Opinion
The Oracle: Different People, Different Forms of Government (Pt.11)
Published
5 years agoon
By
Eric
By Chief Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
Last week, we discussed totalitarianism, capitalism and a bit of communism, as forms of government that run against the grain of democracy. Democracy appears to be the most popular and accepted form of government across the world. Readers, globally, have been urging me to continue with this enlightening project. I will therefore continue our discourse today with Communism and Aristocracy.
WHAT IS COMMUNISM? (continues)
The concept of communism revolves around the theory or system of social organization in which all property is owned by the community and each person contributes and receives according to their abilities and needs. Communism seeks to create a classless society in which the major means of production such as mines, mills, factories and natural resources are owned not by private individuals but the public.
Communism seeks to replace private ownership of properties, and control the means of production and the absence of social classes, money and the state. Propagated by Karl Marx, communism believes that inequality and suffering actually resulted from capitalism. According to its protagonists, communism is actually a higher advanced form of socialism. Communism is thus regarded as “revolutionary socialism” of Karl Marx.
KARL MARX AND COMMUNISM
Karl Marx, a 19th century thinker and writer often tended to use the terms communism and socialism interchangeably. In his book, “Critique of Gotha Programme” (1875), Marx actually identified two phases of communism that would replace or overthrown capitalism. The first phase would be a transitional system where the working class would control government and economy; and yet, still find it necessary to pay citizen according to how long, head or well they worked.
The second phase would be one where communism is fully realized. This would be the phase where there is no class division, or even government. In this phase, the production and distribution of goods would be based upon the principle of “from each according to his ability; to each according his needs”. This distinction was later to be copied by many Marxists, including Russian Russian’s revolutionary “Vladimir Lenin”
ORIGIN OF COMMUNISM
The term “communism” came into focus in the 1840s. But Communist societies had been described as far back as the 4th century BCE, when the great Philosopher, Plato, wrote the “Republic”. Plato had described an idea society in which the governing class serves only the interest of the entire community. This system was practised by the first set of Christians. In his book, Utopia (1516), the English Humanist, Thomas More, envisaged an imaginary society in which use of money is abolished, while all the people shall houses, meals, clothes, and other goods.
Communism was however populated by Karl Marx, who carefully outlined this system of government with Fredrich Engels in the book, “The Communist Manifesto”, written in 1848. Marx’s embrace of communism was partly ignited by the inequalities caused by the industrial revolution.
Lenin was later to argue in his “State and Revolution” book (1917) that socialism corresponded with Marx’s first phase of communism, why communism proper was that achieved in the second phase.
Lenin and the Bolsheviks reinforced this distinction in 1918 (a year after they seized power in Russia). This is why communism is always identifies with the now defunct Soviet Union. It was later adopted by the People’s Republic of China.
Thus, for much of the 20th century, about one-third of the entire world’s population was governed by communist regimes, usually single party that brooded no dissent or plurality of voices. Party leaders institutionalized command economies, in which the state controlled properly while bureaucrats determined wages, prices and other means of production and distribution of services and goods.
These systems were grossly inefficient, leading to their eventual breakdown.
Today, only China, Cuba, Laos and Vietnam, practice communism, even with full adulteration of the original Marxist ideology. Marx, Lenin and Stalin would chuckle in their graves at this form of communism.
It is thus clear that Marxism was targeted at abolishing the bourgeoisie (who owned the means of production and earned surplus profit) and replace it with the Proletariat (who sold their labour to the bourgeoisie). Leon Trotsky opposed Stalinism, but embraced Leninism. Maoism (named after Chinese leader Mao Zedong) was crafted after Marxism-Leninism.
For years, in the Western world, many of the young and even some not so young, were attracted by the communist ideology. But, persistent bad news seeping out of many communist lands and the one-way flow of refugees has left many disillusioned.
Communism has been criticized from the angle of historical materialism. It is viewed as a kind of historical determinism, which suppresses liberal democratic rights and the distortion of price signal.
ARISTOCRACY
“Government by the nobility, a privileged minority, or an elite class thought best qualified to rule.”
The argument of proponents of this form of government is that it is logical that the best kind of government would result if it was composed only of the best people. To this school of thought, the best people are better educated, more qualified, and more competent, and therefore better able to lead others. Even at that, an aristocratic government headed by such an elite class may still be one of different genre. For example, it could be rule by the wealthy called a plutocracy. It could be rule by the clergy known as a theocracy. It may boil down to rule by government officials, called a bureaucracy.
In the past, many primitive societies, under the rulership of tribal elders or chiefs, were aristocracies. At one time or another, some countries such as Rome, England, and Japan, to name but three, all had aristocratic governments. In ancient Greece, the word “aristocracy” was used in reference to the city-states, or poleis, in which a small group governed. Often a number of prominent families shared power amongst themselves. In some cases, however, single families seized power illegally and set up a more tyrannical type of rule of other families considered less powerful.
Athens like other Greek city states, was originally an aristocracy. However, as cultural changes weakened class distinctions and disrupted its unity, the city was forced to take on democratic forms. Sparta, for example, on the other hand, was reputedly founded in the ninth century B.C. It was ruled by a military oligarchy. The city of Sparta soon rivaled the much older Athens, and both cities fought for supremacy of the Greek world of their time. It was virtually a “fight-to-finish”. Thus, rule by the many, as in Athens, came into intense conflict with rule by the few, as in Sparta. Of course, their rivalry was quite complex, because it involved more than just a disagreement about government.
WHY AND HOW A NOBLE IDEAL WAS PERVERTED
Political differences were often the subject of philosophical arguments among early Greek philosophers. Plato’s former student, Aristotle, made a distinction between aristocracies and oligarchies. He classified pure aristocracy as a good form of government, a noble ideal that enabled persons with special abilities and high morals to devote themselves to public service for the benefit of others. He argued however, that when headed by an oppressive and selfish elite, a pure aristocracy which is ordinarily good, deteriorated into an unjust oligarchy. This, he canvassed, was a perverted form of government having departed from the nobility and morality of pure and ideal aristocracy.
While advocating rule by ‘the best,’ Aristotle even admitted that combining aristocracy with democracy would probably produce the desired results, an idea that still appeals to some political thinkers till date. In fact, the ancient Romans actually did combine these two forms of government with some measure of success. “Politics [in Rome] was everyone’s affair,” says The Collins Atlas of World History. Nevertheless, at the same time, “the richest citizens and those who were fortunate enough to be high born formed an oligarchy which shared out among itself, the offices of magistrate, military commander and priest.”
Interestingly, even in late medieval and early modern history, European urban centres combined democratic and aristocratic elements in their government. Says Collier’s Encyclopedia: “The extremely conservative Venetian Republic, which Napoleon finally overthrew, provides the classic example of such an oligarchy; but the Free Cities of the Holy Roman Empire, the cities of the Hanseatic League, and the chartered towns of England and western Europe reveal the same general tendencies toward tight oligarchial control by a relatively small but proud and highly cultured patriciate [aristocracy].”
The argument has been powerfully advanced, and with some strong justification, that all governments are in every case aristocratic in nature, since all of them actually strive to have the best qualified people in charge. The concept of a ruling class, till date, has served to strengthen this view. Some reference work has therefore posited that, “Ruling class and elite are becoming synonymous terms to describe as actual what Plato and Aristotle argued for as ideal.”
SEARCHING FOR “THE BEST”
In ancient China under the royal house of Chou, centuries before these Greek philosophers made their appearance on the stage, a feudal society (based on lords and vassals) was already bringing a measure of stability and peace to ancient China. But after 722 B.C.E, during what is called the “Ch’un Ch’iu period”, the feudal system incrementally weakened. In the last part of this period, a new elite emerged, composed of people regarded as the former “gentlemen”. These people had served in feudal households, one who were descendants of the old nobility. Members of this new elite moved into key government positions. Confucius, the renowned Chinese sage, as The New Encyclopedia Britannica points out, stressed that “ability and moral excellence, rather than birth, were what fitted a man for leadership.” Confucius many words on marble litter our moral and leadership landscapes.
However, over two thousand years later in Europe, the process of picking the elite, those best qualified to rule, had little to do with “ability and moral excellence.” Harvard professor, Carl J. Friedrich, notes that “the elite in aristocratic England of the eighteenth century was an elite based primarily on blood descent and riches. The same thing was true in Venice.” He adds: “In some countries such as eighteenth-century Prussia, the elite was based on blood descent and military prowess.”
This idea that the good qualities of ‘better people’ were necessarily passed on to their offsprings, accounts for the closely-knot marriage practices of monarchs in the past. During the Middle Ages, the idea of biological superiority prevailed. To marry a commoner was abominable, as it amounted to polluting and diluting the nobleness of the clan. This was offensive to divine law. Monarchs were therefore obliged to marry only those of noble birth. This idea of strict biological superiority later gave way to a more rationalized and accepted justification, that of a superiority based on better opportunities, education, talents, or achievements. (To be continued).
FUN TIMES
There are two sides to every coin. Life itself contains not only the good, but also the bad and the ugly. Let us now explore these.
“A TEACHER asked a student in a Warri School
What is ‘2’ raised to power ‘5?
The student stood up and replied
Wetin ‘2’ dey raise power for ‘5’? Dem be mate? ‘2’ leave ‘3’, ‘4’ come dey raise power for ‘5’. Him wan die? Him no know say ‘5’ use three years senior am?”
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
The theory of Communism may be summed up in one sentence: Abolish all private property. (Karl Marx).
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Opinion
GLO and the Democratization of Communication in Nigeria
Published
1 hour agoon
June 13, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
Glo, the “Digital Oxygen” of Nigeria’s Democracy
As Nigeria marked Democracy Day on June 12, it is important to celebrate not only our democratic journey as a nation, but also institutions whose values and contributions reflect the very essence of democracy.
In Nigeria’s telecommunications industry, Glo stands out as arguably the most democratic network. Democracy thrives on inclusion, accessibility, equal opportunity, participation, and the empowerment of the people. Since its inception, Glo has consistently demonstrated these ideals through its commitment to making communication affordable and accessible to millions of Nigerians.
By pioneering competitive tariffs, affordable data services, and innovative products tailored to the needs of ordinary citizens, Glo helped break barriers to communication and brought connectivity within reach of people across different social and economic backgrounds. In doing so, it democratized access to information, knowledge, and opportunities in an increasingly digital world.
This commitment has been tested in recent times. Following the Nigerian Communications Commission’s approval of a 50 percent tariff adjustment across the telecommunications industry in 2025, operators were compelled to review their pricing structures. Yet Glo’s response reflected a people-first philosophy even amid economic pressure. Through generous data bundles, rollover benefits, value-back offers on MiFi devices, and bonus data packages, the company sought to cushion the impact on subscribers. While the industry generally moved toward higher costs, Glo worked to ensure that communication remained within the reach of ordinary Nigerians, staying true to the democratic principle that access should never be reserved for a privileged few.
Glo’s democratic approach extends beyond pricing to infrastructure development. Its 2025–2026 network modernization programme, which involved the deployment of over a thousand new 4G LTE sites, spectrum expansion, and the reconstruction of critical fibre routes, has been particularly noteworthy for its focus on underserved rural communities as well as densely populated urban centres such as markets and educational institutions. Democracy is not merely about serving those already at the centre of power; it is about extending opportunity to those at the margins. By expanding connectivity to communities that have historically been overlooked by telecommunications infrastructure, Glo has quietly been democratizing not only communication but also access to the digital future.
A key pillar of any true democracy is the protection and promotion of freedom of speech and expression. Through its reliable and affordable network, Glo has empowered millions of Nigerians to express their views, share ideas, engage in public discourse, and connect with others without being constrained by cost or access. This is not an abstract principle. It is reflected daily in the WhatsApp groups, Facebook communities, online forums, and citizen-led conversations that increasingly shape Nigeria’s political and social discourse. From grassroots town hall engagements to real-time reactions during elections and national debates, Glo provides a platform through which citizens exercise one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society.
Furthermore, Glo’s unwavering support for local content, Nigerian talents, sports, entertainment, and entrepreneurship reflects its belief in creating opportunities for people to succeed and contribute meaningfully to national development. From its long-standing sponsorship of football competitions to its investment in Nigerian music, Nollywood, and homegrown entrepreneurial initiatives, Glo has consistently amplified Nigerian voices and celebrated Nigerian excellence. This commitment to empowering individuals mirrors the democratic principle of broad participation and shared progress.
As we honour the heroes of June 12 and reflect on the sacrifices that paved the way for democratic governance in Nigeria, Glo deserves recognition as a corporate institution that has consistently advanced the values of inclusion, accessibility, empowerment, and freedom of expression. In many respects, Glo has done for communication what democracy seeks to do for governance: place power in the hands of the people.
As Nigeria celebrates Democracy Day, Glo stands not merely as a telecom provider but as a symbol of inclusion, accessibility, and empowerment. In connecting millions of Nigerians to one another and to the world, it has helped deepen democratic participation and amplify the voices of ordinary citizens. It is more than a network. It is more than “unlimited.” It is “digital oxygen” that keeps Nigeria’s democratic conversation alive.
Happy Democracy Day, Nigeria.
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The morning sun streamed through the stained-glass windows of the Anglican Church of Transformation Hall, casting patches of amber and gold across the gathered crowd. Mothers clutched small bouquets—it was Mother’s Day—and children fidgeted in their seats, unaware that history was about to be made in their midst.
At the podium stood Sunny Irakpo, his hands steady on the lectern, his voice carrying the weight of nearly two decades of quiet war. Not a war of soldiers or bombs, but one fought with pamphlets, school visits, rehabilitation talks, and now—something far greater.
Before him sat bishops in clerical collars, doctors in tailored suits, community leaders in colorful Nigerian attire, and ordinary men and women who had crossed oceans for a better life. They had come to witness the unveiling of the SILEC International Magazine (SIM)—the first global media platform dedicated exclusively to reporting drug-related issues across Africa, the United States, and beyond.
“Just like a SIM device is important to a phone,” Sunny began, his voice warm yet resolute, “imagine one with a sophisticated phone without a SIM. Such a phone will be useless. Therefore, SIM is a solution provider—an enabler designed to bring value, reset mindsets, and create a global platform bold enough to revolutionize the media ecosystem.”
The room leaned in.
Three hours earlier, Revd. Canon Paul Obike had opened the ceremony with a prayer and a smile. The anchor Venerable Shola Ogbedebi , He looked out at the sea of faces—mothers, especially, whom he thanked for their invisible labor of raising children in a world saturated with temptation.
“Sunny Irakpo,” Ogbedebi had said, “is a courageous young man with strong passion and zeal, championing a worthy cause that has taken the lives of many promising youth in Nigeria, the United States, and across the globe. He is a trailblazer. A strong voice that keeps shaping policy direction.”
The audience had applauded, some wiping tears. They knew the statistics. They had buried nephews, cousins, sons.
Now, as Sunny continued his address, he moved from metaphor to mission.
“SILEC International Magazine is not just a publication,” he said. “It will drive awareness, create employment opportunities for young people, and support underprivileged students—particularly in Nigeria, where more than twenty million children remain out of school due to financial hardship.”
He paused, letting the number settle.
“Twenty million.”
A murmur rippled through the hall.
Sunny spoke of the vision conceived years ago, held in his heart like a pregnancy carried through contraction and pain. “When a child eventually escapes the womb, the mother leaps for joy,” he said. “Today, I stand in solidarity as a mother—not by pregnancy, but by conception of ideas that could help proffer solutions to the many problems confronting mankind. This is my joy: that baby SIM is birthed to the world today, in a country where dreams come through.”
He invoked Habakkuk 2:2—write the vision and make it plain—and reminded the gathering that a child’s raising belongs not only to its parents but to the entire community. “So it is for this newborn, named SIM,” he said. “I call for your collective nurturing.”
The statistics he shared were stark.
A United Nations report from 2025 stated that 316 million people worldwide were affected by drugs. Nearly half a million deaths annually. Twenty-eight million healthy years of life lost. In 2023, only one in twelve people with drug use disorders received any treatment.
In the United States, over one million people between the ages of eighteen and forty-five had died from drugs.
But it was Africa that Sunny named as the emerging frontline. “The new market,” he said quietly. “Seventy percent of young people. In Nigeria, according to UNODC, 14.4 million people aged fifteen to sixty-four abused drugs and substances as of 2018—significantly higher than the global average. Those aged eighteen to thirty-nine remain the worst users today.”
He did not shout. He did not need to. The numbers screamed for themselves.
Then came the moment the room had been waiting for.
The Chairman of the occasion, The Rt. Revd. Dr. Augustine Unuigbe—Coordinating Bishop of the Church of Nigeria North America Mission and Managing Director of Rapha Medical Group—rose from his seat. He was a tall man with gentle eyes and the steady hands of a physician.
“As a medical doctor,” Bishop Unuigbe said, stepping to the podium, “I have seen firsthand cases of drug overdose. I have watched young people slip away on hospital beds, their parents wailing in corridors. The drug problem and overdose deaths in the United States are underreported—for reasons I cannot ascertain. But time has come for the message to be louder.”
He turned to look directly at Sunny.
“My path and Sunny Irakpo crossed on social media,” the bishop continued. “I did not know Sunny from Adam. What brought us together is divine connection. In 2021, met him physically when the Primate of All Nigeria, the Most Rt. Dr. Henry Chukwudum Ndukuba, invited Sunny to present a paper at the Standing Committee meeting—the highest decision-making body of the Church of Nigeria, Anglican Communion. His presentation on ‘The Monster of Drug Addiction: A Battle for the Future’ was educative, revealing, and commendable.”
The bishop’s voice deepened. “My association and endorsement of SILEC Initiatives is based on the credible platform and the carrier of the message—Sunny Irakpo—who has shown serious commitment for nearly two decades. This young man deserves all the support and encouragement to propagate the message farther.”
He placed his hand on a tablet connected to a large screen. “I now unveil the SILEC International Magazine—electronically, with Artificial Intelligence tools for the campaign ideology—to the glory of God and benefit of humanity.”
The screen flickered to life. The magazine’s website appeared: crisp, modern, alive with stories. A video montage played—interviews with recovered addicts, profiles of resilient entrepreneurs, reports from Nigerian villages where schoolrooms stood empty. The audience watched in rapt silence.
Then they rose. They clapped. Some wept.
Dr. Inua Momodu, President of the Nigerian Community in Atlantic County, New Jersey, seized the moment. “Drug abuse affects almost every household,” he said. “Everyone must be involved in this fight to save the lives of young people. The Nigerian community under my leadership will continue to support SILEC Initiatives with effective collaboration.”
Distinguished guests nodded firmly from the front row. Besides, Angels In Motion ably represented by Laura Rhodes whispered to a colleague: We need to partner with them.
Before closing, Sunny Irakpo turned to the mothers in the room. It was, after all, their day.
“Dear mothers,” he said, “your roles in family and nation-building cannot be overemphasized. Sadly, in the cause of my advocacy, I have seen women deeply engaged in drug abuse and illicit trafficking. The most despicable act is using their most revered private parts to conceal drugs. One out of four females is now a drug abuser.”
The room grew very still.
“We urge our mothers to hold firm the values that help shape society. Tighten the home front. Help prevent our wards from this destructive path.”
He paused, and his voice softened.
“In loving memory, I remember today the sacrifices of my late parents—Pa Christopher Ewomarevia and Mrs. Victoria Adiheji Irakpo—for the value of education and godly parenting they implanted in me. They started this vision of SILEC with me in 2010. It pleased God that they did not witness this very important occasion. But I give God all the glory. May their kind souls continue to rest in peace.”
The ceremony ended with Reverend Ohio Simire offering the vote of thanks, followed by closing prayers from Bishop Unuigbe. As the crowd filed out into the New Jersey afternoon, phones buzzed with notifications—the live stream had reached thousands across three continents.
Outside, a young woman approached Sunny Irakpo. She was perhaps twenty-two, her eyes red-rimmed.
“My brother overdosed last year,” she said quietly. “He was nineteen.”
Sunny placed a hand on her shoulder. “Then we do this for him,” he said. “And for all the others.”
She nodded, and for the first time that day, she smiled.
Somewhere, a SIM card connects a phone to the world. And somewhere else, a newborn magazine called SIM began connecting broken stories to hope—one page, one life, one truth at a time. Oh, what a magazine you must get with just a click from your phone at www.sim.silecinitiatives.org.ng . SILEC is rising, SILEC International Magazine, the global light.
Article contributed by Kwame Jamal
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Opinion
When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection
Published
3 days agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Shakirat Akintola
For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.
Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.
Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.
To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.
A Referendum on Lived Realities
The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.
The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.
Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.
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