Opinion
The State of the Nation and the People’s Constitution
Published
5 years agoon
By
Eric
By Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, CFR, FCI Arb (UK)
1. Introduction
This topic raises two fundamental issues, namely: the state of the nation which examines contemporary issues agitating the minds of Nigerians, and how those issues can be addressed in the context of a peoples Constitution that satisfies the wishes and aspirations of the people. I therefore wish to proceed by providing a synopsis of some of the major contemporary issues of concern in the nation and thereafter examine how the constitution can be made to address the challenges and accommodate the diverse interests in the polity.
2. The State of the Nation and Contemporary Challenges of the Nigerian State
The Nigerian State is presently plagued by a myriad of issues which have the potential of shaking the very foundation upon which the state is built. While, for want of time and space, it may not be possible to interrogate each and every issue, I consider it pertinent to mention the following:
(i) The Structure of the State and Devolution of Powers
One of the contemporary issues that have raised agitations from different sections of the country is the perceived lopsidedness in the power sharing arrangement between the various tiers of government especially between the federal and state governments. It is contended that the sphere of the federal government is too large to the extent that it negates the federal principle of unity in diversity. Nigerians desire a federation where the constituent units (States) of the federation enjoy the autonomy of dealing with issues that are peculiar to them and controlling their development priorities. Arising from this feeling of a lopsided power sharing arrangement are the calls for restructuring of the federation; devolution of powers from the central to the state’s governments in areas such as control of the police and the attendant need for State Police to address the serious challenge of insecurity plaguing Nigeria; control of resources within the country and generally, the granting of greater autonomy to the states in the political, social and economic spheres. There is the need for the constitution to be framed in such a manner as to accommodate these diverse views.
(ii) Resource Control Agitations
Proponents of resource control draw inferences from the provisions sections 134 and 140 of the 1960 and 1963 Constitutions, respectively to contend that the constituent units of the federation once enjoyed greater control over their resources than what obtained under the 1979 Constitution and the current1999 Constitutions. Agitators in this regard readily point to a time when the regions controlled almost 50 per cent of the resources within their regions and contributed to the running of the central government. They recall that the regions at this stage of the nation’s history, enjoyed greater development in accordance with their priorities, diversities and peculiarities. They thus contend that the over concentration of resources at the centre (a carryover from military rule) has weakened the states and rendered them ineffective as federating units. The 13 per cent derivation principle in the Constitution is also considered by proponents of resource control, especially from mineral bearing communities to be inadequate.
This has come for these issues to be examined holistically with a view to addressing these challenges. Arising from such feelings are the calls for fiscal federalism, changes in the revenue sharing formula, demand for greater equity stake for oil-bearing communities in the Petroleum Industry Bill, etc. They contend that it is only a people’s constitution that can assuage them by addressing these concerns.
(iii) Political Marginalisation
The growing feelings of marginalization across the country have their roots in the perception that certain sections of the country are being unduly favoured at the expense of others in the allocation of resources, political patronage and government support using common resources, which ought to be enjoyed, by all sections of the country. There is therefore a palpable feeling of lack of inclusiveness in governance and unfair distribution of political patronage and resources of the federation. This has become so pronounced as to justify the perception that it is only when the political leadership hails from a particular state or geopolitical zone that the socio-political and economic prosperity of the State or geopolitical zone would be guaranteed. This has manifested in the calls for an Igbo president, southwest president, northern president, president from the middle-belt, south-south president, and wide spread condemnation of perceived lopsided political appointments, (Ministers and heads of the various MDAs) in Nigeria.
The cries of political marginalisation are not limited to geopolitical considerations, but extend also to the religious divide within the country, especially between Christians and Muslims. This is more so as the federal character principle in the Constitution has not been able to address these concerns to the satisfaction of all either on account of poor implementation or abuse to the detriment of other sections of the country. Thus, it is not uncommon to hear of a Christian or Muslim president in the conversations on where the political leadership of the country should come from. These demands based on ethnicity and religion have the potential of overshadowing the need for merit in the system. The calls for rotational presidency between the North and South or amongst the 6 geopolitical zones of the country, multiple vice Presidency, Christian/Moslem tickets etc. are examples of how deeply these issues have eaten into the fabric of the society. The country is therefore in search of some form of political engineering that will ensure that these diverse views are accommodated in the constitution.
(iv) Separatist Agitations
The logical fallout from the pervading feeling of marginalisation in the polity are separatist agitations, which have given rise to movements of various types calling for the separation of their enclaves from the Nigerian state as presently constituted. These groups express the feeling that they are not being fairly treated in the federation and strongly assert that time has come for them to take their collective destiny in their hands by creating their own republics. Thus, we now have increased calls for Biafra and Oduduwa republics, amongst others to be carved out of Nigeria. While the right to self-determination is a universally acknowledged right, section 2(1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended provides that “Nigeria shall be one indivisible and indissoluble Sovereign State “. The question arises as to what extent the constitution has provided for the enjoyment of the right to self-determination with this seemingly iron cast provision. How can the feelings of these separatist agitators be accommodated within the existing constitutional framework? The recent arrest of Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday Adeyemo (Igboho) on account of their pursuit of separatist agenda has brought these issues to the fore.
3. Towards Addressing Nigeria’s Contemporary Challenges
Nigerians have proffered different solutions to our national challenges/questions which include but are not limited to poor governance, insecurity, a poor democratic culture, weak institutions, mismanagement of the nation’s diversity, marginalisation, etc,. There is a need to develop a constitutional framework that adequately addresses these concerns in a manner that offers sufficient comfort to the various segments of the country. I believe this can be achieved through the process of making a people’s constitution and enthronement of good governance in the polity.
(i) The People’s Constitution
A large segment of the Nigerian population holds the view that much of the nation’s malaise stems from the Constitution. They posit that had a people’s constitution been in place, such a constitution would have addressed all the challenges being experienced in the country. They readily assert that the 1999 Constitution is neither autochthonous (i.e home grown)), nor produced by the people themselves. They see it as having been imposed on the people by the military. The proponents of this view refer to the preamble to the constitution which states that “We the People of the Federal republic of Nigeria having firmly and solemnly resolved…” as fraudulent, since the ‘people’ were not consulted by the military before the constitution was enacted. They also point to the absence of a Constituent Assembly made up of elected representatives of the people or a referendum that could have validated the constitution.
A peoples’ Constitution also refers to the ownership of the Constitution. This means that the populace must identify with it and as a prelude to doing so, it follows that they must understand it. It should not be a document seen as belonging to ‘’government’’ as it were. What then should be the process of forging such a constitution; a process led constitution etc. In some climes, it begins with the language of the constitution. It is written in the indigenous language of the people. For example, the original language of the Tanzanian Constitution is Swahili which all Tanzanians see as theirs. South Africa’s Constitution is translated into the indigenous languages in the country. Admittedly, the diversity of languages in Nigeria makes this well-nigh impossible here! Ultimately, a people’s constitution must be the product of serious dialogue about the foundations of the state (which are rather shaky as shown by the agitations already discussed) and negotiations about the terms for going forward (the nature and structure etc).
To deal with some of what can rightly be termed contemporary issues relating to the state of the nation, President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, convoked a Constitutional Conference in 2014 to deliberate on the Constitution with a view to distilling areas of common agreement that would form the basis of a new constitution or amendment to the existing constitution. However, the report of the conference could not be fully implemented before the end of his tenure. The National Assembly (7th, 8th and 9th Assemblies) also initiated moves to amend the constitution to reflect the wishes and aspirations of the people with varying degrees of success. The 1st -4th Alteration to the Constitution has shown that with the requisite political will, the elected representatives of the people can play an important role in the evolution of a people’s constitution. However, the amendments so far undertaken appear to fall short of the expectations of the people as calls for devolution of powers, fiscal federalism, state police, etc still flourish. This has led to renewed calls for a holistic review of the constitution and enactment of a people’s constitution as a panacea for dealing with our urgent concerns such as political marginalisation (by means of such formulae as rotational presidency or multiple vice presidency among others) to allay the fears of the minority groups and ethnic nationalities who feel that the present arrangement does not guarantee them access to political offices needed to advance the interest of their people within the federation.
The pertinent question that arises is how to ensure that a people’s constitution is enacted. This in turn spawns’ other questions. Will the mere convoking of a sovereign national conference to discuss all the contending issues in the federation suffice? What should be the role of the National Assembly in the constitution- making process? Do we still need to convoke a Sovereign National Conference with an elected National Assembly in place? Closely related to this issue is the question as to whether a constitution made by the National Assembly needs to be subjected to a referendum to ascertain that it emanates from the people? Furthermore, having come together to make the peoples constitution, should the Constitution contain provisions for dealing with the separatist agitations of the people who may no longer wish to be part of the federation? These are pertinent questions that Nigerians must answer in our quest to evolve a people’s constitution.
(ii) Good governance
Apart from the constitution (whether autochthonous or not), there are Nigerians who hinge the nation’s challenges on the lack of good governance. To this school of thought, separatist agitators, resource control agitations, political marginalisation etc, are mere symptoms of lack of good governance. They contend that if Nigeria had good governance, all these agitations would disappear. They draw examples from some advanced democracies where successive presidents have sometimes come from one family without a care from the people. To this school of thought, our priority should be to enthrone good governance in the polity. For them, this is the panacea for dealing with the myriad of problems besetting the country.
This leads logically to the real indices of good governance. There is no denying the serious problems of grinding poverty and its many manifestations such as inadequate shelter or even homelessness, food insecurity; serious levels of unemployment. In addition, the phenomenon of ‘out of school children that is rampant in some parts of the country means there is a whole ‘army’ of potential criminals out there. All of these factors contribute to the insecurity in the land. Further in the matter of education, the very obvious drop in the standard and quality of education in the land bodes no one any good.
The Nigerian Constitution does provide some kind of blueprint for good governance that seeks to address some of these concerns in the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy in Chapter 2. It is however limited by its non-justiciability. A peoples’ Constitution should rethink this. The South African Constitution merges them with the Bill of Rights. The relevance of these provisions as well as the priority to be accorded them is underscored by the Sustainable Development Goals of the United Nations and their target date of 2030. The 17 goals set for the nations of the world (including Nigeria) capture the expectations of the citizens of every country from their governments and in sum approximate to good governance. There is a need for the legislature and the Executive to take them seriously.
Ghana’s Constitution mandates the Executive to report annually to the Legislature on what has been done to further the attainment of the Fundamental Objectives. Nigeria’s Executive and Legislature can be constitutionally compelled to do the same. There is no doubt that financial constraints will make it difficult for the State to meet these Objectives easily. An incremental approach to attaining them is therefore a way out. This means that proper planning with adequate timelines will be embarked upon for the purpose and these would be reported upon appropriately.
(iii) The Leadership Recruitment process
Closely related to the problem of the absence of good governance is the leadership recruitment process, which many Nigerians contend is less than satisfactory. It is argued that if the leadership process is more inclusive and people oriented, the right kind of political leadership that will be accountable to the people will emerge. It is also argued that such leadership will govern well and, in the process, reduce the prevailing tension in the country. Specific issues to address in this regard are elections and the law governing them. The credibility and independence of the electoral umpire to take proper charge of elections must be guaranteed to ensure the transparency and credibility of elections. Any attempt at stifling the electoral umpire and fettering its discretion in the exercise of its power to organize and manage elections will not be in the best interests of the people. A peoples Constitution should be able to meet this requirement.
4. Conclusion
In conclusion, it should be appreciated that the myriad of problems facing the country requires delicate political engineering. This can be achieved through a combination of a constitution that works for the people (able to accommodate all the competing interests and diversities) and good governance on the part of the political leadership. This is because enacting a people’s constitution alone will not suffice. Nigerians must also embark on a process of recruiting the right political leaders who will work towards making a people’s constitution capable of enthroning good governance, transparency and accountability in the polity. Social justice and equity in the distribution of political offices and resources remain potent factors that a peoples’ constitution should provide for Nigeria. This will eliminate or reduce to the barest minimum, the present separatist agitations in the country.
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Opinion
How an Organist Can Live a More Fulfilling Life
Published
4 days agoon
February 23, 2026By
Eric
By Tunde Shosanya
It is essential for an Organist to live a fulfilling life, as organ playing has the capacity to profoundly and uniquely impact individuals. There is nothing inappropriate about an Organist building their own home, nor is it unlawful for an Organist to have a personal vehicle. As Organists, we must take control of our own futures; once again, while our certificates hold value, organ playing requires our expertise. We should not limit ourselves to what we think we can accomplish; rather, we should chase our dreams as far as our minds permit. Always keep in mind, if you have faith in yourself, you can achieve success.
There are numerous ways for Organists to live a more fulfilling and joyful life; here are several suggestions:
Focus on your passion. Set an example, and aim for daily improvement.
Be self-reliant and cultivate harmony with your vicar.
Speak less and commit to thinking and acting more.
Make choices that bring you happiness, and maintain discipline in your professional endeavors.
Help others and establish achievable goals for yourself.
Chase your dreams and persist without giving up.
“Playing as an Organist in a Church is a gratifying experience; while a good Organist possesses a certificate, it is the skills in organ playing that truly matter” -Shosanya 2020
Here are 10 essential practices for dedicated Organists…
1) Listen to and analyze organ scores.
2) Achieve proficiency in sight reading.
3) Explore the biographies of renowned Organists and Composers.
4) Attend live concerts.
5) Record your performances and be open to feedback.
6) Improve your time management skills.
7) Focus on overcoming your weaknesses.
8) Engage in discussions about music with fellow musicians.
9) Study the history of music and the various styles of organ playing from different Organists.
10) Take breaks when you feel fatigued. Your well-being is vital and takes precedence over organ playing.
In conclusion, as an Organist, if you aspire to live towards a more fulfilling life in service and during retirement, consider the following suggestions.
1) Plan for the future that remains unseen by investing wisely.
2) Prioritize your health and well-being.
3) Aim to save a minimum of 20 percent of your monthly salary.
4) Maintain your documents in an organized manner for future reference.
5) Contribute to your pension account on a monthly basis.
6) Join a cooperative at your workplace.
7) Ensure your life while you are in service.
8) If feasible, purchase at least one plot of land.
9) Steer clear of accumulating debt as you approach retirement.
10) Foster connections among your peers.
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Opinion
The Power of Strategy in the 21st Century: Unlocking Extraordinary Possibilities (Pt. 2)
Published
6 days agoon
February 21, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD
“In Nigeria, strategy is not an abstraction imported from elsewhere—it is forged daily in the crucible of reality. Here, global principles meet local truths, and the strategies that work are those humble enough to learn from both. The future of this nation will be written not by those who wait for solutions, but by those who create them from the raw materials of our own experience” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
Introduction: Why Strategy Matters More Than Ever
There was a time when strategy meant creating a detailed plan and sticking to it for years. You would map everything out, follow the steps, and expect success to follow. That world no longer exists.
Today, change happens too fast for rigid plans. Industries transform overnight. Skills that were valuable last year become obsolete. Global events ripple through local economies in ways we could never predict. In this environment, strategy has evolved into something more dynamic—less about predicting the future and more about building the capacity to navigate it successfully.
This is the power of 21st-century strategy. It helps individuals chart meaningful careers in uncertain times. It enables businesses to thrive despite constant disruption. It allows nations to build prosperity that outlasts any single administration.
Nowhere is this more evident than in Nigeria. Here, strategy is not an abstract exercise. It is a daily necessity. Nigerians navigate unreliable infrastructure, policy shifts, and economic volatility while pursuing their ambitions. The strategies that work here are not imported from textbooks. They are forged in the reality of local experience—blending global knowledge with gritty, on-the-ground wisdom.
This exploration looks at how strategy works at three levels in Nigeria: for the person trying to build a meaningful life, for the business striving to grow, and for the nation working to secure its future.
Part One: For the Nigerian People—Redefining Success in a Changing World
The Old Promise That No Longer Holds
Not long ago, the path to a good life seemed clear. You went to school, earned your degree, found a job, and worked your way up. That degree was your ticket. It signaled to employers that you had what it takes.
That promise has broken.
Today, Nigeria produces hundreds of thousands of graduates each year. Many of them are brilliant. Many of them struggle to find work. The degree that once opened doors now barely gets a foot in. Employers have changed what they look for. They want to know not what you studied, but what you can actually do.
This is not unique to Nigeria. It is happening everywhere. But in Nigeria, where formal jobs are scarce and the youth population is massive, the shift hits harder. For the average Nigerian young person, the message is clear: waiting for someone to give you a job is not a strategy.
A New Way of Thinking About Yourself
The most important strategic shift for any individual is this: stop thinking of yourself as someone looking for work and start thinking of yourself as someone who creates value.
This is not just positive thinking. It is a fundamental change in perspective. When you see yourself as a value creator, you ask different questions. Not “who will hire me?” but “what problems can I solve?” Not “what jobs are available?” but “where can I apply my skills?” Not “what degree do I need?” but “what can I learn to become more useful?”
This mindset matters because it puts you in control. You are no longer waiting for opportunities to be given to you. You are actively looking for ways to contribute. And in an economy where problems are everywhere, people who can solve them will always find a way to earn a living.
What Skills Actually Matter Today
If degrees no longer guarantee success, what does? The answer lies in skills that are both practical and adaptable.
Problem-solving sits at the top of the list. Every organization, every community, every family faces challenges. People who can look at a difficult situation and figure out a way forward are always needed. This skill does not come from a textbook. It comes from practice—from learning to think clearly when things go wrong.
Communication matters more than most people realize. The ability to express ideas clearly, to listen carefully, to persuade others, to write simply—these are not soft skills. They are the tools we use to turn thoughts into action. In any field, people who communicate well stand out.
Digital literacy is no longer optional. It is the baseline. Using spreadsheets, collaborating on online platforms, understanding how data works, knowing your way around common software—these are not technical skills for specialists. They are basic tools for modern work. Without them, you are locked out of most opportunities.
Adaptability might be the most important of all. The willingness to learn new things, to admit what you do not know, to try something different when the old way stops working—this is what keeps people relevant over a lifetime. The person who can learn will always find a place. The person who stops learning will eventually be left behind.
Learning That Fits Real Life
The traditional model of education assumes you learn first and work later. You spend years in school, then you start your career. But in a fast-changing world, that model breaks down. By the time you finish learning, what you learned may already be outdated.
This is why many Nigerians are turning to micro-credentials—short, focused courses that teach specific, job-ready skills. These programs take weeks or months, not years. They cost a fraction of what university costs. And they signal clearly to employers what you can do.
A certificate in data analysis, digital marketing, project management, or solar installation tells a clear story. It says: I have this specific skill, and I can apply it right now. For employers, that is often more valuable than a general degree.
The beauty of this approach is flexibility. You can learn while working. You can stack credentials over time, building a portfolio of skills. You can pivot when opportunities shift. This is lifelong learning made practical—not an ideal, but a working strategy for staying relevant.
Taking Control of Your Financial Life
Strategy also applies to money. For years, most Nigerians had limited options. You saved what you could, kept it at home or in a bank, and hoped it would be enough. Inflation often ate away at whatever you managed to put aside.
Technology has changed this. Today, anyone with a smartphone can access tools that were once available only to the wealthy. Apps allow you to save automatically, invest small amounts, and get advice tailored to your situation. You can build a diversified portfolio with whatever you have. You can protect your money against inflation. You can plan for goals that matter to you.
The key is to start early and stay consistent. Small amounts saved regularly, invested wisely, grow over time. This is not about getting rich quick. It is about building a foundation that gives you choices. The person with savings can take risks. The person with investments can weather storms. Financial strategy is not just about money—it is about freedom.
Part Two: For Nigerian Businesses—Thriving in a Complex Environment
The End of the Five-Year Plan
There was a time when companies created detailed five-year plans and followed them religiously. Those days are gone. Markets move too fast. Technology changes too quickly. Consumer behaviour shifts in ways no one predicts.
Today, successful companies think differently. They set direction but stay flexible. They plan but remain ready to pivot. They treat strategy not as a document but as a continuous conversation—a way of making decisions in real time as new information emerges.
This is especially true in Nigeria, where the business environment presents unique challenges. Electricity is unreliable. Roads are poor. Policy can change overnight. Currency fluctuations affect everything. Companies that succeed here learn to adapt constantly. Rigidity is a recipe for failure.
What Digital Transformation Really Means
Every business today hears about digital transformation. But in Nigeria, going digital looks different than it does elsewhere.
You cannot simply move everything online and expect it to work. Internet access is not universal. Many customers prefer cash. Trust is built through personal relationships, not just websites. The purely digital model that works in London or Singapore will hit walls here.
Successful Nigerian companies understand this. They build hybrid models—digital at the core, but with physical touchpoints where needed. They offer online ordering and offline delivery. They accept digital payments but also cash. They use technology to enhance relationships, not replace them.
This is not a compromise. It is a sophisticated adaptation to local reality. The companies that get it right are not less digital. They are more intelligent about how digital actually works in their context.
Digital maturity matters more than digital adoption. This means building systems that function even when infrastructure fails. It means training people to use tools effectively. It means integrating technology into every part of the business, not just tacking it on at the edges. Companies that achieve this maturity outperform their competitors consistently.
Building Trust in a Low-Trust Environment
Nigeria faces a trust deficit. Years of broken promises, failed institutions, and economic volatility have left people cautious. Consumers do not easily trust businesses. Employees do not easily trust employers. Partners do not easily trust each other.
For companies, this is both a challenge and an opportunity. The businesses that earn trust stand out. They build loyal customer bases. They attract committed employees. They form partnerships that last.
Building trust takes time and consistency. It means delivering what you promise, every time. It means being transparent when things go wrong. It means treating customers and employees with respect, not as transactions. It means showing up consistently, even when it is difficult.
Some of Nigeria’s most successful companies have built their reputations on this foundation. They are not necessarily the flashiest or the most innovative. They are the ones people know they can count on. In an environment where trust is scarce, reliability becomes a competitive advantage.
The Power of Collaboration
The old model of business assumed competition was everything. You fought for market share. You protected your secrets. You went it alone.
That model is breaking down. The challenges businesses face today are too complex for any single organisation to solve alone. Climate change affects everyone. Skills gaps require industry-wide responses. Infrastructure deficits need collective action.
Forward-thinking Nigerian companies are embracing collaboration. They share data with competitors to build industry standards. They partner with government on infrastructure projects. They work with educational institutions to shape curricula. They understand that when the whole ecosystem grows, everyone benefits.
This is not charity. It is enlightened self-interest. A rising tide lifts all boats. Companies that invest in the broader environment create conditions for their own success.
Artificial Intelligence: Proceed with Purpose
Artificial intelligence is everywhere in business conversations. The hype is enormous. The fear of being left behind is real.
But for Nigerian companies, the strategic question is not whether to use AI. It is how to use AI wisely. Jumping on every trend without purpose leads nowhere. Building AI capabilities without governance creates risk.
The smart approach starts with problems, not technology. What specific challenges does your business face? Where could better data or smarter algorithms help? What decisions could be improved with more insight? These questions point to where AI might actually add value.
Equally important is data governance. AI learns from data. If your data is poor, your AI will be poor. If your data is biased, your AI will be biased. If your data is insecure, your AI creates vulnerability. Building strong data practices is not a technical detail. It is a strategic foundation.
Some Nigerian companies are already showing the way. They are using AI to assess credit risk for customers without formal banking history. They are using it to predict crop yields for farmers. They are using it to personalize learning for students. These applications solve real problems. They are not imported from elsewhere. They are built for Nigeria, by Nigerians.
People First: The Talent Challenge
Every business leader in Nigeria will tell you the same thing: finding and keeping good people is the hardest part of the job. The best talent is scarce. Competition is fierce. Many of the brightest leave for opportunities abroad.
This makes talent strategy central to business success. Companies that win the talent game win everything else.
What does good talent strategy look like? It starts with recognizing that people want more than money. They want to grow. They want to be valued. They want to do work that matters. Companies that provide these things attract and retain better people even when they cannot pay the highest salaries.
This means investing in training and development. It means creating clear career paths. It means building cultures where people feel respected and supported. It means giving people autonomy and trusting them to do good work.
Some Nigerian companies have built their own universities—internal training programs that develop talent systematically. Others partner with online learning platforms to give employees access to courses. Others create mentorship programs that connect experienced leaders with younger staff. These investments pay back many times over in loyalty, productivity, and innovation.
Part Three: For the Nigerian Nation—Building a Future That Works for Everyone
From Short-Term Thinking to Long-Term Vision
For decades, Nigerian governance has been shaped by election cycles. Each new administration brings its own plans, its own priorities, its own language. Programmes start and stop. Momentum is lost. Progress is fragmented.
This is changing. Slowly but significantly, Nigeria is building long-term strategic frameworks that outlast any single government. The Nigeria Agenda 2050 looks three decades ahead. The Renewed Hope Development Plan (2026-2030) translates that vision into concrete action for the next five years. These documents are not just paperwork. They represent a commitment to continuity—a recognition that real development takes time and persistence.
The shift matters because it changes how decisions get made. When long-term goals are clear, short-term choices can be evaluated against them. Does this policy move us toward the future we want? Does this budget advance our long-term priorities? These questions create discipline. They reduce the risk that immediate pressures will derail important work.
The Nigeria First Approach
There is a quiet revolution happening in Nigerian economic thinking. It is captured in the phrase “Nigeria First.”
For too long, Nigeria has been a consumer of other people’s products. We import what we could make. We buy what we could build. We send our resources abroad and buy back finished goods at higher prices. This pattern has kept us dependent. It has limited our industrial development. It has cost us jobs.
The Nigeria First approach aims to change this. It says: where possible, we should buy Nigerian. We should build Nigerian. We should invest in Nigerian capabilities.
This is not protectionism. It is strategic procurement. Government spending accounts for a significant portion of the economy—as much as 30 percent of GDP. When that money flows abroad, it creates jobs elsewhere. When it stays home, it builds local industry. Directing even a portion of procurement toward Nigerian producers could unlock millions of jobs and stimulate manufacturing capacity.
Agencies like NASENI (National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure) are driving this agenda. They are not just talking about local manufacturing. They are building it—developing products, training innovators, creating infrastructure for strategic industries like battery manufacturing. They are proving that Nigerians can make world-class products.
The challenge now is scaling this approach. Moving from pilot projects to systemic change. Embedding Nigeria First in procurement rules, in investment decisions, in the daily choices of businesses and consumers. Making patriotism practical—not just a sentiment but a force that shapes economic behaviour.
Digital Sovereignty: Owning Our Future Online
The digital economy runs on infrastructure. Data centers, fiber networks, cloud platforms—these are the roads and bridges of the 21st century. Countries that own their digital infrastructure have sovereignty. Countries that depend on others are vulnerable.
Nigeria is building toward digital sovereignty. Agencies like Galaxy Backbone are laying fiber across the country, connecting states, building data centers that meet international standards. This infrastructure ensures that government data stays in Nigeria. It provides continuity even when commercial providers face challenges. It builds capability that can serve the whole economy.
The vision goes further. With robust digital infrastructure, Nigeria can become a regional hub—serving West and Central Africa, attracting investment, creating jobs in technology and services. This is not just about catching up. It is about leapfrogging—using digital technology to accelerate development in ways previous generations could not.
But infrastructure alone is not enough. Digital sovereignty also means data sovereignty—control over the information that flows through these networks. It means policies that protect privacy while enabling innovation. It means building the human capacity to manage and secure digital systems. It means creating an environment where Nigerian technology companies can thrive.
The Demographic Dividend or Disaster?
Nigeria’s young population is often described as an opportunity. With a median age of eighteen, we are one of the youngest countries in the world. These young people could drive decades of economic growth.
But demography is not destiny. Young people are only an asset if they are productively engaged. If they are educated, healthy, and employed, they create wealth. If they are not, they become a source of instability.
This makes human capital development the most important investment Nigeria can make. Every child who receives quality education adds to our future capacity. Every young person who learns a skill becomes a potential contributor. Every life saved through better healthcare strengthens the whole society.
The challenge is scale. Nigeria’s education system is underfunded and overstretched. Millions of children are out of school. Quality varies enormously. The same is true for healthcare, for skills training, for social support. Building systems that reach everyone is a massive undertaking.
Yet progress is possible. Technology offers new ways to deliver education at scale. Community health workers can extend care to remote areas. Apprenticeship models can train young people in practical skills. The building blocks of human capital exist. The task is to assemble them into functioning systems.
The Governance Challenge
None of this works without effective governance. Good plans fail without good execution. Vision without implementation is just dreaming.
Nigeria’s governance challenges are well documented. Implementation gaps separate policy from reality. Coordination failures mean different agencies work at cross purposes. Capacity constraints limit what even dedicated officials can achieve. Trust deficits make collaboration difficult.
Addressing these challenges requires its own strategy. It means investing in the civil service—training, motivating, and supporting the people who run government day to day. It means using technology to improve transparency and accountability—making it harder for things to fall through cracks. It means creating platforms for dialogue between government, business, and civil society—so policies reflect real needs and real constraints.
It also means accepting that governance reform is slow work. Institutions are not built overnight. Trust is earned over years. Capacity grows through practice. The goal is not perfection but progress—steady, cumulative improvement in how things get done.
Conclusion: The Power of Small Wins Adding Up
There is a temptation to think of strategy as something grand—bold visions, dramatic transformations, sweeping changes. And certainly, those have their place.
But in Nigeria, the most powerful strategy may be something more modest. It is the individual who learns a new skill and applies it. The business that delivers on its promises, day after day. The policy that works as intended and makes life slightly better. These small wins, repeated millions of times, accumulate into something extraordinary.
This is the power of compounding progress. Each skilled graduate adds to the talent pool. Each reliable business builds trust in the market. Each functioning program demonstrates that government can work. These gains build on each other. Over time, they transform what is possible.
Nigeria has immense resources—human, natural, cultural. It has a young population full of energy and ambition. It has entrepreneurs solving problems every day. It has officials working to build systems that serve everyone. The foundation is there.
Strategy provides the framework—the way of thinking that helps individuals, businesses, and the nation make good choices amid uncertainty. It does not guarantee success. Nothing does. But it improves the odds. It helps us see more clearly. It keeps us moving in the right direction, even when the path is unclear.
That is the power of 21st-century strategy. Not predicting the future, but preparing for it. Not controlling events, but navigating them. Not waiting for possibilities to arrive, but working to make them real.
For Nigeria and Nigerians, those possibilities are extraordinary. The work of strategy is to bring them within reach.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
In Defence of Atiku Abubakar: Experience, Reach and the 2027 Reality
Published
2 weeks agoon
February 15, 2026By
Eric
By Tim Okojie Ave
The debate over who should carry the opposition banner in 2027 must be guided by political reality, not ethnic sentiment or social media noise. Nigeria is at a crossroads, and defeating President Bola Tinubu in 2027 will require experience, national reach, and electoral strength—not experiments.
I do not believe in, nor do I promote, ethnic politics. Recent Nigerian history proves that elections are not won by zoning rhetoric but by strategic calculations. Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, a southerner, was not allowed to complete a second term—not because of performance alone, but because power blocs rallied against him. When the then-opposition APC sought a candidate capable of defeating Jonathan, they did not argue that it was “still the South’s turn.” Instead, they searched across the country for a candidate with massive grassroots followership and electoral weight. That search led them to Muhammadu Buhari, despite his past electoral losses and controversial human rights record as a former military ruler.
The result is now history.
It is therefore laughable when uninformed voices argue that Atiku Abubakar should be denied the ADC ticket because he has contested elections before. By that same logic, Buhari should never have been given the APC ticket. Political persistence is not a crime; it is often the mark of conviction and relevance.
Others argue that Atiku is “too old,” forgetting that leadership is not a sprint but a test of wisdom, stamina, and experience. Age did not disqualify global leaders like Joe Biden or Nelson Mandela, nor did it stop Buhari himself. What matters is physical fitness, mental clarity, and capacity—and on all counts, Atiku Abubakar remains fit.
The argument that it is “still the South’s turn” in 2027 is politically weak and strategically dangerous. When APC wanted to win, they ignored zoning sentiment and focused on victory. That is exactly what the African Democratic Congress (ADC) must do if it is serious about defeating Tinubu and reducing him to a one-term president. Political parties exist to win elections, not to appease ethnic emotions.
ADC must ensure party supremacy and resist being bamboozled into handing its ticket to candidates who exist mainly on social media but lack nationwide structure and grassroots acceptance.
If asked for my candid opinion on who best fits the ADC ticket in 2027, my choice is clear: Atiku Abubakar.
He possesses unmatched political experience, having served eight solid years as Vice President under President Olusegun Obasanjo. He is globally recognised as an astute politician and a patriotic business mogul. His wealth is independent of public office, meaning he is unlikely to treat Nigeria’s treasury as a personal bank.
Since leaving office, despite relentless political persecution, Atiku has not been successfully linked to any proven corruption case—an indication of transparency and resilience. He is healthy, active, and capable of representing Nigeria internationally without embarrassment.
Ultimately, elections are not won by sentiment but by strategy. If ADC truly seeks victory in 2027, it must choose a candidate with national appeal, experience, credibility, and structure. On all these counts, Atiku Abubakar stands tall.
This is not ethnic politics.
This is political realism.
Tim Okojie Ave is the Publisher, National Chronicle newspaper
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