The Oracle
Dr. Solomon Ehigiator Arase CFR: The Cerebral Scholar in Police Uniform
Published
8 months agoon
By
Eric
BY Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
In the quiet dawn of August 31, 2025, Nigeria lost a towering uniformed figure whose life was a testament to national service, unwavering dedication to duty, intellectual sagacity and an unyielding commitment to justice. Dr. Solomon Ehigiator Arase, CFR, the 18th Inspector-General of Police and former Chairman of the Nigeria Police Service Commission (PSC), was snatched by the cold hands of death at 69 after a brief illness at Cedarcrest Hospital in Abuja. His departure leaves a gaping void in the hearts of his family, colleagues, the security forces, and a nation he so diligently served with unparalleled patriotism.
Yet, in this moment of grieving and sorrowing, we must celebrate a legacy that continues to illuminate the path towards a safer, fairer and a more humane and just Nigeria. Born on June 21,1956, an Ora mother and Benin father, in Owan West Local Government Area, Edo State, Solomon Arase rose from humble beginnings, nurtured in a home that prized education and discipline very highly. His journey was one of relentless pursuit of knowledge and excellence, forged in the fires of academic rigor and practical wisdom. He earned a Bachelor’s degree in political science from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, in 1980, immersing himself in intellectual traditions that were later to shape his vision of law enforcement as a tool for social justice and equity. This foundation propelled him to further academic heights: a Bachelors degree in law from the University of Benin and a Masters degree in law (specializing in corporate management and finance) from the University of Lagos. He did not stop after these three degrees. He went on to obtain a Masters in Strategic Studies, and a Ph.D. doctorate degree in Public Law. As a Fellow of the Nigerian Defence College (fdc) and a member of prestigious bodies such as the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP), the International Bar Association (IBA), the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), and the Body of Benchers, Arase embodied a rare fusion of scholarly depth and operational prowess. His intellectual contributions extended beyond the classroom, as he authored influential books on policing, police reform, accountability and democratic security management that enriched national and global discourse.
Joining the Nigeria Police Force on December 1,1981, as a Cadet Assistant Superintendent of Police (ASP), Arase’s career spanned over three decades of exemplary service across operations, investigations, administration, and intelligence. He served as Principal Staff Officer to three successive Inspectors-General of Police between 2002 and 2008, honing his strategic acumen at the highest levels. As Commissioner of Police in Akwa Ibom State, Assistant Inspector-General in charge of intelligence, and head of the Criminal Intelligence and Investigation Bureau (CIIB) , he demonstrated tactical brilliance tempered with empathy. His international engagement with the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Namibia brought a global perspectives, enriching Nigeria’s security framework with lessons in conflict management and resolution. Appointed the 18th Inspector-General of Police in April, 2015, by then President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, Arase’s brief tenure until June 21, 2016, was transformative. A reformer extraordinaire, he introduced bold initiatives that reshaped and repositioned the Nigeria Police Force. He established the Intelligence Response Team (IRT), an elite unit that tackled high-profile crimes with precision, and the Complaint Response Unit (CRU), a pioneering mechanism to address public grievances against police misconduct, including abuse, corruption, and extortion. These were not mere administrative changes but bold steps toward accountability and service-oriented policing. Arase championed community policing to foster collaboration with local communities, enhanced forensic investigation capabilities, introduced Safer Highway Patrols to bolster road safety, and prohibited intrusive searches of citizens’ phones to uphold civil liberties.
As a human rights -compliant lawyer in police uniform, Arase insisted on the police using intelligence gathering mechanisms to first investigate crimes before arresting and detaining citizens. This contrasted sharply with the earlier mantra of first detaining citizens before commencing investigations. Even in crises situation such as the Agatu Massacre in Benue state to which he was deployed to assess damages, his approach remained rooted in strict professionalism and compassion. His receipt of the National Police Medal (NPM) and the highly priced national honour of Commander of the Federal Republic (CFR) underscored the respect he commanded for these reforms and more.
Retirement did not dim Arase’s influence; it rather amplified it. Appointed Chairman of the Police Service Commission (PSC) in January 2023, by then President Muhammadu Buhari, he served until June 2024, promoting merit-based recruitment, transparency and holistic depoliticization of police appointments—often against entrenched interests whose toes were sorely bruised in the process. In just two months, he fostered harmonious relations between the PSC and the Nigeria Police Force, cleared pending disciplinary matters to unblock career progressions, and oversaw fair promotion interviews while warning against corruption. Post-retirement, Arase, though retired, was not tired. He lunched into legal practice, security consultancy for the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) and the European Centre for Electoral Support. He also contributed to international efforts such as the UN Committee on the Prevention of Torture in Geneva. He chaired a task force to revise the anti-community development association laws in Edo State and served as National Legal Adviser to the Alumni Association of the National Defence College (AANDEC). His work with the Human Rights Centre at the University of Oslo and presidential committees on police reform cemented his status as a global advocate for democratic security.
Beyond his professional achievements, Arase’s heart beat for the marginalized. Through the Solomon Ehigiator Arase Foundation (SEAF), he invested in Nigeria’s future by awarding scholarships to 29 outstanding students in 2025 alone, focusing on fields such as medicine, engineering, and criminology, with special emphasis on children of fallen police officers and youth from underserved communities. This was not mere philanthropy but a profound act of legacy-building, reflecting his deep belief that true security begins with education and empowerment. In a nation grappling with inequality, SEAF stood as a beacon of hope, nurturing the next generation of leaders to carry forward his values of integrity, service, and excellence. Dr. Solomon Ehigiator Arase was more than a police officer; he was a patriot, scholar, transformer, and healer of societal wounds. His reforms built bridges of understanding between authority and trust. His policies safeguarded human dignity, while his foundation whispered assurance that every citizen’s dream matters. As President Bola Tinubu aptly noted in his tribute, Nigeria will miss his “experience and contributions,” a sentiment shared and echoed across divides by governors, statesmen and women, IGP Kayode Egbetokun and countless others.
To his beloved family—his wife, children, including Solomon Arase Jr (my mentee) and loved ones—I extend my deepest condolences. I say to you: your loss is our collective grief; yet his spirit endures in the many lives he touched. Today, we do not merely mourn a man who held office; we honour a visionary whose life was a tapestry of integrity, deep intellect and committed service to his fatherland. Dr. Arase taught us that true leadership is measured not by rank, epaulets and decorations, but by the lives touched and uplifted, the systems reformed and the hope kindled. His legacy blooms in the CRU that gave voice to the voiceless; the scholarships that lifted dreams from obscurity; and the reforms that mended fractured trust and dashed hopes. May Dr. Solomon Ehigiator Arase rest in perfect peace, and may his life inspire us to build the just, equitable society he envisioned and worked so hard to realise.
Adieu, Ehigiator. Goodbye Solomon, the man who possessed Solomonic wisdom in tons. Fareware Arase. I can authoritatively accord you with the reasonating words of Julius Caesar after his swift victory against Asia Minor in 47 BC, vini vidi vici ( you came, you saw, you conquered). Yes, you came, you served and you illuminated dark crevices for all to follow.
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The Oracle
The Oracle: Enforcement of Fundamental Human Rights Under the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria (Pt. 1)
Published
2 days agoon
May 1, 2026By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
Man as distinct from other beings is rational and has morals. He has the power of reason which enables him to differentiate between right and wrong, between good and bad, and also between justice and injustice. He therefore possesses honour and dignity which are higher than that of other beings. Human rights are necessary to protect this honour and dignity which nature has bestowed on human kind. They ensure (where these rights are enforced) that human kind is not degraded or made inhumane. Chapter IV (Sections 17-32) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1963, had provided that:
“No person shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman degrading punishment or other treatment.”
This has been replicated in section 3 of the 1999 Constitution. Equally, Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Right, 1984 declares that:
“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and right. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.”
There is therefore a great need to protect and ensure the protection of these inherent rights and freedoms.
WHAT IS A RIGHT?
Before discussing the ways and means by which one may enforce his fundamental human rights, it is apposite to first understand the context in which “right” is used.
‘Right’ in ordinary language means power of free action; a demand, inherent in one person and incident upon another. It is an interest recognized by law, respect for which is a duty and disregard of which is wrong. It refers to the cultural, political, social, economic advantage to which a person has just claim, either morally or in law. It is distinct from privilege.
Right described as ‘human’ refers to a category of rights which are specified and in most cases protected by law. Every human being is entitled to such rights and no person may be denied of such rights except through the due process of law. Cranston therefore holds the strong view that:
“A human right is something of which no one may be deprived without a great affront to justice. These are certain deeds which should never be invaded some things which are supremely sacred”
Kayode Eso, JSC. (as he then was) re-affirmed the importance of human rights in RANSOME KUTI Vs. A-G OF THE FEDERATION, (1985) CLR 6(d) (SC), when he said of human rights:
“… It is a right which stands above the ordinary laws of the land and which in fact is antecedent to the political society itself. It is a primary condition to a civilized existence… and what has been done is to have these rights enshrined in the Constitution so that the rights could be immutable to the extent of the non-immutability of the constitution itself.”
FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OR FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS?
“Fundamental rights” are generally regarded as those aspects of human rights which have been recognized and entrenched in the constitution of a country. They are specially provided for to enhance human dignity and liberty in every modern state. In the Nigerian context, the terms “human right”, “fundamental right” and “fundamental human right” are always used interchangeably. This has been justified by a learned author who posited forcefully that:
“Human rights remain so, whether they occur in the international plane or within municipal confines and whether they are called ‘human rights’ or ‘fundamental rights’. It should be noted that the international bill of rights – the universal declaration of Human rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights- use the expression fundamental human rights, so also the U.N charter.” (the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948).
Since the Constitution specifically provides for fundamental rights, Nigerian Court have found it expedient to draw a line of dichotomy between ‘human rights’ and ‘fundamental rights’. Thus, in UZOUKWU & ORS Vs. EZEONU II & ORS, (1991) 6 NWLR (pt 200) p. 708, the Court of Appeal (per Nasir P. C. A) put in with apt clarity and lucidity:
“Due to the development of Constitutional law in the field, distinct difference has emerged between ‘Fundamental Right’ and ‘Human Rights’. It may be recalled that human rights were derived from and out of the wider concept of natural rights. They are rights which every civilized society must accept as belonging to each person as human being. These were termed human rights. When the United Nations made its declaration it was in respect of Human Rights which belong to all human beings irrespective of citizenship, race, religion and so on. This has now formed part of international law. Fundamental Rights remain in the realm of domestic law. They are fundamental because they have been guaranteed by the fundamental law of the country, that is by the Constitution.”
Nature and Classification of Human Rights
Human rights are generally grouped under five sub-headings namely; Civil Rights, Political Rights, Social Rights, Economic Rights and Cultural Rights. We shall however discuss these classifications under two broad further categorization, that is:
Civil and Political Rights: these includes the right to self-determination, the right to life, freedom from torture and inhuman treatment, freedom from slavery and forced labour, the right to fair trial, right to privacy, freedom of thought conscience and religion, freedom of opinion and expression, the right of assembly, freedom of association, and movement, the right to marry and found a family, the right to participate in one’s Government either directly or through freely elected representatives, and the right to nationality and equality before the law.
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ECOSOC Rights) include the right to work, the right to an adequate standard of living, the right to organize, form and join trade unions, the right to social security, the right to collective bargaining, the right to property, the right to education, the right to participate in cultural life and to enjoy the benefits of scientific progress.
The importance of these rights cannot be over emphasized. So important are they that they have been universally recognized and acclaimed by the international community. The universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as other United Nations Covenant on Human Rights, the African Charter on Human race on an equal scale as the foundation of freedom, peace and justice in the world.
NOW THIS
HUMAN RIGHTS IN NIGERIA AND INTERNATIONAL CHARTERS AND CONVENTIONS
The emergence of human rights in documented form in Nigeria can be traced to the Nigeria Bill of Rights of 1959. This was incorporated into the 1960 Independence Constitution in 1963; these rights were reproduced 111 of the 1963 Republican Constitution. These fundamental human rights are provided for in Chapter Iv of both the 1979 and 1999 Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria with some improvements.
The reverence of these human rights can be seen from their recognition, promotion and protection under international law. Charters and Conventions have been globally drawn, and under various economic, geographical and political blocs for the promotion and protection from abuse of these rights. The United Nation (UN) has been championing the global protection of these rights as can be seen from the various chapters of the UN charter. The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (1984) proclamation states as follows:
“This Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all the end that every individual and every organ of society keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measure, national and international to secure observance both among people of member states themselves and among people of territories under their jurisdiction.”
Article 30 of the Charter further provides thus:
“Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any state group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any action aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.”
The Declaration by its provisions sets out the minimum standard to be observed by countries of the world in relation to human rights.
There is also the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights which has become, in Nigeria, a potent source of quick remedy against gross violation of human rights under municipal laws which remedy could not be traced to the laws because of ouster clauses built in them. The charter has since been ratified in Nigeria as African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act Cap 10 1 FN 1990. The importance of the African Charter was underlined by Eniola Longe J, in the case of MOHAMMED GARUBA & ORS V. A.G OF LAGOS STATE & ORS (Unreported Suit No. ID/559/90), when he held:
“The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights of which Nigeria is a signatory is now made into our law… Even if its aspect in our constitution is suspended or ousted by provisions of our local law, the international aspect of it cannot be unilaterally abrogated…”
AND THIS LIMITATION ON FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS
Under section 45 of the 1999 Constitution and many constitutional expressions of fundamental rights, certain qualifications or restriction which are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society are incorporated in the interest of defence, public safety, public order, public morality or public health or for the purpose protecting the rights and freedoms of other persons. Consequently, the aforesaid rights are generally subjected to these limitations.
ENFORCEMENT OF RIGHTS
Procedure for the enforcement of the fundamental rights provisions enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is guided and regulated by the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules 1979. It is pertinent to state here that the above rules are made pursuant to the powers conferred on the Chief Justice of Nigeria by section 46(3) of the Constitution, which provided thus:
“The Chief Justice of Nigeria may make rules with respect to the practice and procedure of a High Court for the purpose of this section.” (To be continued).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“Each state, so that it does not abridge the great fundamental rights belonging, under the Constitution, to all citizens, may grant or withhold such civil rights as it pleases; all that is required is that, in this respect, its laws shall be impartial”. (Lyman Trumbull).
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The Oracle: Human Rights: Our Everyday Essentials (Pt. 3)
Published
1 week agoon
April 24, 2026By
Eric
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The Oracle: Human Rights: Our Everyday Essential Pt.2
Published
2 weeks agoon
April 17, 2026By
Eric
By Prof Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
The inaugural installment of this piece was necessarily foundational. It examined the origins and evolution of human rights, followed by an analysis of Nigeria and the global human rights crisis. Today, we shall access human rights under the Nigerian legal system and its challenges. We shall also consider the role of civic responsibility and the power of civic action in the realization and enforcement of human rights. Enjoy.
HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE NIGERIAN LEGAL SYSTEM: LAW, COURTS, AND CHALLENGES
In any democracy, the law is the last line of defense for human dignity. In Nigeria, this role is legally assigned to the Constitution, the courts, and the justice system at large. Yet, the relationship between human rights and the Nigerian legal system is marked by both promise and paradox. While the law outlines strong rights protections, enforcement is often undermined by weak institutions, executive interference, corruption, and limited access to justice for ordinary citizens.
At the heart of Nigeria’s legal structure is the 1999 Constitution, which dedicates Chapter IV to Fundamental Human Rights. These include the right to life (Section 33), dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), private life (Section 37), freedom of expression (Section 39), and movement (Section 41), among others. These provisions, in theory, place Nigeria in alignment with international human rights standards.
Nigeria is also a party to several key international and regional human rights treaties, such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the Convention Against Torture (CAT). Under Section 12 of the Constitution, however, no international treaty is binding unless it is domesticated by the National Assembly ((1) No treaty between the Federation and any other country shall have the force of law except to the extent to which any such treaty has been enacted into law by the National Assembly).
This creates a gap between Nigeria’s global commitments and local enforcement.
The judiciary plays a critical role in interpreting and enforcing these rights. The Nigerian court system, headed by the Supreme Court, has constitutional authority to safeguard rights and check executive overreach. In several landmark cases, the courts have acted to affirm the rule of law. One example is the case of ABACHA & ORS v. FAWEHINMI ((2000) LPELR-14(SC)) where the supreme court of Nigeria opined as follows:
“Suffice it to say that an international treaty entered into by the government of Nigeria does not become binding until enacted into law by the National Assembly. See Section 12(1) of the 1979 Constitution which provides: “12(1) No treaty between the Federation and any other country shall have the force of law except to the extent to which any such treaty has been enacted into law by the National Assembly (AFRC).”
Another important case is ABACHA v. STATE ((2002) LPELR-15(SC).), where the supreme court yet again Per SAMSON ODEMWINGIE UWAIFO, JSC submitted thus:
“…It must be made quite clear that everyone is entitled to be offered access to good medical care whether he is being tried for a crime or had been convicted or simply in detention. When in detention or custody, the responsibility of affording him access to proper medical facility rests with those in whose custody he is, invariably the Authorities.”
Similarly, in Uzoukwu v. Ezeonu II (1991) 6 NWLR (Pt. 200) 708 ), the Court of Appeal laid down the test for determining violations of fundamental rights, giving legal clarity to human rights litigation in Nigeria.
Despite these rulings, the effectiveness of the courts in protecting rights remains uneven. One major challenge is executive non-compliance with court orders.
Corruption also plagues the system.
According to a 2017 report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics, the judiciary ranked among the institutions most prone to bribery (UNODC, ‘Corruption in Nigeria Bribery: public experience and response’ <https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Crime-statistics/Nigeria/Corruption_Nigeria_2017_07_31_web.pdf> Accessed on the 4th of December, 2025.). Delay in trials, frequent adjournments, and politicized judgement further weaken the system’s credibility.
Access to justice is another major concern. Many Nigerians, especially in rural areas, cannot afford legal representation. Although the Legal Aid Council of Nigeria (LACoN) was established to provide free legal services to indigent citizens, it is grossly underfunded and lacks reach. As a result, many rights violations go unchallenged, particularly for the poor, women, and detainees.
Even when legal provisions exist, enforcement agencies such as the Nigeria Police Force, Nigerian Correctional Service, and other security bodies often lack human rights training and operate with impunity. The #EndSARS Judicial Panels of Inquiry revealed systemic abuses by law enforcement, including illegal arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings (Bonnievolo E Ecoma, ‘A post-mortem assessment of the #EndSARS protest and police brutality in Nigeria’ (2023) AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL 23.).
Although recommendations were submitted, implementation has been weak, and few officers have been held accountable.
Nevertheless, there are signs of progress. Public interest litigation is increasing, driven by civil society organizations such as SERAP, Access to Justice, and the Human Rights Advancement and Development Centre (HURILAWS). More lawyers are offering pro bono services, and digital tools are emerging to track rights violations.
In summary, Nigeria’s legal system contains many of the right tools on paper to protect human rights. However, institutional weakness, political interference, and limited access continue to undermine enforcement. For the courts to truly defend citizens’ rights, judicial independence must be strengthened, corruption rooted out, and access to legal remedies expanded. The law must not only speak, it must work.
CIVIC RESPONSIBILITY AND THE POWER OF CITIZEN ACTION
The idea of human rights often evokes images of courtrooms, politicians, and legal documents. Yet, history shows that the most profound human rights transformations have been sparked not in parliaments, but in public squares, classrooms, social movements, and the daily courage of ordinary people. While laws can protect rights, only citizens can enforce their spirit through vigilance, advocacy, and civic participation.
In Nigeria, civic responsibility, the active participation of citizens in public life has always been a force for change. From the anti-colonial resistance led by nationalists like Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo, and Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, to modern day protests and community actions, Nigerians have continually demonstrated that the power to shape a just society lies in the hands of its people.
A defining moment in Nigeria’s contemporary civic movement was the #EndSARS protest of 20th October, 2020 (Silas Udenze, ‘Though Episodic: The Retrospective-Prospective Nigeria’s EndSARS Protest Anniversaries and Its Peculiarities’ (2025) Sage Journals 60 (3).). Sparked by years of (SARS), Nigerian youths took to the streets in a coordinated, peaceful movement. It was spontaneous, decentralized, and largely organized through social media (ibid). The protest became a symbol of democratic expression, civic courage, and youth led advocacy. Though it was met with repression including the tragic Lekki Toll Gate shooting it awakened a generation to the reality that rights are not guaranteed unless they are defended (ibid).
This awakening unveils a vital truth: citizens are not passive beneficiaries of human rights, they are its primary defenders. A vigilant population, one that knows its rights and demands accountability, becomes the most effective check on power. Yet civic responsibility is not just about protests. It includes voting, holding public officials accountable, reporting abuses, teaching others, volunteering, and refusing to normalize injustice.
Unfortunately, civic engagement in Nigeria is constrained by several factors. Fear of retaliation, misinformation, poverty, and lack of civic education have discouraged many from active participation. According to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), over 93 million Nigerians registered to vote in 2023, yet actual turnout was barely 27% (Adebayo Folorunsho-Francis, ‘2023 voter turnout hits 44-year-low, drops to 27%’ Punch News <https://punchng.com/2023-voter-turnout-hits-44-year-low-drops-to-27/> Accessed on the 4th of December, 2025.). This indicates a disconnect between legal rights and civic consciousness.
Furthermore, the suppression of dissent through arrests, censorship, and intimidation continues to weaken democratic space. Journalists, whistleblowers, and activists have been harassed, detained, or labeled “enemies of the state.” The Protection of Whistleblowers Bill, though proposed, has yet to be passed, leaving courageous citizens vulnerable.
The solution lies in mass civic education.
Citizens cannot defend rights they do not understand. The reintroduction of civic education in schools, community-led rights awareness campaigns, and social media activism can all strengthen the public’s capacity to engage. Civil society organizations like BudgIT, EiE Nigeria (Enough is Enough), SERAP, and Connected Development (CODE) have played pivotal roles in this space, using technology, data, and storytelling to empower citizens.
Religious and traditional leaders also have a responsibility. Their influence can either reinforce harmful customs or serve as platforms for peace, justice, and human dignity. When they speak out against discrimination, corruption, and violence, they help bridge the gap between law and lived experience.
Even simple acts like recording a rights violation, signing a petition, or educating a neighbour can ripple into systemic change. The lesson from successful movements is that change begins at the grassroots, grows with knowledge, and triumphs with collective will.
In the end, no constitution or law can replace the will of an informed and active citizenry. When people take ownership of their society, when they refuse silence in the face of injustice, human rights stop being abstract and become a lived reality. The journey to a just Nigeria depends not only on courts and parliaments, but on people who care enough to act. To be continued).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“To deny people their human rights is to challenge their very humanity”. – Nelson Mandela.
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