Headline
Comparatives of Western Legislative Experience in Electing Parliamentary Leaders
Published
7 years agoon
By
Eric
The imbroglio in the Nigeria upper legislative assembly, the Senate, resulting from the defection of the Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki, from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) to the main opposition, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), has reached fever pitch as calls for his resignation or impeachment from a section of the APC rings the air.
Championing the calls are the national chairman of the party, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, and Senate majority leader, Ahmed Lawan, who have threatened fire and brimstone should he fail to resign his position as the president.
On the other hand, Saraki has turned down the call to resign citing constitutional provisions and precedence obtainable world over, which permits the minority group to produce parliamentary leaders through elections.
According to Andrew Kennon, a former Clerk of Committees in the British House of Commons “The House’s freedom to make its own choice among an array of volunteers probably means that any sense of it being the ‘turn’ of a particular party is out of date.
Kennon’s over 40 years in the British House of Commons made him an authority capable of speaking authoritatively on areas of legislative elections.
Below are samples of parliamentary procedures requisite for elections in developed democracies and the precedence set for others to follow:
UNITED KINGDOM
MPs elect the Speaker from amongst their own ranks. The House must elect a Speaker at the beginning of each new parliamentary term after a general election, or after the death or resignation of the incumbent. Once elected, a Speaker continues in office until the dissolution of Parliament, unless he or she resigns prior to this. Customarily, the House re-elects Speakers who desire to continue in office for more than one term. Theoretically, the House could vote against re-electing a Speaker, but such an event is extremely unlikely. Until 2001, the election of a Speaker was conducted as a routine matter of House of Commons business, as it used motions and amendments to elect. There was, however, a considerable amount of behind-the-scenes lobbying before suitable candidates were agreed upon, and so it was very rare for a new Speaker to be opposed. However, this system broke down in 2000 when 12 rival candidates declared for the job and the debate occupied an entire Parliamentary day. Under the new system, candidates must be nominated by at least twelve members, of whom at least three must be of a different party from the candidate. The House votes by secret ballot; as in Nigeria, an absolute majority is required for victory.
In recent times, from the 19th century onwards, the Speaker has even been a member of the Opposition and not all Speakers have been the candidates proposed by the ruling Party even if they are from that Party. For example, in 1895, the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists put forward Sir Matthew White Ridley, a well-respected MP who had many years of experience, and hoped for a unanimous election as the previous Speaker had been a Liberal. However, the Liberals decided to oppose him and eventually nominated William Court Gully who had been an MP for only nine years and had been a relatively quiet presence. Gully won on a party-line vote. In 1951 there was a great demand from the Labour Party for Major James Milner to become the first Labour Speaker after he had served as Deputy Speaker for eight years. However, the Conservatives (who had just regained power) nominated William Shepherd Morrison, Conservative MP, against him. This was at the time an unusual step. The vote again went down party lines, and Morrison was elected. In 1992, Betty Boothroyd, a Labour MP who had been Deputy Speaker, contested against the Conservative former Cabinet member Peter Brooke. About 70 Conservative MPs supported Boothroyd ensuring her election. She was the only Speaker elected in the 20th century not to be a member of the governing party at the time of her first election. In 2000, most Labour MPs supported Michael Martin. However, most Conservatives felt that a Conservative Speaker should be chosen. They supported two prominent Conservatives, Sir George Young and Deputy Speaker Sir Alan Haselhurst. After a lengthy sitting of the House, Michael Martin was elected Speaker. Following the debacle of this election the rules were changed as stated above. In 2009, John Bercow, a Conservative MP was elected Speaker following an election by secret ballot in which the frontline Labour MP, Margaret Beckett, and another Labour MP, Parmjit Dhanda, participated. Labour was in Government at this time. Bercow thus became the first Speaker to be elected in the 21st century not to be a member of the governing party at the time of his first election.
IRELAND
The Ceann Comhairle (“head of the council”) is the chairperson (or speaker) of Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas (parliament) of Ireland. The person who holds the position is elected by members of the Dáil from among their number in the first session after each general election. Despite this, a government usually tries to select a member of its own political party for the position, if it has enough deputies to allow that choice. The Leas-Cheann Comhairle holds office as the Deputy Chairman of Dáil Éireann under Article 15.9.1 of the Constitution. In the absence of the Ceann Comhairle, the Leas-Cheann Comhairle deputises and performs the duties and exercises the authority of the Ceann Comhairle in Dáil proceedings. By tradition, the position is reserved for the Opposition, but the appointment is made by the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) of the day.
AUSTRALIA
The President of the Senate is elected by the Senate in a secret ballot. The Clerk conducts the election. The Presidency has always been a partisan office and the nominee of the government party has nearly always been elected, although this cannot be guaranteed since the government of the day does not necessarily have a majority in the Senate. The President is assisted by an elected Deputy President.
The traditional practice has been that the government nominates a Senator to be elected as President, and the Opposition nominates a Senator to be Deputy President. If there are no other nominations, no election is required, however the Australian Greens in 2005 and again in 2007 put forward Senator Kerry Nettle as a rival candidate when the position of President was vacant. Neither Government nor Opposition Senators supported that candidacy. After the 1996 election, the Labor Party refused to nominate Colston to become Deputy President of the Senate. In a bid to win him over, the Howard Coalition government offered to support him. Colston resigned from the Labor Party by fax message at 11:30 a.m. on 20 August, and he took his seat as an independent that afternoon. In the evening, he was elected Deputy President, on the nomination of the Coalition.
UNITED STATES
The Constitution designates the Vice President of the United States as President of the Senate. The Constitution also calls for a President pro tempore to serve as the leader of the body when the President of the Senate (the Vice President) is absent. In practice, neither the Vice President nor the President pro tempore customarily the most senior (longest-serving) Senator in the majority party actually presides over the Senate on a daily basis; that task is given to junior Senators of the majority party.
The Senate Majority and Minority Leaders are two United States Senators who are elected by the party caucuses that hold the majority and the minority respectively. These leaders serve as the chief Senate spokesperson for their parties and manage and schedule the legislative and executive business of the Senate.
Party leaders and whips of the United States House of Representatives are elected by their respective parties in a closed-door caucus by secret ballot and are also known as floor leaders. The U.S. House of Representatives does not officially use the term “Minority Leader” although the media frequently does. The House instead uses the terms “Republican Leader” or “Democratic Leader” depending on which party holds a minority of seats.
In common U.S. Congressional Republican caucus legislative usage, the caucus chair is styled conference chairman and is outranked by the Speaker or Senate President pro-tempore, and the leader or whip of his or her party.
CANADA
In Canada, the elected members of each party in Parliament, including senators, or a provincial legislature, elect among themselves a caucus chair who presides over their meetings. The exception to this norm is the Conservative Party of Canada, whose caucus chair is appointed by the party leader. This person is an important figure when the party is in opposition and an important link between cabinet and the backbench when the party is in government.
FRANCE
The Senate is the upper house of the Parliament of France, presided over by a president. The senators elect a President from among their members. The current incumbent is Gérard Larcher. The President of the Senate is, under the constitution of the Fifth Republic, first in the line of succession in case of death, resignation or removal from office (only for health reasons) to the Presidency of the Republic, becoming Acting President of the Republic until a new election can be held.
Elected by secret ballot at the beginning of the legislative session by members, the President of the National Assembly represents the Assembly and directs discussion and debates.
The President normally comes from the largest party represented, assisted by Vice Presidents from across the represented political spectrum.
The above is a testimony that the President of the Senate has not fallen short of any constitutional provision, and should not be in any form of pressure to relinquish his position, or be threatened with impeachment before his party might be in the minority.
The case of John Pam West of the Senate and Edwin Ume-Ezeoke of the Nigerian Second Republic are clear evidences of the what must be.
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By Eric Elezuo
Listening to the suspended Governor of Rivers State, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, on matters arising over his suspension and possible reinstatement, one is bound to conclude that the embattled governor, who fell under the hammer of executive emergency declaration, either buckled to pressure from high places, or have compromised his hard stand as a no-nonsense people-oriented governor. In all, it is believed that Fubara has been categorically tamed; a situation profoundly compared to William Shakespeare’s ‘The Taming of the Shrew’.
The Rivers State scenario typically adapted the characterisation of the Shakespeare’s classic, where the character, Christopher Sly, was roundly pranked by a mischievous nobleman to mistakenly believe that he too was of nobility. Alas, it was a ploy to tame his ego, distract him from what he cherished most.
Fubara, at the service of songs held in Port Harcourt, Rivers state capital, in honour of late Edwin Clark, elder statesman and the leader of the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF), not only disclosed that his heart is no longer in the governorship job from which he was suspended almost two months ago, but lambasted his supporters and followers for adopting the ‘oshogbe’ approach in fighting for his cause.
Fubara, in a tone, that betrayed his earlier tough stand, said he is not desperate to return to office nearly two months after President Bola Tinubu declared emergency rule in the state.
“Have you asked yourself, do you think I’m interested in going back there? I want to ask you—don’t you see how much better I’m doing?” Fubara asked the audience at the service of songs.
Fubara’s remark was in response to several tributes by members of the Rivers Elders Forum, who referred to him as “governor” and condemned his suspension.
Unlike the Fubara before the March 18 suspension by President Bola Tinubu, the governor dissociated himself from those statements, describing them as personal views not aligned with his approach.
He said such comments were unlikely to support peace in the state.
The governor also expressed concerns that actions taken by some of his backers had, in fact, worsened the crisis.
He asked the audience to focus their reflections on Clark’s life and legacy, rather than turning the event into a political protest.
It would be recalled that Fubara’s alleged change of heart in the heated crises that have seen him become estranged with his political godfather and immediate past governor of Rivers State, who is presently the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, became visible after his supposed meeting with Tinubu in London. Though the outcome of the meeting is yet unknown, recent actions and utterances of the governor tends to prove that a sort of compromise, which may seem detrimental to his political future, was arrived at. He was quoted shortly after arriving Nigeria from London, as saying that Tinubu should be supported.
Wike, with whom he has been at loggerheads over leadership of party structure in the state for over 18 months, confirmed during a media chat on Monday, that the embattled governor visited his Abuja residence, with two other governors, to plea for peace and understanding.
Recall also that Fubara and Wike have been locked in a bitter political standoff since late 2023. This created a dichotomy in the leadership loyalty with Wike controlling the members of the House of Assembly, except for four of them, while Fubara controlled the executive. Both arms of government have not been able to see eye to eye until the eventual emergency rule declaration. While the Assembly sought to impeach the governor, the governor and his team were bent on kicking the Assembly members out, leaning on their well celebrated decamping to the All Progressives Congress (APC). The members later denied defecting.
On Friday, February 28, 2025, the Supreme Court made landmark pronouncements that placed Governor Fubara on the receiving end, and giving Wike and his supporters victory in what seem to be a foreclosure in the game of throne that paralysed the political and administrative existence of the state since inauguration in 2023.
Not only did the court nullified all the structures that sustained Fubara’s administration, it lambasted the governor, thoroughly reducing him to a laughing stock among Wike and his followers, berating him for breaking down the Rivers State House of Assembly building as a way to stop the defected 27 lawmakers from sitting, thereby forcing them to sit outside to carry out their lawful activities.
The justices said it is a regular occurrence for those in executive power who feel threatened that their seat is being taken or is about to be impeached to resort to actions like demolishing buildings and other acts of bigamy.
THE ROAD TO PEACE
Fubara, seeming to have lost following the Supreme Court judgment, started exploring every option to ensure peace so that his impeachment is never put on the table. As a result, putting aside the disgrace of being locked out of the assembly quarters, the governor promised to re-present the budget in fulfillment of the Supreme Court order, choosing Wednesday March 19, 2025, or any other date in March, the lawmakers might choose. But the President preempted the move with an emergency rule.
Rivers State has been at the centre of a deepening political feud between Fubara and his predecessor and political godfather, Nyesom Wike.
Following the political situation in the state, President Bola Tinubu intervened in December 2023, brokering a peace deal between both sides.
However, on March 18, Tinubu declared a state of emergency in Rivers and suspended Fubara, his deputy, Ngozi Odu, and all the state lawmakers, temporarily bringing the tension in the state to an end
The President also appointed a retired naval chief, Ibok-Ete Ibas, as the sole administrator of the oil-rich state.
The move effectively dissolved the existing government structure, placing the state under federal control.
The 11 Peoples Democratic Party governors had filed a suit at the Supreme Court in protest, to challenge the President’s action; a move the National Assembly challenged, urging the court to dismiss the suit filed by the PDP governors.
The National Assembly also contended that the suit was procedurally flawed and lacked merit, while further arguing that the court lacked the jurisdiction to entertain the suit and should award N1 billion in costs against the plaintiffs for filing what it termed a frivolous and speculative suit.
The suit is yet to be determined.
Fubara remains in limbo, but seems to have chosen the path that would give him a soft political landing. Every finger points to the fact that he may have compromised his mandate, pushing his fighting supporters to stop the criticisms against Tinubu and Wike as well as insinuating that he was fed with the governorship mandate.
It has also been alleged that even if Fubara is restored to complete his term, he may not be allowed to seek another term. This could be the premise on which the suspended governor is speaking from the other side of the mouth.
When Shakespeare wrote The Taming of the Shrew many centuries ago, exactly between 1590 – 1592, the Wike/Fubara was not in the equation, but today, the plot typifies the present day Rivers State where the incumbent governor has been tamed to speak everything good of his tormentors.
It is still not known, however, if Fubara will make good his threat not to return to office, but it has become obvious that he is now willing to dance to the tune of he that pays the piper.
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Headline
Behold the First Ever American Pope, Robert Francis Prevost
Published
5 days agoon
May 9, 2025By
Eric
Robert Francis Prevost, the first pope from the United States, has a history of missionary work in Peru but also a keen grasp of the inner workings of the Church.
The new Leo XIV, a Chicago native, was entrusted by his predecessor Francis, to head the powerful Dicastery for Bishops, charged with advising the pontiff on new bishop appointments.
The sign of confidence from Francis speaks to Prevost’s commitment as a missionary in Peru to the “peripheries” – overlooked areas far from Rome prioritised by Francis – and his reputation as a bridge-builder and moderate within the Curia.
The 69-year-old Archbishop-Bishop emeritus of Chiclayo, Peru, was made a cardinal by Francis in 2023 after being named Prefect of the Dicastery, one of the Vatican’s most important departments — and a post that introduced him to all key players in the Church.
Vatican watchers had given Prevost the highest chances among the group of US cardinals of being pope, given his pastoral bent, global view and ability to navigate the central bureaucracy.
Italian newspaper, La Repubblica, called him “the least American of the Americans” for his soft-spoken touch.
His strong grounding in canon law has also been seen as reassuring to more conservative cardinals seeking a greater focus on Theology.
Following Francis’s death, Prevost said there was “still so much to do” in the work of the Church.
“We can’t stop, we can’t turn back. We have to see how the Holy Spirit wants the Church to be today and tomorrow, because today’s world, in which the Church lives, is not the same as the world of ten or 20 years ago,” he told Vatican News last month.
“The message is always the same: proclaim Jesus Christ, proclaim the Gospel, but the way to reach today’s people, young people, the poor, politicians, is different,” he said.
Born on September 14, 1955, in Chicago, Prevost attended a Minor Seminary of the Order of St Augustine in St Louis as a novice before graduating from Philadelphia’s Villanova University, an Augustinian institution, with a degree in Mathematics.
After receiving a masters degree in divinity from Chicago’s Catholic Theological Union in 1982, and a doctorate decree in canon law in Rome, the polyglot joined the Augustinians in Peru in 1985 for the first of his decade-long missions in that country.
Returning to Chicago in 1999, he was made provincial prior of the Augustinians in the US Midwest and later the prior general of the order throughout the world.
But he returned to Peru in 2014 when Francis appointed him as apostolic administrator of the Diocese of Chiclayo in the country’s north.
Nearly a decade later, Prevost’s appointment in 2023 as head of the Dicastery came after Canadian Cardinal Marc Ouellet was accused of sexually assaulting a woman and resigned for age reasons.
The Vatican later dropped the case against Ouellet for insufficient evidence.
Prevost also serves as president of the Pontifical Commission for Latin America.
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Headline
Remembering Ife’s 50th Ooni, Oba Sijuwade Okunade
Published
1 week agoon
May 6, 2025By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
10 years after the death of one of the most cosmopolitan monarchs Nigeria has produced, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II CFR, family, friends and the traditional institutions are gearing up for a mother of all remembrance and memorial ceremony. Oba Okunade Sijuwade is the 50th Oni of Ife.
On Tuesday, at the elaborate Civic Centre, in the heart of Victoria Island, stakeholders and people of interest, gathered to inform the public through the media, veritable steps being taken to honour the progeny of Oduduwa and until his death in 2015, the prime custodian of the Yoruba tradition.
According to the invitation to the media briefing, organizers noted that the events are being held in conjunction with the National Council of Traditional Rulers under the Chairmanship of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Adeyeye Ogunwusi, Ojaja II, Ooni of Ife CFR and His Eminence Sultan Sa’ad Abubakar, the Sultan of Sokoto CFR.
In his address, the Curator and Consultant for the 10th year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, Dr. Oludamola Adebowale, described the event as a decade of legacy, while noting as follows:
“A Decade of Legacy: 10th Year Memorial Celebration of His Imperial Majesty, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II.
“At a press briefing held at the Civic Centre in Victoria Island, Lagos, the family of the late Ooni of ile-Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Okunade Sijuwade, Olubuse II, unveiled a series of cultural, intellectual, and commemorative events marking the 10th anniversary of the revered monarch’s passing. The Programme is a tribute to his enduring legacy as a custodian of culture, a bridge-builder across Nigeria, and a global advocate for African heritage.
“Organized in partnership with the National Council of Traditional Rulers of Nigeria, the memorial activities are spearheaded by the Co-chairmen of the Council, Ooni of Ife, His Imperial Majesty Oba Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, CFR, Ojaja II, alongside His Eminence, Alhaji Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar, CFR, the Sultan of Sokoto.
“A key highlight is a Three-State Inter-School Debate Tour featuring students from King’s College, Lagos; Abeokuta Grammar School; Oba Sijuwade’s alma mater; and Oduduwa College, Ile-Ife. The theme, “Traditional Governance vs. Modern Democracy: Which Best Preserves Cultural Heritage?’ invites students to explore the relevance of indigenous leadership in today’s world. The final debate presentation will be held on July 25, 2025.
“Another major feature is the Grand Memorial Exhibition, showcasing rare photographs, personal items, and archival materials from Oba Sijuwade’s life and reign—many being displayed publicly for the first time. The exhibition features collections from the National Archives of Nigeria, the UK National Archives, Horniman Museum & Gardens (UK), and the African American Research Library and Cultural Center (Florida), home of the Dr. Niara Sudarkasa Collection and also the Sijuwade Personal Collection.
“The exhibition is curated by renowned cultural historian and archivist Dr. Oludamola ADEBOWALE.
“A national symposium titled “Unifying and Securing Nigeria’s Future Through Traditional Institutions” will gather traditional rulers, scholars, and policymakers to examine the evolving role of indigenous leadership in peacebuilding, national identity, and governance.
“The grand finale of the memorial will take place in Ile-Ife, the cradle of Yoruba civilization. It includes a church thanksgiving service and solemn prayers at the late Ooni’s mausoleum—concluding the memorial in dignity and grandeur.
“Looking ahead, the Sijuwade family announced a series of legacy projects, including:
– A Nubian Jak Blue Plaque at his former London residence, recognizing his global impact in cultural diplomacy.
– The launch of a commemorative book detailing his life, leadership, and international engagements.
– The development of the Oba Okunade Sijuwade Memorial Hall and Museum in Ile-Ife to preserve his legacy and Yoruba heritage.
“This far-reaching initiative reflects the far-sighted vision of Oba Okunade Sijuwade—an imperial figure whose reign was defined by grace, wisdom, and an unwavering commitment to cultural excellence. These legacy projects are not only tributes to his memory but enduring pillars that will continue to inspire future generations in Nigeria, across Africa, and throughout the global diaspora. Through them, the timeless values he embodied—dignity, unity, heritage, and leadership—will live on, shaping a future deeply rooted in the strength of tradition and the promise of progress.
OBA OKUNADE SIJUWADE (1930 – 2015)
According to accounts obtained from Wikipedia, the life and times of Oba Sijuwade is captured as follows:
Born January 1, 1930, Alayeluwa Oba Okunade Sijuwade CFR, was the 50th traditional ruler (or Ooni) of Ife from December 6, 1980 to his death on July 28, 2015. He reigned for 35 influential years, taking the regnal name Olubuse II. His installation ceremony was attended by the Emir of Kano, Oba of Benin, Amayanabo of Opobo and Olu of Warri, as well as by representatives of the Queen of the United Kingdom.
Sijuwade was born to the ruling House of Sijuwade which is a fraction of the Ogboru ruling house, Ilare, Ile-Ife. His paternal grandfather was Ooni Adelekan Sijuwade – Olubuse I the 46th Ooni of Ife who ruled from 1884 – 1910. While his father was Omo-Oba Adereti Sijuade (1895 – 11 May 1949) and his mother was, Yeyeolori Emilia Ifasesin Sijuwade (nee Osukoti Adugbolu), from the town of Akure. He was a Christian and in November 2009 he attended the annual general meeting of the Foursquare Gospel Church in Nigeria accompanied by 17 other traditional rulers. He declared that he was a full member of the church and said all the monarchs who accompanied him would now become members. At his birthday celebration two months later, the Primate of the Anglican Communion described Sijuwade as “a humble monarch, who has the fear of God at heart”.
By the age of 30, he was a manager in A.G Leventis, a Greek-Nigerian conglomerate. In 1963 he became Sales Director of the state-owned National Motors in Lagos. After spotting a business opportunity during a 1964 visit to the Soviet Union, he formed WAATECO a company to distribute Soviet-built vehicles and equipment in Nigeria, which became the nucleus of a widespread business empire. He also invested in real estate in his hometown of Ile Ife. By the time Sijuwade was crowned Ooni in 1980 he was already a wealthy man.
Shortly after becoming the 50th Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade founded Sijuwade Group, which he was the chairman of. The conglomerate operates in several sectors including oil and gas, infrastructure, real estate, industrials, and hospitality. The company holds partnerships with several multinational companies such as Centrica, Equinor (formerly Statoil), CCC, Eser and RCC (Reynolds Construction Company) and has executed over $2 billion worth of contracts and projects in Nigeria.
Towards the end of 2009 a more local dispute between the Ooni, the Awujale of Ijebuland and the Alake of Egbaland was finally resolved. Sijuwade traced the dispute back to a falling out between Obafemi Awolowo and Ladoke Akintola during the Nigerian First Republic, which had led to a division between the traditional rulers.
In February 2009, Sijuwade helped mediate in a dispute over land ownership between the communities of Ife and Modakeke, resolved in part through the elevation of the Ogunsua of Modakeke as an Oba. The new Oba, Francis Adedoyin, would be under the headship of Oba Okunade Sijuwade.
- Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s first wife and the first Yeyeluwa of Ife. She was the mother to Prince Adetokunbo Sijuwade.
- Olori Morisola Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s second wife and the second Yeyeluwa of Ife from 1986 after Yeyeluwa Oyetunde Sijuwade’s death.
- Olori Oladunni Sijuwade, Oba Okunade Sijuwade’s third wife and the daughter of the very popular politician Chief Adedamola Harold-Sodipo.
- Olori Odunola Sijuwade, a princess of Ila-Orangun and the daughter of the revered Ila-Orangun, Oba William Ayeni.
Activities are expected to kick off in mid June 2025, and terminate late July, 2025.
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