They should be taught to always seek consent from girls and women in the event that they desire to ventilate their sexual muscles.

  1. SOCIAL STIGMA AGAINST RAPE VICTIMS

The stigma against rape victims prevents rape victims from speaking up against their rapists. It also empowers the rapists to continue on their prowl, knowing full well that their victims would rather die in silence out of fear of societal disapproval. The social stigma is also responsible for the lateness in reporting rape by victims.

  1. A SLOW LEGAL SYSTEM

The Nigerian legal system is traditionally and frustratingly slow and this, coupled with the uncertainty that surrounds litigation, discourages rape victims from reporting rape cases, or making them undecided whether to report or not.

  1. THE PUBLICITY OF COURT PROCEEDINGS:

Section 36(3) of the Constitution provides that court proceedings should be conducted in manners that would be accessible to the members of the public. The danger in this is that in the course of a rape trial, the victim under the fire of cross examination may be made to reveal details of her private life that she would otherwise desire to be kept secret. This is a huge turn-off and discouragement to rape victims, and it ultimately accounts for the delay in reporting rape cases.

  1. CORRUPTION:

This is a recurrent feature in almost every aspect of life in Nigeria. It indeed accounts for the delay in reporting rape cases. Many a time, wealthy defendants successfully bribe the Prosecutors to bungle the conduct of the trials. In some cases, these defendants even go further to bribe Judges who will ultimately return a verdict of “not guilty” in their favour.

REASONS FOR THE LOW RATE OF PROSECUTION OF RAPE CASES IN NIGERIA

The following are the reasons why rape prosecution cases in Nigeria are low and almost as if there is no rape cases in the country.

  1. THE INABILITY OF RAPE VICTIMS TO REPORT:

This is as a result of the fear of the stigma that may follow, shame or neglect. It is no longer news that rape victims in Nigeria are looked at as those who have dinned with the devil. They are constantly made a topic of derision even in their absence. It ranges from openly mocking the victims, to being neglected by close family members and friends. In some cultures, some are even seen as having brought shame and dishonor to the family in Nigeria. The agencies put in place to help support such victims often times parade such victims to gain public sympathy and financial assistance from members of the public. Statistically, the number of rape cases that has made it to the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal are basically those of underage girls who do not usually understand the nature of the offence. Most adults would rather suffer in silence than to come out open so as to avoid public anguish and stigma.

  1. NO PROPER INVESTIGATION BY THE APPROPRIATE AUTHORITIES:

A typical Nigerian police station will take the complaint of a rape case over the counter regardless of persons being there at that particular point in time. Aside delaying investigation or the lack of proper equipment’s both in human and material resources to effectively investigate rape cases, there is a lack of specialized training for police officers in handling these cases or in providing support for the victims. Furthermore, forensic identification of suspects cannot be effectively carried out. The use of biological evidence such as blood, semen, saliva, vagina epithelial cells, etc, is totally lacking. Not to mention the monetary mobilization they usually ask for to fuel their vehicle or to put men and resources together to help them investigate properly.

  1. NO PROPER ENFORCEMENT OF LEGAL SANCTIONS:

It is not enough to have sanctions put in place when an offence has been committed. It is more important to enforce this punishment in a very firm and decisive manner. Police authorities should courageously investigate and recommend for prosecution alleged rape offenders. The judiciary on the other hand, should not shy away from handing out maximum punishment to sex offenders, when the occasion so demands. This will serve as a deterrence to other members of the public.

  1. THE REQUIREMENTS TO PROVE RAPE:

In Nigeria, for the offence of rape to be properly established, there must be penetration and there must also be corroborative evidence which usually comes from eye witnesses account or medical evidence. As regards eyewitnesses’ corroboration, the law requires that such witnesses must have witnessed the actual penetration of the victim’s vagina. The possibility of this happening is very low. Most times, the act of rape is carried out in a place not easily accessible to members of the public. Even as regards the issue of penetration, the court is always concerned with whether the penis actually got into the vagina at any point. Modern realities have shown that penetration does not only have to do with the vagina for it to be rape. Many a time, before any person would get to the scene of the crime, the offender would have disengaged from the victim; which ultimately means that rape as a criminal offence can hardly be established; though a lesser offence of attempted rape may be proved. (To be concluded next week).

FUN TIMES

“The biggest joke on mankind is that computers have started asking human to prove that they are not robots”.-Anonymous

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“Violators cannot live with the truth: survivors cannot live without it. There are those who still, once again, are poised to invalidate and deny us. If we don’t assert our truth, it may again be relegated to fantasy. But the truth won’t go away. It will keep surfacing until it is recognized. Truth will outlast any campaigns mounted against it, no matter how mighty, clever, or long. It is invincible. It’s only a matter of which generation is willing to face it and, in so doing, protect future generations from ritual abuse.” (Chrystine Oksana)

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Opinion

When Men in Power Feel Threatened: Obiageli Ezekwesili vs Senator Nwebonyi

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By Oyinkan Andu

Nigerian politics has never been a bastion of decorum, but even by our standards, the recent Senate committee hearing was a spectacle. What was supposed to be a forum for governance quickly devolved into a verbal brawl, with Senator Nwebonyi launching into a tirade against former Minister of Education, Obiageli Ezekwesili The exchange—filled with name-calling and personal insults—was as telling as it was embarrassing.

If there’s one thing that rattles the political establishment in Nigeria, it’s an outspoken woman who knows what she’s talking about. And that’s exactly what Ezekwesili represents.

Power and Gender
This was not just a disagreement over policy. If it were, we would have seen a spirited debate backed by facts and counterarguments. Instead, we witnessed what has become a predictable pattern: a powerful woman challenging the system and being met not with logic but with derision.

Ezekwesili has built a career on holding power to account. From her time in government to her role in the Bring Back Our Girls movement, she has consistently pushed for transparency and justice. She is not known for being timid. But in Nigeria, confidence and competence in women are often seen as provocation rather than virtue.

Senator Nwebonyi’s outburst was not just about a disagreement—it was a performance. A warning. A reminder that no matter how qualified or respected a woman is, the political boys’ club will not hesitate to put her “in her place.”

A System Built to Humiliate Women in Power
We’ve seen this before. The Nigerian political arena is no stranger to public humiliations aimed at female leaders.

Dora Akunyili faced relentless attacks for daring to reform NAFDAC.

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was branded a “foreign agent” when she pushed for economic reforms.

Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan was suspended after speaking out against the Senate President.

It is the same old playbook: when women hold power to account, the response is not to engage—it is to attack.

The Spectacle Over Substance Problem
What makes this clash even more concerning is how quickly our political discourse is degenerating into theatre. Instead of focusing on policy, lawmakers are turning committee hearings into reality TV auditions, complete with shouting matches and insults. This is more than just bad optics—it’s dangerous.

One would expect that a senator, tasked with shaping the laws of a country, would at least have the intellectual stamina to engage in a meaningful debate. But apparently, that’s asking for too much.

Instead of challenging Ezekwesili on substance, Senator Nwebonyi opted for personal attacks—an age-old trick used by those who have run out of ideas. It’s almost as if logic took one look at the Senate chamber that day and quietly excused itself.

How does a man get elected to the highest lawmaking body in the country, only to behave like a schoolyard bully? Shouldn’t there be an entrance exam for basic reasoning before handing out Senate seats? Or at the very least, a crash course in How to Argue Without Embarrassing Yourself 101?

Perhaps the real problem is that Senator Nwebonyi was simply outmatched. In a battle of wits, he brought a dull spoon to a sword fight. And when words failed him, he defaulted to insults—because nothing exposes intellectual bankruptcy faster than resorting to name-calling.

The sad reality is that few will be surprised by what happened between Senator Nwebonyi and Obi Ezekwesili. Many will even justify it. But the question is: will we ever demand better?

Will we insist on a political culture where disagreements are debated, not reduced to playground insults?

Will we support women who dare to challenge the status quo instead of letting them be shouted down?

Will we hold those in power accountable for their actions instead of treating these moments as entertainment?

If we do not demand better, we will continue to see our political institutions degrade into arenas of ego and pettiness rather than governance. And if that happens, we can not act shocked when the country remains in a perpetual state of dysfunction.

The real scandal is not that a senator insulted Ezekwesili—it’s that this is what governance in Nigeria has become.

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President Tinubu’s Silence on Wike: A Calculated Gambit or Political Oversight?

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By Oyinkan Andu

Hours after the March 18 explosion on the Trans Niger Pipeline – which threatened to upend the transportation of 245,000 barrels of crude oil daily – President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took decisive action by declaring a state of emergency in Rivers State. The move was undeniably bold, but also deeply ironic.
Flashback to 2013, when Tinubu, then opposition leader, furiously condemned former President Goodluck Jonathan’s declaration of a state of emergency in parts of Northern Nigeria. He decried it as a “ploy to subvert constitutional democracy” and warned of its destructive consequences. While the 2013 emergency was aimed at addressing a genuine humanitarian crisis in the face of Boko Haram insurgency, the context now is starkly different – politically motivated turmoil in Rivers State, driven by the power struggle between President Tinubu’s allies.

The Dangers of a State of Emergency in the Niger Delta

Looking back at Nigeria’s history, it’s hard to ignore the dark shadows of military rule, where states of emergency were routinely invoked as political tools. Under military regimes from the 1960s to the 1990s, emergency powers were used to quell dissent and assert control, often at the cost of democratic freedoms. From General Yakubu Gowon’s administration, which invoked emergency rule during the Civil War, to Ibrahim Babangida’s deployment of the same tactic to suppress electoral uprisings, Nigeria has seen firsthand the dangers of turning to emergency rule in times of political unrest.

These authoritarian precedents have often led to deeper divisions and instability, fostering environments ripe for corruption and manipulation. President Tinubu’s potential misuse of the state of emergency in Rivers State echoes this troubling past, underscoring how history could repeat itself if Nigeria’s political elites continue to prioritise personal alliances over democratic principles.

History teaches that such measures often spark unintended consequences: renewed piracy, cultism, and an uptick in kidnappings. It threatens to undermine the peace painstakingly fostered by the Niger Delta Amnesty Program since 2009. The real danger? A resurgence of inter-militant warfare, as the Wike and Fubara factions, already drawing lines in the sand, could plunge the region into a new cycle of chaos and vendettas.

The real irony? Tinubu’s deafening silence on Nyesom Wike’s role in this mess. The man at the heart of the Rivers crisis, Wike, remains untouched by the political fallout, and yet his actions remain a looming shadow over the state’s governance. Why?

The Rivers State Crisis

To get a sense of the stakes, one must understand the underlying political drama that’s been unfolding in Rivers State. It all began with Wike’s choice of Siminalayi Fubara as his successor in 2023. What seemed like a smooth transition turned into an intense clash of egos and ambitions. Fubara, instead of toeing Wike’s line, started flexing his independence, particularly by resisting Wike’s influence from Abuja.

What followed? Political warfare.

Wike’s loyalists in the Rivers State House of Assembly attempted an impeachment of Fubara. In response, Fubara dissolved the assembly, triggering a constitutional crisis. Then, the Rivers House of Assembly complex mysteriously caught fire, sparking accusations of foul play. Fubara, in a rash display of misguided impunity, demolished the complex, citing safety concerns, but fuelling allegations of erasing evidence.
The more this drama unfolded, the more one figure remained untouchable: Wike.

Tinubu’s Selective Accountability

President Tinubu, however, has opted for a peculiar kind of selective accountability. He swiftly reprimanded Fubara, yet remained silent on Wike’s clear interference in the affairs of Rivers State. His silence is deafening, especially when PDP Governors openly criticised Wike’s destabilising influence. Why? Is Wike above reproach?
The silence, coupled with the fact that civil society groups and opposition figures have questioned President Tinubu’s inaction, has raised critical questions about whether Tinubu is playing favorites.

Nyesom Wike – The Untouchable

A plausible explanation for President Tinubu’s reluctance to confront Wike may lie in the realm of political debt. In the 2023 elections, Wike defied his own party, the PDP, and backed Tinubu’s presidential bid. This defection was pivotal in securing Rivers State for Tinubu. In return, Wike secured the cushy post of Minister for the Federal Capital Territory, further entrenching his influence.

The question now is whether President Tinubu is unable to hold Wike accountable due to this political debt. President Tinubu may view Wike’s support as indispensable for his broader 2027 political ambitions, particularly in neutralising the PDP and bolstering his hold in the South-South. But this kind of political manoeuvring is a dangerous gamble. By selectively punishing Fubara while allowing Wike to go unchallenged, Tinubu risks institutionalising a culture of impunity which directly challenges his Hope Renewed agenda.

Wike’s Troubling Track Record

Wike is no stranger to accusations of overreach and intimidation. During his tenure as Governor of Rivers State, his administration was plagued by Allegations of using security forces to silence opposition and undue influence over judicial matters to maintain his grip on power.

This history of excess, combined with President Tinubu’s blind eye, raises serious concerns about the future trajectory of governance in Rivers State—and Nigeria at large.

From Lagos to Rivers, powerful figures who control the strings of political fortunes in their states have often used this leverage to demand loyalty from political protégés. Wike’s unchecked influence could very well be a continuation of this political tradition, where the state apparatus bends to the will of the godfather, rather than the people.

The Broader Implications for Nigerian Democracy

The turbulence of Nigeria’s post-1999 civilian government era remains a cautionary tale. Though Nigeria made strides in its return to democracy, its political stability remains fragile. Many of the challenges faced in the post-1999 era — rigged elections, systemic violence, and political manipulation still persist and appear to be directly incompatible with the promised “Renewal” we voted for in the 2023 election, so why maintain the status quo? The failure to hold Wike accountable continues this troubling tradition of weak governance and selective justice. When Nigerian leaders are continuously carte blanche to act without consequence, it escalates a negative trajectory in an environment where impunity already flourishes. It also sets a dangerous precedent for other politicians, who might see the president’s inaction as an endorsement of their own ambitions, no matter how disruptive.

If President Tinubu continues to shield Wike from accountability, it could further erode the public’s trust in the rule of law and democratic institutions and the “hope” that’s already on life support might flatline entirely.

The longer he withholds action, the greater the cost—both for his credibility and for the future of Nigeria’s democracy.
As Nigeria watches, one thing is clear: silence in this case is not neutrality—it is complicity.

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Opinion

Akpoti-Uduaghan vs The System: A Battle for the Soul of Nigeria

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...Examining the Court’s Ruling on Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s Recall

By Oyinkan Andu

The Federal High Court’s decision to vacate the order restraining INEC from receiving recall petitions against Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan might seem like another legal technicality. But in Nigeria, where democracy often functions like a high-stakes chess game, it’s far more than that.

Yes, the ruling reaffirms the constitutional right of constituents to recall elected officials. But it also raises a pressing question: is this a legitimate expression of voter dissatisfaction or just another political tool wielded to neutralise opponents?

In a political landscape as ruthless as Nigeria’s, recall mechanisms can be easily weaponised. Imagine a system where every ambitious politician, backed by well-oiled interests, could trigger a recall simply to distract, destabilise, or discredit an opponent. That’s not democracy—that’s guerrilla warfare.

The courts, therefore, carry the weighty responsibility of ensuring that recalls serve the people, not political vendettas. While this ruling allows the petition process to proceed, INEC must still verify whether it meets legal standards. The real challenge? Ensuring the recall process remains a tool of accountability, not an instrument of sabotage.

A Battle Beyond the Courts

There’s an unspoken rule in Nigerian politics: women must play by different rules or risk being destroyed. Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is learning this the hard way.

When she accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment, the expected reaction should have been outrage, an investigation, something. Instead, she was swiftly suspended for six months—punished for daring to speak out in a system meticulously designed to silence women like her.

The backlash followed a familiar script. Yet, something unprecedented happened: many Nigerians rallied behind her.

For a country where high-profile accusations of sexual misconduct have historically met women with more backlash than justice, this shift was remarkable.

Consider Busola Dakolo’s case against Pastor Biodun Fatoyinbo—the backlash was so severe that she eventually fled the country briefly. The playbook is always the same: discredit, dismiss, destroy.

Yet, despite the growing support Akpoti-Uduaghan has received, scepticism remains.

Some immediately doubted her claims—not just out of political distrust, but because the truth can be too unsettling to confront. What if she’s pulling back the curtain on something too ugly to acknowledge? What if this is just the tip of the iceberg—a world where male politicians have long wielded power with unchecked impunity, protected by silence, complicity, and fear? Or worse still, what if some female politicians, past and present, have been coerced into submission, while others—women who could have reshaped Nigeria’s political landscape for the better—were cast aside and destroyed simply for refusing to play along?

Others dismissed her as yet another ambitious politician playing the game. They scrutinised everything—her privileged background, her past as a single mother, even her audacity to be politically ambitious.

But did they stop to ask: what if she’s telling the truth?

Her allegations don’t exist in a vacuum. Investigative reports from The Guardian and Al Jazeera have hinted at murmurings—and even documented claims—about Akpabio’s conduct. Former aides and political insiders have whispered about inappropriate behavior for years. But like so many before, these allegations were swept under the rug.

The same forces that fuel scepticism today—patriarchy, political self-interest, and distrust of authority—are the ones that have allowed such claims to be ignored in the past.

If history teaches us anything, it’s that impunity thrives in silence. And yet, silence is precisely what is expected of women in Nigerian politics.

Speaking Out Isn’t Just Hard—It’s Dangerous
Calling out powerful men in Nigeria doesn’t just lead to public humiliation—it’s a battle for survival. If Akpoti-Uduaghan is telling the truth, she isn’t just fighting for justice; she’s fighting for her future.

Women across Africa who challenge power rarely escape unscathed:

Fatou Jagne Senghore (Gambia) was persecuted for pushing gender rights.
Stella Nyanzi (Uganda) was jailed for calling out misogyny.
Joyce Banda (former President of Malawi) endured relentless smear campaigns simply for daring to lead.
Nigeria is no different. The system is designed to make women regret speaking up.

Why Is It So Hard to Believe Women?

Scepticism toward Akpoti-Uduaghan follows predictable lines. She’s a politician. In a system riddled with corruption, people assume any claim is a power move.

She’s privileged. Many believe wealth should shield a woman from harassment. In reality, privilege just makes her easier to discredit.
She’s a single mother. Nigerian society weaponises a woman’s personal life. Being unmarried or divorced is treated as a flaw, making her an easy target.
She’s up against a powerful man. This isn’t just any politician—Akpabio is the Senate President. This is a battle between an insider and an inconvenient woman.
In a system that prioritises the status quo, it’s always easier to believe a woman is lying than to confront the reality that a powerful man might be guilty.

A Nigerian #MeToo Moment?
Nigeria has dodged its #MeToo reckoning for years.

In 2017, the U.S. saw powerful men fall as women spoke out. In Nigeria, women who speak up are ridiculed, threatened, or erased.

Now, with Natasha’s case, we stand at a crossroads:

If she is lying, let the evidence prove it.
If she is telling the truth and is destroyed for it, what does that say about us as a society?Let’s us also give her the benefit of the doubt that she may not have planned to reveal this issue if her hand was not forced by the Senate presidents petty actions against her while undergoing her duties.
This isn’t just about Natasha. This is about every Nigerian woman who has been afraid to speak.

It’s why women’s groups chant “We Are All Natasha.” It’s not just a slogan—it’s a demand for change. If a senator can be silenced, what hope do ordinary women have?

Beyond Politics: This Is About Justice
Forget party lines. Forget personal opinions about Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. This is about justice.

What allegedly happened to her could happen to any woman—any woman who dares to say, “Enough.”

So will Nigeria listen? Or will we continue silencing women until they stop speaking altogether?

A Shifting Demographic Tide—And A Hopeful Future
There’s something the system isn’t ready for: women are becoming the majority.

Demographic studies show that across Africa, female populations are growing faster than male populations due to socio-economic factors. This shift could fundamentally change power dynamics.

A growing female electorate will demand better representation.
As women gain economic power, traditional gender roles will evolve.
A society that values female leadership is more likely to embrace justice, collaboration, and reform.

But change is never welcomed by those who benefit from the status quo. The very trend that could lead to a more equitable Nigeria is already provoking backlash.

The Real Battle: Will Nigeria Listen?
At its core, this is a battle over Nigeria’s future.

Will we continue a culture where speaking up comes at a cost too high to bear? Or will we seize this moment to redefine the standards of justice and power?

The courage of women who speak out must be celebrated, not condemned. Because if a senator, armed with privilege and power, can be silenced—what chance do the millions of silenced women stand?

And so, the question remains: Will Nigeria listen?

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