The Nigerian government paid Boko Haram militants a “huge” ransom of millions of dollars to free up to 230 children and staff the jihadists abducted from a Catholic school in November, an AFP investigation revealed Monday.
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Pendulum: The Crucifixion of Abubakar Bukola Saraki
Published
8 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, I thought the ancient tradition of nailing people considered enemies of persons or the State to the cross had long gone into antiquity and extinction, but I was wrong. The most famous crucifixion in human history was that of our Lord Jesus Christ, of course other lesser mortals have been crucified including the thieves who died on either side of Jesus Christ on the Appointed Day. I have decided to borrow this imagery and metaphor to describe what is currently happening to Nigeria’s Senate President, Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki (ABS), at the moment. And it is so tragic. Before I go into the meat of my epistle, please, permit me to provide some background information on what I want to call the ABS saga.
My personal admiration for, and relative closeness to, ABS was largely influenced by two friends of mine. The first was the Publisher of Thisday newspapers, Nduka Obaigbena, while the second was the then Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi (CRA). Several times in the years of ABS as Governor of Kwara State, I had the chance of speaking with ABS on the phone, because Nduka would always ask me to speak with ABS anytime they were together. I loved his gentle mien and comportment. We also met at functions several times and he carried himself with confidence, grace and poise. He always looked like someone so meek and mild and could easily be underrated. I actually think that is his greatest strength and weapon.
ABS was a very powerful and influential Governor. He was self-assured and assertive. My good friend, Amaechi, or CRA for short, was very close to him and he actually took over from him as Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum. Their love and synergy were very infectious. I remember one afternoon I visited CRA at the Wheatbaker Hotel in Lagos. After our meeting, I asked when he would be going back to Port Harcourt and CRA told me he would have to wait for ABS to come first. I was impressed because they had a relationship that made them look like lovebirds. I also appreciated how they combined powerfully in support of Major General Muhammadu Buhari. They gave their lives, energy and resources to the Buhari cause. Of course, one cannot ignore the epic support given by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and some stupendously wealthy businessmen who donated generously to give Buhari a lifeline at the fourth time of asking!
I witnessed Saraki’s total commitment to Buhari and the Change Project on several occasions in his Ikoyi home. He mobilised a lot of his extensive network, especially in the business world, and they met as regularly as possible. I saw Aliko Dangote, Femi Otedola, CRA, Wale Tinubu, Muyiwa Bakare, and others brainstorm on not only supporting Buhari, but also their desire for a prosperous and safe Nigeria. They all wished and hoped that Buhari would step in as a father-figure to all and play the Mandela option in Nigeria, come to heal the wounds, unite Nigeria, provide enabling environment for business, banish the security problems and grow the economy. It was expected that the war against corruption would be fought differently and more professionally with more action and less noise, by identifying the culprits and going after their loot wherever they are kept and bring this back into the coffers of Nigeria. The old system of using the so-called anti-corruption war to witch-hunt perceived and imaginary enemies of government was supposed to be a thing of the past.
ABS provided a formidable base for Buhari during the APC Primaries in Lagos. He galvanised his entire staff of very young and brilliant guys to work sleeplessly and sort out Buhari’s logistical needs. I will never forget the dare-devilry of CRA and ABS. They played their last cards. I was an eye-witness.
After the primaries, CRA as Director General of the Buhari Presidential Campaign Organisation, and his friend, ABS, worked as if they were on a suicide mission. Their personal sacrifices inspired someone like me to give my little support for Buhari. I was also encouraged by the choice of Professor Yemi Osinbajo as Vice Presidential candidate, a man I expected to give the intellectual backing that was lacking in the Presidential candidate. Everything went well until individual ambitions and rumour-mongering crept in. People told Amaechi that he was betrayed by his friend Saraki who, as it went, told Buhari not to pick Amaechi as Vice President because of his tempestuous character. Unknown to both friends, some fifth columnists were out to destroy their beautiful tag-team so as to weaken their influence and indirectly weaken the new Presidency. There was also the talk that ABS wanted to be the Senate President desperately. Personally, I didn’t see what was wrong with anyone pursuing his dreams in life within the ambits of what is legal. After all, President Buhari himself did this and got lucky at the fourth attempt.
Let’s fast forward. Buhari won the election and we were all very elated. The next issue was how to select the principal officers of the National Assembly. Saraki obviously had eyed the Senate Presidency even before the elections were concluded. Tinubu’s camp that already had the Vice Presidency in its kitty but also wanted the number four slot for Femi Gbajabiamila as Speaker, Federal House of Representatives. Tinubu, it was alleged, similary wanted the number three spot of Senate President for his candidate from the North East Region. Members of the New PDP felt they were being left in the lurch. Interestingly, the President was playing elder Statesman by holding himself above the fray. He did not champion anybody from his CPC faction of APC for any of these Principal Offices. Meanwhile, CRA and ABS were no longer as chummy as before. Their combination would have been lethal, but their enemies had succeeded in driving a wedge between them and this was tearing them apart. It thus became a case of “everyone for himself and God for us all.”
I was in Abuja the day ABS was elected Senate President. I called on CRA and asked if he had congratulated his friend ABS, his answer was negative. We agreed to have breakfast the following morning at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja. I asked CRA again about ABS, he said he had called him. I could see the reticence and reluctance in his attitude. For me, it was okay that he managed to fulfil all righteousness. I went in to see ABS at home to congratulate him on his victory. I was not happy that ABS and CRA were no longer close. This was their biggest undoing. Those who separated them knew what they were doing; the alliance had to be weakened, and they both became like orphans. Meanwhile, Tinubu’s gamble and opening gambit in the new administration had failed to win his faction of the APC the number three and four positions. Tinubu was livid and he felt ABS was treacherously elected and must be punished severely.
Unknown to Tinubu, the cabal didn’t want such avuncular power for him, that would presumably enable him to control the numbers two, three and four positions in the new government. As a matter of fact, the cabal were all out for him. Before one could say Jack Robinson, they created a gulf between the President and Tinubu. The interaction between the two kept dwindling. Not content with that, they also launched a major offensive against the Senate President at the Code of Conduct Tribunal. The aim was to weaken the other two strong factions of the APC so the President’s confederates could hold sway in all the necessary areas of the executive and the legislature. I wrote copiously and warned about the demonisation of Saraki. I also granted an interview in the Vanguard newspaper in which I admonished Tinubu not to join in the attempt to annihilate Saraki. From available evidence, I knew the case against Saraki was very weak and not sustainable in the court of Law. All that would happen would be to send some gullible people on a wild goose chase by portraying Saraki as the greatest enemy of Buhari and the nation. The strategy worked wonders, momentarily. Saraki knew no peace from then. His assailants wanted him to resign or be removed, by fire, by force. The few of us that openly declared that his travails were political also came under savage and rabid attacks from fiendish quarters. For three years running, Saraki has been on the cross.
He eventually won his case at the Supreme Court of Nigeria. Just before then, as if suspecting he would win, his enemies had erected another cross ready for him to bear, when the Nigerian Police alleged that they had linked him to a most terrible, heinous and very bloody armed robbery case in Offa, Kwara State. The Police sounded like he was definitely responsible for the dastardly operation. The Police are best advised to rise above partisanship and conduct their investigations in a transparent manner. That has not been the case so far and the Inspector-General of Police, Ibrahim Kpotun Idris, should not see this as an opportunity to exact revenge and pursue a personal vendetta that he believes may exist between him and the leadership of the Nigerian Senate. The sad thing in our country is that no one protects your innocence. You are tried and convicted summarily on the pages of newspapers, electronic and social media. There are more than enough people, who are not very busy, ready to carry out their nefarious attacks on you, whether innocent or not.
Saraki has suffered indeed. I don’t mind if I’m the only one willing to ask that he be allowed to prove his innocence instead of the mob attack in the print electronic and social media. What happened to our Christian and Muslim souls? What about the entrenched constitutional provision that a man is innocent until proven guilty. This debilitating bitterness will ultimately cripple Nigeria, not because Saraki is infallible, but because this kind of attitude and approach cannot augur well for our nascent democracy. This kill-and-go method to conflict resolution will hurt each and everyone of us at different stages. Buhari will leave power one day, if not next year, may be in 2023, which is just like the day after tomorrow in the eyes of God. Must we destroy everyone because of transient power. What shall it profit a man who wrecks an entire citizenry just to stay in power? Saraki’s latest headache seems easily traceable to his decision to join the Presidential race, which is not the birth-right of anybody. Whether he will actualise this decision by carrying on to the end is immaterial. The beauty of democracy is in allowing everyone to have a say and choice. When tomorrow comes, the seed of bitterness we sow today would be harvested by those close to us.
Before our very eyes, Yakubu Gowon, Olusegun Obasanjo, Shehu Shagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, late Sani Abacha, Abdulsalami Abubakar, Olusegun Obasanjo (again), Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan and now Buhari (also again), all ruled or governed. Minus Abacha and Yar’Adua, all these once powerful men are alive, but see how much almost all of them, bar Obasanjo, have diminished in status, stature and public reverence. No matter how long, all leaders, including Saraki, will leave the stage and end up the same way, unless they follow a path that will chart an enduring legacy. So why all the gra gra of gods with feet of clay? If we all remember tomorrow, we’ll pause for a moment and work on developing our nation instead of entrenching ourselves in power, as if that is all there is to life.
I need not say more…
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Opposition Parties Reject 2026 Electoral Act, Demand Fresh Amendment
Published
8 hours agoon
February 26, 2026By
Eric
Opposition political parties have rejected the 2026 Electoral Act recently passed by the National Assembly, which President Bola Tinubu swiftly signed into law.
The parties called on the National Assembly to immediately begin a fresh amendment process to remove what they described as “all obnoxious provisions” in the law.
Their position was made known at a press briefing themed “Urgent Call to Save Nigeria’s Democracy,” held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja on Thursday.
In a communiqué read by the Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) Ahmed Ajuji, the opposition leaders stated:
“We demand that the National Assembly immediately commence a fresh amendment to the Electoral Act 2026, to remove all obnoxious provisions and ensure that the Act reflects only the will and aspiration of Nigerians for free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process in our country. Nothing short of this will be acceptable to Nigerians.”
Some of the opposition leaders present in at the event include former Senate President David Mark; former Governor of Osun State, Rauf Aregbesola; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; former Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi; and former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, all from the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
The National Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Ahmed Ajuji, and other prominent members of the NNPP, notably Buba Galadima, were also in attendance.
The coalition said the amended law, signed by Bola Tinubu, contains “anti-democratic” clauses, which they argue may weaken electoral transparency and public confidence in the voting system.
At the centre of the opposition’s concerns is the amendment to Section 60(3), which allows presiding officers to rely on manual transmission of election results where there is communication failure.
According to the coalition, the provision weakens the mandatory electronic transmission of results and could create loopholes for manipulation.
They argued that Nigeria’s electoral technology infrastructure is sufficient to support nationwide electronic transmission, citing previous assurances by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
The parties also rejected the amendment to Section 84, which restricts political parties to direct primaries and consensus methods for candidate selection.
They described the change as an unconstitutional intrusion into the internal affairs of parties, insisting that indirect primaries remain a legitimate democratic option.
The opposition cited alleged irregularities in the recent Federal Capital Territory local government elections as evidence of what they described as a broader pattern of electoral compromise.
They characterised the polls as a “complete fraud” and said the outcome has deepened their lack of confidence in the ability of the electoral system to deliver credible elections in 2027.
The coalition also condemned reported attacks on leaders of the African Democratic Congress in Edo State, describing the incidents as a serious threat to democratic participation and political tolerance.
They warned that increasing violence against opposition figures could destabilise the political environment if not urgently addressed.
In their joint statement, the opposition parties pledged to pursue “every constitutional means” to challenge the Electoral Act 2026 and safeguard voters’ rights.
“We will not be intimidated,” the leaders said, urging civil society organisations and citizens to support efforts aimed at protecting Nigeria’s democratic system.
On February 18, 2026, President Bola Tinubu signed the Electoral Act (Amendment) 2026 into law following its passage by the National Assembly. The Act introduced several reforms, including statutory recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and revised election timelines.
However, opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi have also called for further amendments, particularly over the manual transmission fallback clause, which critics say leaves room for manipulation.
The president said the law will strengthen democracy and prevent voter disenfranchisement.
Tinubu defended manual collation of results, questioned Nigeria’s readiness for full real-time electronic transmission, and warned against technical glitches and hacking.
The Electoral Act sparked intense debate in the National Assembly over how election results should be transmitted ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Civil society groups under the “Occupy NASS” campaign demanded real-time transmission to curb manipulation.
In the Senate, lawmakers clashed during consideration of Clause 60, which allows manual transmission of results if electronic transmission fails.
Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (ADC, Abia South) demanded a formal vote to remove the proviso permitting manual transmission, arguing against weakening real-time electronic reporting.
The move led to a heated exchange on the floor, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio initially suggesting the demand had been withdrawn.
After procedural disputes and a brief confrontation among senators, a division was conducted. Fifteen opposition senators voted against retaining the manual transmission proviso, while 55 supported it, allowing the clause to stand.
Earlier proceedings had briefly stalled during clause-by-clause review, prompting consultations and a closed-door session.
In the House of Representatives, a similar disagreement came up over a motion to rescind an earlier decision that mandated compulsory real-time electronic transmission of results to IReV.
Although the “nays” were louder during a voice vote, Speaker Tajudeen Abbas ruled in favour of rescinding the decision, triggering protests and an executive session.
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AFP: How Tinubu’s Govt Paid Boko Haram ‘Huge’ Ransom, Released Two Terrorists for Kidnapped Saint Mary’s Pupils
Published
3 days agoon
February 24, 2026By
Eric
Two Boko Haram commanders were also freed as part of the deal, which goes against the country’s own law banning payments to kidnappers. The money was delivered by helicopter to Boko Haram’s Gwoza stronghold in northeastern Borno state on the border with Cameroon, intelligence sources told AFP.
The decision to pay the militants is likely to irritate US President Donald Trump, who ordered air strikes on jihadists in northern Nigeria on Christmas Day and has been sent military trainers to help support Nigerian forces.
Nigerian government officials deny any ransom was paid to the armed gang that snatched close to 300 schoolchildren and staff from St. Mary’s boarding school in Papiri in central Niger state on November 21. At least 50 later managed to escape their captors.
Boko Haram has not been previously linked to the kidnapping, but sources told AFP one of its most feared commanders was behind the mass abduction: the notorious jihadist known as Sadiku.
He infamously held up a train from the capital in 2022 and netted hefty ransoms for the release of government officials and other well-off passengers.
Boko Haram, which has waged a bloody insurgency since 2009, is strongest in northeast Nigeria.
But a cell in central Niger state operates under Sadiku’s leadership. The St. Mary’s pupils and staff were freed after two weeks of negotiations led by Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, with the government insisting no ransom was paid. Nigeria’s State Security Service flatly denied paying any money, saying “government agents don’t pay ransoms”.
However, four intelligence sources familiar with the talks told AFP the government paid a “huge” ransom to get the pupils back. One source put it at 40 million naira per head – around $7 million in total.
Another put the figure lower at two billion naira overall. The money was delivered by chopper to Ali Ngulde, a Boko Haram commander in the northeast, three sources told AFP.
Due to the lack of communications cover in the remote area, Ngulde had to cross into Cameroon to confirm delivery of the ransom before the first group of 100 children were released.
Nigeria has long been plagued by mass abductions, with criminals and jihadist groups sometimes working together to extort millions from hostages’ families, and authorities seemingly powerless to stop them.
Source: Africanews
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Unlawful Invasion: El-Rufai Drags ICPC, IGP, Others to Court, Demands N1bn Damages
Published
3 days agoon
February 23, 2026By
Eric
Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has slammed a ₦1 billion fundamental rights enforcement suit against the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for what he claimed was an unlawful invasion of his Abuja residence.
El-Rufai, in a suit filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, also listed the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT, Abuja Magisterial District; Inspector-General of Police, and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as 2nd to 4th respondents respectively.
According to the suit filed through his lawyers, led by Oluwole Iyamu, El-Rufai prayed the court to declare that the search warrant issued on February 4 by the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT (2nd respondent), authorising the search and seizure at his residence as invalid, null and void.
Security operatives had stormed and searched the former Governor’s residence in the ongoing investigations against him.
However, he argued in the case marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/345/2026, that the search was in violation of Section 37 of the Constitution, and urged the court to declare that the search warrant was “null and void for lack of particularity, material drafting errors, ambiguity in execution parameters, overbreadth, and absence of probable cause thereby constituting an unlawful and unreasonable search.”
In the suit dated and filed February 20 by Iyamu, ex-governor, who is currently under detention, sought seven reliefs.
He prayed the court to declare that the invasion and search of his residence at House 12, Mambilla Street, Aso Drive, Abuja, on Feb. 19 at about 2pm and executed by agents of ICPC and I-G, “under the aforesaid invalid warrant, amounts to a gross violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights to dignity of the human person, personal liberty, fair hearing, and privacy under Sections 34, 35, 36, and 37 of the Constitution.”
He urged the court to declare that “any evidence obtained pursuant to the aforesaid invalid warrant and unlawful search is inadmissible in any proceedings against the applicant, as it was procured in breach of constitutional safeguards.”
El-Rufai, therefore, sought an order of injunction restraining the respondents and their agents from further relying on, using, or tendering any evidence or items seized during the unlawful search in any investigation, prosecution, or proceedings involving him.
“An order directing the Ist and 3rd respondents (ICPC and I-G) to forthwith return all items seized from the applicant’s premises during the unlawful search, together with a detailed inventory thereof.
“An order awarding the sum of N1,000,000,000.00 (One Billion Naira) as general, exemplary, and aggravated damages against the respondents jointly and severally for the violations of the applicant’s fundamental rights, including trespass, unlawful seizure, and the resultant psychological trauma, humiliation, distress, infringement of privacy, and reputational harm.”
The breakdown of the ₦1 billion in damages includes “a N300 million as compensatory damages for psychological trauma, emotional distress, and loss of personal security;
“A ₦400 million as exemplary damages to deter future misconduct by law enforcement agencies and vindicate the applicant’s rights.
“A ₦300 million as aggravated damages for the malicious, high-handed and oppressive nature of the respondents’ actions, including the use of a patently defective warrant procured through misleading representations.”
He equally sought ₦100 million as the cost of filing the suit, including legal fees and associated expenses.
Iyamu argued that the search warrant was fundamentally defective, lacking specificity in the description of items to be seized, containing material typographical errors, ambiguous execution terms, overbroad directives, and no verifiable probable cause.
He added that the warrant violated Sections 143-148 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015; Section 36 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences (ICPC) Act, 2000, and constitutional protections against arbitrary intrusions and several other constitutional provisions.
“Section 146 stipulates that the warrant must be in the prescribed form, free from defects that could mislead, but the document is riddled with errors in the address, date, and district designation;
“Section 147 allows direction to specified persons, but the warrant’s indiscriminate addressing to “all officers is overbroad and unaccountable.
“Section 148 permits execution at reasonable times, but the contradictory language creates ambiguity, undermining procedural clarity,” he submitted.
Iyamu stated that the execution of the invalid warrant on Feb. 19 resulted in an unlawful invasion of his client’s premises, constituting violations of the rights to dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), and privacy (Section 37) of the Constitution.
He further argued that the search was conducted without legal justification and in a manner that inflicted humiliation and distress.
“Evidence obtained without a valid warrant is unlawful and inadmissible, as established in judicial precedents such as C.O.P. v. Omoh (1969) NCLR 137, where the court ruled that evidence procured through improper means contravenes fundamental rights and must be excluded,” he said.
In the affidavit in support of the application, Mohammed Shaba, a Principal Secretary to the former governor, averred that on Feb. 19 at about 2p.m., officers from the ICPC and Nigeria Police Force invaded the residence under a purported search warrant issued on or about Feb. 4.
According to him, the said warrant is invalid due to its lack of specificity, errors, and other defects as outlined in the grounds of this application.
He said the “search warrant did not specify the properties or items being searched for.”
Shaba stated that the officers failed to submit themselves for search as provided by the law before proceeding with the search.
“That the Magistrate did not specify the magisterial district wherein he sits.
“That during the invasion, the officers searched the applicant’s premises without lawful authority, seized personal items including documents and electronic devices, and caused the applicant undue humiliation, psychological trauma, and distress.
“Now shown to me and marked as ‘EXHIBIT B’ Is the list of the items carted away.
“That no items seized have been returned, and the respondents continue to rely on the unlawful evidence.
“That the applicant suffered violations of his constitutional rights as a result, and this application is brought in good faith to enforce same,” Shaba said.
Source: Naijanews.com
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