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Pendulum: The Crucifixion of Abubakar Bukola Saraki

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By Dele Momodu

Fellow Nigerians, I thought the ancient tradition of nailing people considered enemies of persons or the State to the cross had long gone into antiquity and extinction, but I was wrong. The most famous crucifixion in human history was that of our Lord Jesus Christ, of course other lesser mortals have been crucified including the thieves who died on either side of Jesus Christ on the Appointed Day. I have decided to borrow this imagery and metaphor to describe what is currently happening to Nigeria’s Senate President, Dr Abubakar Bukola Saraki (ABS), at the moment. And it is so tragic. Before I go into the meat of my epistle, please, permit me to provide some background information on what I want to call the ABS saga.

My personal admiration for, and relative closeness to, ABS was largely influenced by two friends of mine. The first was the Publisher of Thisday newspapers, Nduka Obaigbena, while the second was the then Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi (CRA). Several times in the years of ABS as Governor of Kwara State, I had the chance of speaking with ABS on the phone, because Nduka would always ask me to speak with ABS anytime they were together. I loved his gentle mien and comportment. We also met at functions several times and he carried himself with confidence, grace and poise. He always looked like someone so meek and mild and could easily be underrated. I actually think that is his greatest strength and weapon.

ABS was a very powerful and influential Governor. He was self-assured and assertive. My good friend, Amaechi, or CRA for short, was very close to him and he actually took over from him as Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum. Their love and synergy were very infectious. I remember one afternoon I visited CRA at the Wheatbaker Hotel in Lagos. After our meeting, I asked when he would be going back to Port Harcourt and CRA told me he would have to wait for ABS to come first. I was impressed because they had a relationship that made them look like lovebirds. I also appreciated how they combined powerfully in support of Major General Muhammadu Buhari. They gave their lives, energy and resources to the Buhari cause. Of course, one cannot ignore the epic support given by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and some stupendously wealthy businessmen who donated generously to give Buhari a lifeline at the fourth time of asking!

I witnessed Saraki’s total commitment to Buhari and the Change Project on several occasions in his Ikoyi home. He mobilised a lot of his extensive network, especially in the business world, and they met as regularly as possible. I saw Aliko Dangote, Femi Otedola, CRA, Wale Tinubu, Muyiwa Bakare, and others brainstorm on not only supporting Buhari, but also their desire for a prosperous and safe Nigeria. They all wished and hoped that Buhari would step in as a father-figure to all and play the Mandela option in Nigeria, come to heal the wounds, unite Nigeria, provide enabling environment for business, banish the security problems and grow the economy. It was expected that the war against corruption would be fought differently and more professionally with more action and less noise, by identifying the culprits and going after their loot wherever they are kept and bring this back into the coffers of Nigeria. The old system of using the so-called anti-corruption war to witch-hunt perceived and imaginary enemies of government was supposed to be a thing of the past.

ABS provided a formidable base for Buhari during the APC Primaries in Lagos. He galvanised his entire staff of very young and brilliant guys to work sleeplessly and sort out Buhari’s logistical needs. I will never forget the dare-devilry of CRA and ABS. They played their last cards. I was an eye-witness.

After the primaries, CRA as Director General of the Buhari Presidential Campaign Organisation, and his friend, ABS, worked as if they were on a suicide mission. Their personal sacrifices inspired someone like me to give my little support for Buhari. I was also encouraged by the choice of Professor Yemi Osinbajo as Vice Presidential candidate, a man I expected to give the intellectual backing that was lacking in the Presidential candidate. Everything went well until individual ambitions and rumour-mongering crept in. People told Amaechi that he was betrayed by his friend Saraki who, as it went, told Buhari not to pick Amaechi as Vice President because of his tempestuous character. Unknown to both friends, some fifth columnists were out to destroy their beautiful tag-team so as to weaken their influence and indirectly weaken the new Presidency. There was also the talk that ABS wanted to be the Senate President desperately. Personally, I didn’t see what was wrong with anyone pursuing his dreams in life within the ambits of what is legal. After all, President Buhari himself did this and got lucky at the fourth attempt.

Let’s fast forward. Buhari won the election and we were all very elated. The next issue was how to select the principal officers of the National Assembly. Saraki obviously had eyed the Senate Presidency even before the elections were concluded. Tinubu’s camp that already had the Vice Presidency in its kitty but also wanted the number four slot for Femi Gbajabiamila as Speaker, Federal House of Representatives. Tinubu, it was alleged, similary wanted the number three spot of Senate President for his candidate from the North East Region. Members of the New PDP felt they were being left in the lurch. Interestingly, the President was playing elder Statesman by holding himself above the fray.  He did not champion anybody from his CPC faction of APC for any of these Principal Offices. Meanwhile, CRA and ABS were no longer as chummy as before. Their combination would have been lethal, but their enemies had succeeded in driving a wedge between them and this was tearing them apart. It thus became a case of “everyone for himself and God for us all.”

I was in Abuja the day ABS was elected Senate President. I called on CRA and asked if he had congratulated his friend ABS, his answer was negative. We agreed to have breakfast the following morning at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel, Abuja. I asked CRA again about ABS, he said he had called him. I could see the reticence and reluctance in his attitude. For me, it was okay that he managed to fulfil all righteousness. I went in to see ABS at home to congratulate him on his victory. I was not happy that ABS and CRA were no longer close. This was their biggest undoing. Those who separated them knew what they were doing; the alliance had to be weakened, and they both became like orphans. Meanwhile, Tinubu’s gamble and opening gambit in the new administration had failed to win his faction of the APC the number three and four positions. Tinubu was livid and he felt ABS was treacherously elected and must be punished severely.

Unknown to Tinubu, the cabal didn’t want such avuncular power for him, that would presumably enable him to control the numbers two, three and four positions in the new government. As a matter of fact, the cabal were all out for him. Before one could say Jack Robinson, they created a gulf between the President and Tinubu. The interaction between the two kept dwindling. Not content with that, they also launched a major offensive against the Senate President at the Code of Conduct Tribunal. The aim was to weaken the other two strong factions of the APC so the President’s confederates could hold sway in all the necessary areas of the executive and the legislature. I wrote copiously and warned about the demonisation of Saraki. I also granted an interview in the Vanguard newspaper in which I admonished Tinubu not to join in the attempt to annihilate Saraki. From available evidence, I knew the case against Saraki was very weak and not sustainable in the court of Law. All that would happen would be to send some gullible people on a wild goose chase by portraying Saraki as the greatest enemy of Buhari and the nation. The strategy worked wonders, momentarily. Saraki knew no peace from then. His assailants wanted him to resign or be removed, by fire, by force. The few of us that openly declared that his travails were political also came under savage and rabid attacks from fiendish quarters. For three years running, Saraki has been on the cross.

He eventually won his case at the Supreme Court of Nigeria. Just before then, as if suspecting he would win, his enemies had erected another cross ready for him to bear, when the Nigerian Police alleged that they had linked him to a most terrible, heinous and very bloody armed robbery case in Offa, Kwara State. The Police sounded like he was definitely responsible for the dastardly operation. The Police are best advised to rise above partisanship and conduct their investigations in a transparent manner. That has not been the case so far and the Inspector-General of Police, Ibrahim Kpotun Idris, should not see this as an opportunity to exact revenge and pursue a personal vendetta that he believes may exist between him and the leadership of the Nigerian Senate. The sad thing in our country is that no one protects your innocence. You are tried and convicted summarily on the pages of newspapers, electronic and social media. There are more than enough people, who are not very busy, ready to carry out their nefarious attacks on you, whether innocent or not.

Saraki has suffered indeed. I don’t mind if I’m the only one willing to ask that he be allowed to prove his innocence instead of the mob attack in the print electronic and social media. What happened to our Christian and Muslim souls? What about the entrenched constitutional provision that a man is innocent until proven guilty. This debilitating bitterness will ultimately cripple Nigeria, not because Saraki is infallible, but because this kind of attitude and approach cannot augur well for our nascent democracy. This kill-and-go method to conflict resolution will hurt each and everyone of us at different stages. Buhari will leave power one day, if not next year, may be in 2023, which is just like the day after tomorrow in the eyes of God. Must we destroy everyone because of transient power. What shall it profit a man who wrecks an entire citizenry just to stay in power? Saraki’s latest headache seems easily traceable to his decision to join the Presidential race, which is not the birth-right of anybody. Whether he will actualise this decision by carrying on to the end is immaterial. The beauty of democracy is in allowing everyone to have a say and choice. When tomorrow comes, the seed of bitterness we sow today would be harvested by those close to us.

Before our very eyes, Yakubu Gowon, Olusegun Obasanjo, Shehu Shagari, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, late Sani Abacha, Abdulsalami Abubakar, Olusegun Obasanjo (again), Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan and now Buhari (also again), all ruled or governed. Minus Abacha and Yar’Adua, all these once powerful men are alive, but see how much almost all of them, bar Obasanjo, have diminished in status, stature and public reverence. No matter how long, all leaders, including Saraki, will leave the stage and end up the same way, unless they follow a path that will chart an enduring legacy. So why all the gra gra of gods with feet of clay? If we all remember tomorrow, we’ll pause for a moment and work on developing our nation instead of entrenching ourselves in power, as if that is all there is to life.

I need not say more…

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You’re Non-Existent, Fubara Tells Amaewhule-led Rivers Assembly

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Rivers State Governor, Similaya Fubara, has taken a swipe at the Martin Amaewhule-led group of lawmakers at the state House of Assembly and declared that they do not exist anymore in the eyes of the law.

“Let me say it here, those groups of men who claim that they are assembly members, they do not exist. I want it to be on the record,” Fubara declared

The governor stated this when he received on courtesy visit the Bayelsa State delegation of political and traditional leaders, led by former Governor of the State, Senator Seriake Dickson, at Government House in Port Harcourt on Monday.

Fubara and 26 members of the assembly loyal to former governor, Nyesom Wike, have been at loggerheads after the move to impeach the governor was thwarted.

He told the delegation that he has been showing restraint since the political crisis escalated in the state.

The governor further stated that despite wielding state powers that he can deploy to achieve his aim, he has continued to act as the big brother in the face of intimidation and unwarranted attacks.

“So, I want you to see the sacrifice I have made to allow peace to be in our state. I can say here, with all amount of boldness, I have never called any policeman anywhere to go and harass anybody.

“I have never gone anywhere to ask anybody to do anything against anybody. But what happens to the people that are supporting me? They are being harassed, they are being arrested and detained.

“There is no week that somebody doesn’t come here with one letter of invitation for trump-up charges and all those things,” he said.

The governor added, “I am saying all these because of what my senior said here. I don’t think the other party has shown any restraint. I am the one who has shown restraint in the face of this crisis.

“I am the one that is badly hit, even when I have all the government instruments to shake up the table. But, why will I do it? I believe that peace is the best relationship to cultivate.”

He revealed that he had always been present at any meeting that was called to resolve the crisis in the state but after each meeting, he was met with a new dimension of the crisis from the opposing side.

He, however, vowed to continue to be peaceful, acknowledging that power is transient.

“We might have our division, but I believe that one day, we could also come together, but it has gotten to a time when I have to make a statement that they are not existing. Their existence is me allowing them to exist. If I de-recognize them, they are nowhere. I want you to see the sacrifice I have made in allowing peace to reign in our state,” he concluded.

The Punch

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Yahaya Bello vs EFCC: The Tussle Continues

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By Eric Elezuo

With the declaration of the Apppeal Court, sitting in Abuja over the weekend, ordering a stay of proceedings in the contempt charge instituted by Yahaya Bello, former Kogi governor, against Ola Olukoyede, chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the stage seems set for an elongation of legal fireworks between the two feuding entities.

The declaration was a follow-up of Bello, who approached the Kogi High Court, seeking an order to issue and serve the respondent (EFCC chairman) with “form 49 notice” to show cause why an order of committal should not be made on him.

The judge, after listening to the arguments of the applicant’s counsel, the submission and the exhibits attached in the written address, granted Bello’s prayers and ordered Olukoyede to be summoned to appear before the court to answer the contempt charge.

However, while it is believed that the crisis of apprehending the former governor for prosecution is an institutional matter, many on the other hand, has accused the EFCC chairman of attaching a lot of personal interest in the matter going by the way he is fighting tooth and nail to see Bello in custody.

In a chat with editors at the EFCC Headquarters, Jabi, Abuja, the anti-graft agency chairman swore to follow the prosecution of Bello to the logical conclusion.

He also vowed that all those who obstructed the arrest of the former governor would be brought to justice.

The EFCC is seeking to arraign Bello on 19 counts bordering on alleged money laundering, breach of trust and misappropriation of funds to the tune of N80.2 billion.

“If I do not personally oversee the completion of the investigation regarding Yahaya Bello, I will tender my resignation as the EFCC Chairman,” Mr Olukoyede had vowed, adding that those who obstructed the arrest of the former governor would be brought to book. This was a veiled accusation against the governor of Kogi State, Usman Ododo, who used security agents to forestall the arrest of Bello in Abuja.

Olukoyede had also accused Bello of paying his children’s school fees upfront with funds from the atatae coffers.

“A sitting governor moved $720,000 directly from the government account to the Bureau de Change and used it to pay for the school fees of his child in advance in a poor state like Kogi, and you want me close my eyes under the guise that I’m being used. Use by who? At this stage of my life? By who for crying out loud?

“I didn’t initiate the case, I inherited the case file,” he retorted.

The EFCC had sought to arrest Yahaya Bello following his absence from court, and an order by Justice Emeka Nwite of the Federal High Court in Abuja after his absence in court.

He was absent from court for his arraignment on a 19-count charge of alleged money laundering to the tune of ₦80bn.

The judge relied on sections 384(4) and (5) of the Administrative and Criminal Justice Act 2015, directing the counsel to the immediate past governor to receive a copy of the charge.

The court held that where it had become impossible to effect personal service of a legal process on a defendant, such could be done through substituted means.

Justice Nwite further held that it was clear that the former governor failed to appear in court for his arraignment.

Notable minds including veteran journalist, Dele Momodu; human advocate and constitutional lawyer, Mike Ozekhome among others have said that the brazen nature with which Olukoyede is going about the matter smacks of personal vendetta, noting that now that the court of appeal has ordered a stay of execution of the contempt of court charges against Olukoyede, everyone must maintain status quotes, and allow Bello to respond to court summon, as the case is now between him and the court of Justice Nwite.

On his part, Momodu has lashed out at the EFCC for selective prosecution, wondering if Olukoyede has any personal stake in the matter, adding that generally the EFCC misfired in the Bello saga.

He said in part, during his Instagram live show:

“I don’t work for EFCC but from all the things that I have read, a lot of them, they misfired. That is the honest truth. They misfired. They didn’t do their due diligence. When you said a man took out money and paid for his children’s school fees, just as he was about to leave power, and you go and check the documents and you see that these things started happening from 2021, 2022 (laughs); I am not an illiterate.

“How do you expect me to believe everything they said when they were too much in a hurry to prosecute him that they did not take their time to check the file. Once you allow a lacuna in law, everything will fall flat.

“That is it. I am not one of those people who will say because I don’t like APC and because I supported Dino Melaye in the last election in Kogi State. Dino is my guy. But, I will not because of that be blinded by hatred for Yahaya Bello and say yes, he should go and surrender himself to EFCC when there is an existing injunction.

“And he is not the only governor who went to court and if the court has granted him that, so be it. We all know that our judiciary is not so perfect but you know, even at that, law is law, it must be obeyed. If we disobey the rule of law, then, we will have to obey the rule of the jungle. So, I never said that they are lying, it is their own statement that shows that they didn’t do their due diligence.”

TheCable, in its report, recalled that “a Kogi State high court presided over by Isa Jamil Abdullahi, had ordered Olukoyede to appear before it on May 13 to show why he should not be committed to prison for allegedly disobeying its order restraining the EFCC from arresting or taking any action against Bello.

“However, the EFCC chairman filed an appeal against the court summon.

“Olukoyede filed two motions, one seeking a stay of execution of the summon, and another one asking to serve processes on Bello via substituted means by pasting the process at his Abuja residence on No 9 Bengazi Steet Wuse Zone 4.

“In its ruling, a three-member panel of justices led by Joseph Oyewole granted the two motions.

“The appellate court fixed May 20 for the hearing of the substantive appeal marked CA/ABJ/CV/413/2024.

“Bello had on February 8, 2024, instituted a fundamental rights enforcement suit, asking the court to declare that “the incessant harassment, threats of arrest and detention, negative press releases, malicious prosecution” by the EFCC, “without any formal invitation, is politically motivated and interference with his right to liberty, freedom of movement, and fair hearing”.

“The former governor also sought an order “restraining the respondent by themselves, their agents, servants or privies from continuing to harass, threaten to arrest or detain him”.

“On February 9, the Kogi high court granted an interim injunction restraining the EFCC from “continuing to harass, threaten to arrest, detain, prosecute Bello, his former appointees, and his staff or family members, pending the hearing and determination of the substantive originating motion for the enforcement of his fundamental rights”.

On March 12, the EFCC filed an appeal against the interim injunction because the court could not stop the commission from carrying out its statutory responsibility.

The Kogi high court delivered judgment on the substantive motion on notice on April 17 wherein the presiding judge granted an order restraining the EFCC “from continuing to harass, threaten to arrest or detain Bello”.

However, the judge directed the commission to file a charge against Bello before an appropriate court if it had reasons to do so.

The judgment coincided with the recent “siege” laid on the Abuja residence of  Bello by EFCC operatives seeking to arrest him.

The commission had also obtained a warrant of arrest against the former governor from the federal high court in Abuja.

The EFCC is seeking to arraign Bello on 19 counts bordering on alleged money laundering, breach of trust and misappropriation of funds to the tune of N80.2 billion.

At the scheduled arraignment on April 18, Bello was absent.

At the court session, Abdulwahab Mohammed, counsel to Bello, told  Emeka Nwite, the presiding judge, that the court lacked jurisdiction to grant the warrant of arrest in the first instance.

He referenced the February 9 interim injunction issued by the Kogi high court, adding that the appeal filed by the EFCC was still pending.

However, the EFCC has filed a notice to withdraw the appeal.

In the notice filed on April 22, the anti-graft agency said the withdrawal was predicated on the fact that events have overtaken the appeal.

The commission also admitted that the appeal was filed out of the time allowed by law.

With the present status, legal minds are of the opinion that matters have returned to status quo, and Justice Emeka Nwite, reserved the right to order Bello’s appearance in court, and await his appearance before any other injunction can be  made.

“For now, it is not about who won or who did not. The matters of the case rest with the invitation of Bello by Justice Nwite. Bello was absent during his first summon, and the case was adjourned. So, everyone has to keep the calm and wait for the next hearing and see if he appears or not as directly by his lordship,” Ozekhome noted.

As it is therefore, May 20 will be a deciding factor for both Bello and EFCC as the tussle for who laughs last continues.

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A’IBOM GOVT PARTNERS FHA ON AFFORDABLE HOUSING

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.. donates 50 hectares of land for project take-off

 

Akwa Ibom State Government and the Federal Housing Authority ( FHA) have sealed a new partnership on the Diaspora Home Project, an affordable housing scheme of the President Tinubu Renewed Hope Agenda, with flexible payment programme, for public servants resident in the State.

The partnership was reached as the State Governor, Pastor Umo Eno, announced a fifty hectares of land donation and any other required state government support, as counterpart facilitation for the federal government housing project during a courtesy visit by a delegation from FHA led by its MD/CEO, Hon. Oyetunde Ojo, at Government House, Uyo.

In his words, “I want to assure you sir that we will work together. We have already allocated a piece of land and the Commissioner for Lands will make it available to you.

“Talking about the economic benefits such as creating employment, and all the other areas that you have talked about, we will give you all the necessary support for the benefit of our people,” he said.

Commending the all-inclusive leadership style of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Governor Eno lauded the FHA helmsman for taking steps to collaborate and ensure synergy between the federal agency and governments of the respective states proposed for the project.

This, he said, was similar to the Akwa Ibom approach, where the government does not embark on any project without engaging the stakeholders to know the actual community needs per time, expressing hope that other federal agencies, like the NDDC, would take a cue from the disposition of the FHA.

He reiterated his commitment to supporting and collaboratively working with the President Tinubu-led federal government for the general good of the people, irrespective of their different political affiliations.

“We want to make our people happy and I think that is why God sent us here. We can show to our people that our brother is up there and is helping to bring things back home and I thank Mr. President for being a father to all.

“For us in Akwa Ibom, we will work with him because he is doing his very best. I don’t have to be in APC to support him. So I make it very clear, I am a member of the PDP, but I will support Mr. President always,” Governor Eno affirmed.

In his earlier presentation, Hon. Oyetunde Ojo, said housing was a critical component of the Renewed Hope Agenda of the President Bola Ahmed Tinubu-led government and thanked the Akwa Ibom State Governor for readily supporting FHA’s Diaspora City project with land donation which, he stressed, was a priority requirement for the project.

According to him, besides coming to solicit for land, the FHA under his watch will be willing to collaborate with the state government in the areas of design, the actual building and ensuring off-takers for houses, while assuring of optimal and judicious utilisation of the allocated land.

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