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Opinion: Ekiti Polls and the Near futility of Election Petitions

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By Raymond Nkannebe; Esq.

Last Monday, the Ekiti State Election Petition Tribunal which sat in Abuja over the July 14th gubernatorial election delivered its judgement. The three-man panel led by Justice Suleman Belgore in a unanimous judgment affirmed the victory of the incumbent governor Kayode Fayemi and dismissed the Petition of the Petitioners─ Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its candidate, Professor Olusola Eleka at that keenly contested poll. The PDP has since indicated its position to challenge the decision at the appellate courts from what one could infer from the statement of its National Publicity Secretary, Kola Ologbondiyan in the wake of the decision. Barring when they do that, what the judgment of the tribunal has shown again, is that it is becoming increasingly difficult, if not impossible for a candidate at an election to be returned through an election petition. And the reason for this is not hard to seek.

As much as the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended) operates as a substantive and procedural legal framework for aggrieved candidates at an election to challenge the outcome of same, a calm consideration of the Act as well as the cases, will leave the objective reader with the irresistible impression that it was never the intendment of the draftsman of that legislation that our electoral process be exposed to undue litigation before the actual winner can be known. The smoking gun of this hypothesis is made manifest in the sisyphean onus thrust on the shoulders of a Petitioner at an Election Petition Tribunal before he or she can prove to the required standard of proof that the entire proess of the election was fraught with widespread irregularity and non compliance with the extant laws; so material that it should tantamount to the nullification of the entire election, or a return in his favour

A very fine jurist PATS-ACHOLONU J.S.C (as he then was) underscored the daunting task faced by a petitioner in challenging election to the office of president or Governor in Nigeria in the popular case of Buhari v Obasanjo [2005] 13 NWLR (Pt.941) 1 thus, “The very big obstacle that anyone who seeks to have the election of the president or Governor upturned is the very large number of witnesses he must call due to the size of the respective constitutency. In a Country like our own, he may have to call about 250,000-300,000 witnesses. By the time the court would have heard from all of them with the way our present law is couched, the incumbent would have long finished and left his office and even if the petitioner finally wins, it will be an empty victory bereft of substance”.

While time for the presenting and determination of election petitions have been abridged by the subsequent amendments to the Electoral Act between then and now, it has not taken away the evidential obstacle faced by a petitioner, which as has been shown in many cases is difficult to discharge in a way that would lead the court to order a return of a petitioner.

I like to think that this evidential burden thrust on a petitioner was purposely written into our laws, to discourage candidates at an alection from challenging the process in the event of a loss, in the same way the legal burden thrust on the prosecution in criminal trials is purporsely written into the laws to further cement the presumption of innocence enjoyed by an accused person. Little wonder why the courts have in several cases held that every election is presumed to have been conducted in full compliance with the provisions of the Electoral Act and its guidelines until proven to the contrary.This line of thought will however beg the question: should candidates who participated at an election be shut out or recused from contesting the result of the polls especially in the face of wide spread irregularity or evidence of rigging such as was alleged by the petitioners in the recently conducted Osun and Ekiti State polls? This admittedly is the crux of the matter.

Granted that there is no easy way of attempting and answer to the legitimate poser; but when one factors the near impossibility of winning back a perceived lost mandate through an election petition given the current state of our laws, the need to imbibe the values of equanimity becomes instructive.

Since the return to uninterrupted democracy in 1999, thousands of election petitions have made it to election tribunals, with many of them going up all the way to the Supreme Court, only to end up in a debilitating defeat for a Petitioner as the attitude of the courts is one that seldom likes to meddle in the choice of who becomes the holder of an elective office. The tribunals as well as the appellate Courts have betrayed these sentiments in a long chain of cases with the incumbent president Muhamadu Buhari being a serial ‘victim’.

Except for the isolated cases of Adams Oshiohmole, Olusegun Mimiko, Peter Obi and few others who at different times were returned through an election Petition, several other petitions have gone all the way to the apex Court without ending in a return for the petitioners or a rerun.

In order to institutionalize this judicial disposition to election petitions, the courts in their wisdom have devised several ingenious means within the ambit of the law, most of them tending to technicalities, to further shore up the presumption of regularity which every election enjoys to the detriment of Petitioners who allege fowl play. Anyone who appreciates the jurisprudence of election petitions will have no doubt that it is an exercise in undue legalese which in many cases edges off a petitioner no matter the grounds of the individual petition.

At the risk of sounding too hypothetical, some instances might sufice: It is a fashion for petitioners to make a criminal allegations against electoral officers at large in the body of the petition, but almost always fail to join them as parties to the Petition for obvious reasons; thereby leading to a striking out of the portions of the pleading alleging criminal wrongs against those persons in line with the extant position of the law. The apex Court in the popular case of Buhari v Obasano (supra) had reason to pronoune on this recurring procedural blunder thus: “allegations of the commission of a crime must be proved beyond reasonable doubt whenever they are made in an election petition. It is therefore inappropriate for a Court to infer that a particular candidate at an election was responsible for the violent acts committed during an election in the absence of evidence which shows beyond reasonable doubt that he was”.

But that is not all. It is also a fashion for petitioners to allege the compromise of security operatives on election day; an allegation which usually takes the form of emasculation and intimidation of supporters and party members as was the case in the ongoing Osun election petition, but always fail to make the indicted member(s) of the security operatives parties to the petition, understandably due to the near impossibility of identifying the particular officers who were involved in these alleged acts of intimidation and compromise. This procedural ommision at the instance of the petitioners almost always receive the backlash of the tribunal and a subsequent striking out of those portions of the petition in line with the extant law on pleadings and leading of evidence.

The story is also the same for allegations in a petition taking criminal coloration such as one, that an electoral officer was involved in the mutilation of results, forgery or wrongful balloting to confer advantage to a particular candidate. This specie of allegations being criminal in nature, are almost always not proved as Petitioners often find themselves unable to do so to the required evidential standard, which is ‘proof beyond reasonable doubt’. By practice, these collateral and recurring procedural misteps, takes the shine off the petition thus earning it an order of strking out, irrespective of what might have played out at the polling units on election day.

It is this rather convoluted nature of our electoral jurisprudence that has aggregated to put the resolution of electoral disputes out of the reach of petitioners. Yet, for candidates at any election to be able to cultivate the habit of accepting the result of the process since only one candidate can emerge victorious at a time, it goes without saying that they must be convinced that the entire process of the election conformed with the minimum requirements of the electoral laws and its guidelines without inteference from any quarters.

Many candidates that have queued up to contest one elective office or the other in the forthcoming general elections have said as much. For instance, when Professor Kingsley Moghalu of the Young Progressives Party (YPP) was asked recently whether he’d contest the result of the presidential election if he loses, his simple response to the interviewer, was that if the entire process is free and fair, he’ll of course accept the result. From this response, one could easily infer the workings of the minds of other candidates in the forthcoming election on the issue of acceptance of the result of the polls.

Which brings us to the role of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the security agencies in the scheme of things. While one must commend the INEC for its efforts thus far in cleaning up and enhancing the integrity of our elections, the fact of the matter remains that there is still a lot of work to be done. What the recent elections in Ekiti and Osun States respectively show, is that there are still missing links here and there in its internal processes which operate to cast doubt on the state of its aloofness in the conduct of elections. The forthcoming elections it is expected, will be another test of its capacity to midwife an election that will be accepted by all and sundry without the imperatives of contest before any election tribunal. If they fail to live up to this billing, it’ll leave aggrieved candidates with no option but to challenge the results without giving any considerations to the possibilities (however slim) of a return through the tortious runway of election petitions.

On the part of security agencies, their roles in the conduct of elections have been anything but complimentary. By deploying acts of intimidation of voters and taking sides when they ought to be neutral, they give away their compromised stance. And needless to say, when opponents at an election perceive the police and other security agencies to be doing a yeo man’s job for a particular candidate (usually the incumbent), it does not augur well for their confidence in the entire process.

A very eminent but retired justice of the Court of Appeal (now Nigeria’s Amabssador to the United States) Per. S.A Nsofor painted graphically the unprofessional performance of the Nigerian police in the 2003 presidential election in his dissenting opinion in the notorious case of Buhari v Obasanjo [2005] 2 N.W.L.R (Pt. 910) CA 241 thus: “And there was a patent demonstration of connivance, “bias” on the part of the police against the petitioners and in favour of the 1st and 2nd Respondents. They turned blind eyes to the attrocities being inflicted on the innocent Nigerian citizens; by the army and the police. And INEC was passive. See the evidence by Dr. Okilo (PW. 69), D.W 23 (Lt. Col. Sotunde Aina Songonuga). In Bayelsa state there was evidence galore of violence, which i believed. See P.W. 52, 53 and 54. Dr. Okilo (PW. 69). In Rivers State evidence abound and I accepted it, (see P.W. 32), that there were armed gangs shooting at random intimidating the Petitioners and their supporters in the face of the police. And the Police did nothing and said nothing…” Some 13 years after this very profound findings by the erudite jurist, the Nigeria police and other security agencies are yet to turn a new leaf from what one can gather from their performance in recent polls.

For elections to be adjudged free and fair, they must not be fraught with any form of intimidation on the part of security agencies whose role at elections is delimited by the provisions of the Electoral Act; the extant legal framework for the conduct of elections. Consequently, the security agencies must not only be neutral, but manifestly seen to be neutral in all their engagements with the electoral process. Given the woeful conduct of the Nigerian police force particularly, under the leadership of the former Police Chief, Idris Kpotum, one can only but expect that the force under its new leadership will turn a new leaf and use the opportunity of the forthcoming elections to assert its professionalism.

Whichever way one looks at it, it is not in the best interest of our democracy for our periodic elections to be contested at election tribunals especially with a disturbing frequency, so much that it has become a part of the electoral process, if not the definitive part. Per Abdullahi PCA (as he then was now rtd.) voiced his reprehension for this anomaly in a notable pronouncement in the Buhari v Obasanjo case (supra), “I think it is appropriate at this juncture to make some observations. I believe the time has come in our learning process to establish the culture of democratic rule in this Country to strive to do the right thing, particularly when it comes to dealing with electoral process, which is in my view is one of the pillars of democracy”. This couldnt have been said any better.

Election petitions are energy sapping, time sensitive, and financially tasking when one considers all that goes into its prosecution both for the Petitioners and the Respondents. For the Petitioners, it is another long walk to a destination that may not be reached. And for the Respondents, it is a needless distraction from the business of governance. But more than anything else, it is the opportunity it offers the courts to be the ultimate decider of who is the actual winner at an election against the democratic principle of franchise that highlights its undemocratic contours.

Flowing from the above, I do not envy his Excellency Kayode Fayemi despite his victory at the tribunal and I have nothing but sympathy for his opponent, Professor Olusola Eleka. Both men are in my considered opinion, victims of an electoral process that urgently needs an overhaul. No democratic state should be at the mercy of election tribunals at periodic elections to decide the colouration of its leaderhip.

Raymond Nkannebe is a Legal Practitioner and Public Affairs Analyst. Comments and reactions to raymondnkannebe@gmail.com.

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Opinion

A SILEC Voice Against the Tide by Kwame Jamal

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The morning sun streamed through the stained-glass windows of the Anglican Church of Transformation Hall, casting patches of amber and gold across the gathered crowd. Mothers clutched small bouquets—it was Mother’s Day—and children fidgeted in their seats, unaware that history was about to be made in their midst.

At the podium stood Sunny Irakpo, his hands steady on the lectern, his voice carrying the weight of nearly two decades of quiet war. Not a war of soldiers or bombs, but one fought with pamphlets, school visits, rehabilitation talks, and now—something far greater.

Before him sat bishops in clerical collars, doctors in tailored suits, community leaders in colorful Nigerian attire, and ordinary men and women who had crossed oceans for a better life. They had come to witness the unveiling of the SILEC International Magazine (SIM)—the first global media platform dedicated exclusively to reporting drug-related issues across Africa, the United States, and beyond.

“Just like a SIM device is important to a phone,” Sunny began, his voice warm yet resolute, “imagine one with a sophisticated phone without a SIM. Such a phone will be useless. Therefore, SIM is a solution provider—an enabler designed to bring value, reset mindsets, and create a global platform bold enough to revolutionize the media ecosystem.”

The room leaned in.

Three hours earlier, Revd. Canon Paul Obike had opened the ceremony with a prayer and a smile. The anchor Venerable Shola Ogbedebi , He looked out at the sea of faces—mothers, especially, whom he thanked for their invisible labor of raising children in a world saturated with temptation.

“Sunny Irakpo,” Ogbedebi had said, “is a courageous young man with strong passion and zeal, championing a worthy cause that has taken the lives of many promising youth in Nigeria, the United States, and across the globe. He is a trailblazer. A strong voice that keeps shaping policy direction.”

The audience had applauded, some wiping tears. They knew the statistics. They had buried nephews, cousins, sons.

Now, as Sunny continued his address, he moved from metaphor to mission.

“SILEC International Magazine is not just a publication,” he said. “It will drive awareness, create employment opportunities for young people, and support underprivileged students—particularly in Nigeria, where more than twenty million children remain out of school due to financial hardship.”

He paused, letting the number settle.

“Twenty million.”

A murmur rippled through the hall.

Sunny spoke of the vision conceived years ago, held in his heart like a pregnancy carried through contraction and pain. “When a child eventually escapes the womb, the mother leaps for joy,” he said. “Today, I stand in solidarity as a mother—not by pregnancy, but by conception of ideas that could help proffer solutions to the many problems confronting mankind. This is my joy: that baby SIM is birthed to the world today, in a country where dreams come through.”

He invoked Habakkuk 2:2—write the vision and make it plain—and reminded the gathering that a child’s raising belongs not only to its parents but to the entire community. “So it is for this newborn, named SIM,” he said. “I call for your collective nurturing.”

The statistics he shared were stark.

A United Nations report from 2025 stated that 316 million people worldwide were affected by drugs. Nearly half a million deaths annually. Twenty-eight million healthy years of life lost. In 2023, only one in twelve people with drug use disorders received any treatment.

In the United States, over one million people between the ages of eighteen and forty-five had died from drugs.

But it was Africa that Sunny named as the emerging frontline. “The new market,” he said quietly. “Seventy percent of young people. In Nigeria, according to UNODC, 14.4 million people aged fifteen to sixty-four abused drugs and substances as of 2018—significantly higher than the global average. Those aged eighteen to thirty-nine remain the worst users today.”

He did not shout. He did not need to. The numbers screamed for themselves.

Then came the moment the room had been waiting for.

The Chairman of the occasion, The Rt. Revd. Dr. Augustine Unuigbe—Coordinating Bishop of the Church of Nigeria North America Mission and Managing Director of Rapha Medical Group—rose from his seat. He was a tall man with gentle eyes and the steady hands of a physician.

“As a medical doctor,” Bishop Unuigbe said, stepping to the podium, “I have seen firsthand cases of drug overdose. I have watched young people slip away on hospital beds, their parents wailing in corridors. The drug problem and overdose deaths in the United States are underreported—for reasons I cannot ascertain. But time has come for the message to be louder.”

He turned to look directly at Sunny.

“My path and Sunny Irakpo crossed on social media,” the bishop continued. “I did not know Sunny from Adam. What brought us together is divine connection. In 2021, met him physically when the Primate of All Nigeria, the Most Rt. Dr. Henry Chukwudum Ndukuba, invited Sunny to present a paper at the Standing Committee meeting—the highest decision-making body of the Church of Nigeria, Anglican Communion. His presentation on ‘The Monster of Drug Addiction: A Battle for the Future’ was educative, revealing, and commendable.”

The bishop’s voice deepened. “My association and endorsement of SILEC Initiatives is based on the credible platform and the carrier of the message—Sunny Irakpo—who has shown serious commitment for nearly two decades. This young man deserves all the support and encouragement to propagate the message farther.”

He placed his hand on a tablet connected to a large screen. “I now unveil the SILEC International Magazine—electronically, with Artificial Intelligence tools for the campaign ideology—to the glory of God and benefit of humanity.”

The screen flickered to life. The magazine’s website appeared: crisp, modern, alive with stories. A video montage played—interviews with recovered addicts, profiles of resilient entrepreneurs, reports from Nigerian villages where schoolrooms stood empty. The audience watched in rapt silence.

Then they rose. They clapped. Some wept.

Dr. Inua Momodu, President of the Nigerian Community in Atlantic County, New Jersey, seized the moment. “Drug abuse affects almost every household,” he said. “Everyone must be involved in this fight to save the lives of young people. The Nigerian community under my leadership will continue to support SILEC Initiatives with effective collaboration.”

Distinguished guests nodded firmly from the front row. Besides, Angels In Motion ably represented by Laura Rhodes whispered to a colleague: We need to partner with them.

Before closing, Sunny Irakpo turned to the mothers in the room. It was, after all, their day.

“Dear mothers,” he said, “your roles in family and nation-building cannot be overemphasized. Sadly, in the cause of my advocacy, I have seen women deeply engaged in drug abuse and illicit trafficking. The most despicable act is using their most revered private parts to conceal drugs. One out of four females is now a drug abuser.”

The room grew very still.

“We urge our mothers to hold firm the values that help shape society. Tighten the home front. Help prevent our wards from this destructive path.”

He paused, and his voice softened.

“In loving memory, I remember today the sacrifices of my late parents—Pa Christopher Ewomarevia and Mrs. Victoria Adiheji Irakpo—for the value of education and godly parenting they implanted in me. They started this vision of SILEC with me in 2010. It pleased God that they did not witness this very important occasion. But I give God all the glory. May their kind souls continue to rest in peace.”

The ceremony ended with Reverend Ohio Simire offering the vote of thanks, followed by closing prayers from Bishop Unuigbe. As the crowd filed out into the New Jersey afternoon, phones buzzed with notifications—the live stream had reached thousands across three continents.

Outside, a young woman approached Sunny Irakpo. She was perhaps twenty-two, her eyes red-rimmed.

“My brother overdosed last year,” she said quietly. “He was nineteen.”

Sunny placed a hand on her shoulder. “Then we do this for him,” he said. “And for all the others.”

She nodded, and for the first time that day, she smiled.

Somewhere, a SIM card connects a phone to the world. And somewhere else, a newborn magazine called SIM began connecting broken stories to hope—one page, one life, one truth at a time. Oh, what a magazine you must get with just a click from your phone at www.sim.silecinitiatives.org.ng . SILEC is rising, SILEC International Magazine, the global light.

Article contributed by Kwame Jamal

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Opinion

When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection

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By Shakirat Akintola

For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.

Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.

Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.

To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.

A Referendum on Lived Realities

The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.

The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.

Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.

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Opinion

Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet

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By Michael Abimboye

As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.

Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?

Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.

For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.

That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.

And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.

Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.

One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.

At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.

Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.

Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.

Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.

Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.

Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.

The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.

Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.

Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.

That matters.

In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.

Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.

In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.

Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.

And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.

Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.

A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.

Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.

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