The Oracle
The Oracle: A Critique of the New Supreme Court Rules and Sundry Legal Anomalies (Pt.1)
Published
1 year agoon
By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
Introduction
The immediate past Chief Justice of Nigeria (Hon. Justice Ariwoola) ought to be remembered for the parting gift of sorts which he handed to the court, lawyers and litigants in the form of the Supreme Court Rules, 2024. Enacted on the eve of his departure in September 2024, the rules have been broadly welcomed by stakeholders for harmonizing the disparate rules of practice and procedure applicable in that court (the last iteration of the rule, in 1985 and the sundry practice directions which have been added to it since then) into what is hopefully a harmonious whole. Is that hope misplaced or is it deserved? Are the rules (or any of their provisions) problematic, anomalous or even out rightly ultra vires (and therefore invalid) vis-a-vis relevant standards and norms such as the Constitution, the Legal Practitioners Act and the African Charter on Human & Peoples rights? Let us find out, but first, the usual preliminaries.
Practice And Procedure of The Supreme Court Of Nigeria
By virtue of section 236 of the Constitution, the Chief Justice of Nigeria is empowered to make rules of practice and procedure applicable in the Supreme Court. Those powers and however not at large, but are to be exercised subject to the provisions any Act of the National Assembly. That statute is the Supreme Court Act, section 9 of which provides that “subject to the provision of any other enactment, the practice and procedure of the Supreme Court shall be in accordance with this Act and rules of
court.”
What Difference Do The New Rules Make?
As previously noted, the new Supreme Court rules (SCR) have been broadly welcomed by all and sundry, given the public’s perception that they introduced innovations to the court’s justice delivery tool-kit. As ever, however, the devil is in the detail and we shall see to what extent, if any, the rules live up to the hype. In this regard, I believe at least three of the supposed innovations of the rules give room for not a little concern. I am referring here to the provisions dealing with costs, right of audience, conditions for prosecuting appeals and restrictions within the exercise of such rights by a party. We take them seriatim.
Costs
The new Rules provide that not only will counsel who supposedly engage in abuse of court process be penalized with punitive costs to be paid personally by such counsel (including those acting for state/federal governments and public institutions), any counsel who defaults in making such payments will not have the right of audience in any superior court in Nigeria. I believe this is problematic for at least two reasons. To start with, the right to counsel of one’s choice- in criminal cases- is a fundamental right under section 36(6)(c) of the constitution. To that extent, it is clear that to deny a suspect or accused person of that right on the ground that the counsel is in default of certain costs awarded against him would violate this constitutional right (which, by the way, is also guaranteed under Article 7 of the African (charter).
Beyond that, however, the Legal Practitioners Act also provides (in section S thereof) that a legal practitioner shall have the right of audience in all courts of law in Nigeria. That right is subject to only one condition under the Act: payment of annual practicing fee by such legal practitioners. The Act is silent on any default by a legal practitioner to pay costs as a ground for denying him audience in court: expressio unius est exclusio alterius: the express mention of one thing in a statute implies the exclusion of others, which might
otherwise be included. See ATT-GEN. OF THE FEDERATION v
ABUBAKAR (2007) ALL FWLR pt. 375 pg.405 @553B
Right of Audience
Yet another problematic provision of the rules is the one which limits the number of Counsel appearing in any given case before the apex court. Under the new rules, this is pegged at 6, including a senior advocate where there are more than one Senior Advocate, the number of Counsel is pegged at a maximum of 8. I believe this is an undue fetter on a party’s right to Counsel of his or her choice, which, criminal cases, is a fundamental right. No rule of court can abridge or curtail a fundamental right under the Constitution or the African Charter.
Not even an Act of the National Assembly. The Constitution is supreme and, next to it, is the African Charter. See ABACHA V FAWEHINMI (2000) 6 NWLR pt.660 pg.228 @315 and IGP v ANPP (2007) 18 NWLR pt. 1066 pg. 457@500C.
Furthermore, however, this particular provision of the new rules is too sweeping as it extends beyond the Supreme Court to all superior courts of record in Nigeria. By virtue of section 6(5) of the Constitution, such courts includes the Court>of Appeal, the Federal High Court, the National Industrial Court, the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, the High Court of a States, Sharia Court of Appeal of the FCT, the Sharia Court of Appeal of States, Customary Court of Appeal of the FCT and of the states. I believe it is anomalous for this provision of the new rules to purport to apply to these other courts because it is trite law rules of practice and practice enacted for one court only apply to that court and cannot apply to that court and cannot apply to other courts: See NNEJI v CHUKWU (1988) 3 NWLR pt. 81 pg. 184 @205 per Oputa, JSC. A head of court is only empowered to enact rules of procedure applicable to that court and no other: TUKUR v. GOVERNMENT OF GONGOLA STATE (1988) 1NWLR Pt. 117 pg. 39 @50
Conditions of appeal
Another anomalous provision of the new rules, in my view, is the requirement for a prospective appellant to provide a bon d or guarantee that he will diligently prosecute the appeal. This is novel stipulation is a condition for hearing the appeal. A similar provision is the requirement of an undertaking by the appellant to pay damages to the respondent in the event that the appeal is unsuccessful. I believe that both stipulations are problematic as they impose undue fetters on the exercise of the right of appeal. The apex court has repeatedly frowned upon such restrictions on the right of access to court. See UGWU v ARARUME (2007) 12 NWLR pt. 1048 pg. 367 @ 450 per Tobi JSC, where it was held as follows:
“Right of access to court is a constitutional right, which is guaranteed in the constitution, and no law… can subtract from or derogate from it or deny any person of it.” See also GLOBAL EXCELLENCE Vs DUKE (2007) 16 NWLR pt 1059 pg.22, and Article 7 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples rights.
No stay of proceedings in interlocutory appeals
On the stipulation of the rules that the apex Court will never grant applications for stay of proceedings in interlocutory appeals, the apex Court appears to have departed from its long standing tradition of not denying a party “(be he the appellant or the respondent) the opportunity of being heard for fear that such attitude might cause a temporary delay in the disposal of the case.” See NNEJI v CHUKWU, supra, @ page 200, per Wali, JSC.
Such a shift in the policy of the Apex Court is worrisome because it transcends the practice and procedure of the court and impinges on the fundamental issue of access to court, fair hearing and to have one’s cause heard, all of which are implicitly recognized and guaranteed under the constitution and the African charter as aforesaid.
Elections
The provisions of the rules in election related appeals are also problematic for the simple reason that election matters being sui generis, the relevant prescriptions are to be found in the Electoral Act, 2022, specifically, section 140 thereof, which provide as follows:
“(1) The rules of procedure to be adopted for election petitions and appeals arising therefrom shall be as set out in the first schedule to this Act;
“(2) The president of the court of appeal may issue practice directions to the-
(a) Court of Appeal in respect of pre-election and post-election
(b) Election tribunal, in respect of post-election matters”
Curiously, however, the Act is silent on the Chief Justice of Nigeria.
In other words, it doesn’t confer a similar power on the CJN in respect of electoral appeals to the apex court, as it does on the President of the Court of Appeal. Whether it is deliberate or out of oversight is hard to fathom. What is clear is that, by virtue of the combined provisions of Items 22 and 68 of the Exclusive Legislative List, read along with Paragraph 2(b) or Part III of the Second Schedule to the Constitution, the National Assembly possesses the exclusive power to legislate on the practice and procedure in election-related litigation. To the extent that the Assembly has not delegated that power to the CJN in the same way as it did to the president of the Court of Appeal, the implication is that the Assembly did not intend to do so, but rather to reserve it to itself in appeals at the Supreme Court in electoral matters, on the maxim expressio unius est exclusion alterius aforesaid and that the provisions of the first schedule to the act have covered the field in such appeals at the apex court. The upshot of this is that the prescriptions of the new rules in electoral appeals at the apex court are ultra vires, the Hon. CJN, with the greatest respect. See ATTORNEY-GENENERAL OF ABIA STATE Vs. ATTORNEY-GENENERAL OF THE FEDERATION (2002) 6 NWLR Pt. 763 pg. 264 @ 369 & 391, Per Kutigi, JSC and Uwais, CJN. Respectively. (To be continued).
Though for the week
“The Supreme Court is the last line of defense for the separation of powers and for the rights and liberties guaranteed by the Constitution”. (Brett Kavanaugh).
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The Oracle
The Oracle: Understanding the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of Nigerians (Pt. 3)
Published
10 hours agoon
June 13, 2026By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
For the past two weeks, we have dealt extensively on this treatise. We discussed the following themes:
i. Assault on economic rights in Nigeria under the military juntas;
ii. Social rights;
iii. Cultural rights and
iv. Justiceability or otherwise of economic, social and cultural rights.
This concluding part of the treatise will examine human rights under other relevant international/universal instruments such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. Please read on.
OTHER INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSAL INSTRUMENTS
There are various International Instruments that recognize economic, social and cultural rights of people. Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, declares that:
“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and right. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood”.
THE POSITION OF AFRICAN CHARTER ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES RIGHTS
The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, 1981, also recognizes the position of human rights severally among others, and thus provide for the right to peace, development, satisfactory environment and the right to respect the common heritage of mankind. This is as provided for in Article 20 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples rights, which guarantees:
“Freedom, equity, justice and legitimate aspirations of African peoples”
To give effect to these rights, the leaders of the then Organization of African Unity (OAU), now African Union (AU). also reaffirmed the pledge solemnly made in Article 2 of the said Charter, to eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa, to co-ordinate and intensify their co-operation and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa and to promote international co-operation having due regard to the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration of Human Rights and taking into cognizance, the virtues of their historical tradition and the values of African Civilization, which should inspire and characterized their reflection in the concept of human and people’s rights.
They are also recognized on the one hand, that Fundamental Human Rights stem from attributes of human beings, which justify their international protection; and on the other hand, that the reality and respect of people’s rights should necessarily guarantee human rights. To achieve this, it should be borne in mind that the enjoyment of rights and freedoms also implies the performance of duties on the part of every citizen.
The leaders were convinced that it was essential to pay particular attention to the right to development and that civil and political rights cannot be dissociated from economic, social and cultural rights as a guarantee for such civil and political rights. This position is well encapsulated in Article 22 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, which provides that:
i “All peoples shall have the right to their economic, social and cultural development with due regard to their freedom and identity and in the equal enjoyment of the common heritage of mankind”
ii “States shall have the duty, individually or collectively to ensure the exercise of the right to development”
Nevertheless, the duty to achieve the total liberation of Africa, the peoples of which are still struggling for their dignity and genuine independence and undertaking to eliminate colonialism, neocolonialism, apartheid, Zionism and to dismantle aggressive foreign military bases and all forms of discrimination, language, religion or political options, were then the major pre-occupation of African leaders. They were firmly convinced of their duty to promote and protect human and people’s rights and freedoms, taking into account the importance traditionally attached to these rights and freedoms in Africa.
It is therefore submitted with respect, that by the provisions of all the international instruments on human rights, man has been significantly elevated to the echelon of a subject of international law beyond municipal or State
CONCLUSION
It is obvious that the economic, social and cultural rights of Nigerians have been violated severally by various successive governments and such violation is encouraged by their non-justiciability by virtue of the provisions of Chapter II the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as altered. The question thus posed as a result of this ugly trend would be: Does this mean that we should all fold our hands and watch these rights violated? Is there nothing the Nigerian people can do to litigate these rights?
The answer in conscience is that there is much we can do. We must encourage and promote the enforcement of all the fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy as they are meant to enhance the living conditions of man. It is noteworthy however, that all international Human Rights Instruments recognize economic, social and cultural rights of the people. Nigeria not being an island unto itself cannot be cocooned in self-defeatism and haplessness. She must move with the civilized world and render ECOSOC rights justiciable and enforceable. It is the duty of Civil Society and every affected citizen to challenge violation of the provisions of Chapter II of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as altered. (The end).
THOUGHTS FOR THE WEEK
“True freedom requires the rule of law and justice, and a judicial system in which the rights of some are not secured by the denial of rights to others” – Jonathan Sacks.
“The sacred rights of mankind are not to be rummaged for among old parchments or musty records. They are written, as with a sunbeam, in the whole volume of human nature, by the hand of the divinity itself; and can never be erased or obscured by mortal power” – Alexander Hamilton.
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The Oracle
The Oracle: Understanding the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of Nigerians (Pt. 2)
Published
1 week agoon
June 5, 2026By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
The inaugural part of this piece was necessarily foundational: it defined ‘human rights’; ‘economic social and cultural rights’ and also reviewed historical assault on economic rights by military juntas in Nigeria. Today we continue same theme after which we shall delve into social and cultural rights and equally examine their justiciability. Enjoy.
ASSAULT ON ECONOMIC RIGHTS BY MILITARY JUNTAS (continues)
The opaque commercialization and privatization of economic policies that were originally introduced by successive military regimes in Nigeria were later to be fully and absolutely incorporated and implemented in the scheme of things by the Obasanjo administration from 1999-2007. For example, the Obasanjo administration illegally privatized NNPC, NITEL, NEPA, Federal Hotels, strategic public institutions and other public corporations, without necessarily following due process as is required under a constitutional democracy. This privatization and commercialization exercise was done with the ulterior motive of satisfying the whims and caprices of a certain cabal of politicians at the expense of the vast majority of the masses. The commanding heights of our National economy were privatized to friends, relations, school mates, surrogates and lackeys of Government officials and their compradors.
SOCIAL RIGHTS
These include right to quality education, right to security of employment, access to free medical care, right to drink clean pipe-borne water, right to electricity, right to information, right to good roads, right to good shelter and clothing, etc. These are also known as basic social amenities, which are necessarily incidental to decent and reasonable existence. We are already in the 21st century where a serious global campaign is on going for mass literacy. This campaign for good and qualitative education is predicated on the well known truism that education leads to development in all its ramifications.
Has the Nigerian Government done enough in the area of fundamentals of the importance of education? The answer in good conscience is a capital “No”. Since the days of “Ali-must-go protests (1978), education has suffered tremendously as a result of its commercialization, thus making it an exclusive preserve of the rich. The then National union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), under the leadership of late Mr. Segun Oni demonstrated its abhorrence for this and strenuously protested against the commercialization of education by the then Commissioner for Education, Amadu Ali. Unfortunately, however, this noble struggle of Nigeria Students led to indiscriminate shooting, maiming and killing of innocent and harmless students who were essentially the sons and daughters of the poor. All Federal Universities were promptly closed down following the mass protests. These tragedies occurred during the inglorious days of the military dictatorship of Obasanjo. That was perhaps the first time when Nigerian students signposted their determination to assert their inalienable right to education. Till date, education is still in shambles as all successive military and civilian Administrations have done little or nothing to improve it. While the children of the rich and people in Government attend Ivy league schools both locally and in foreign countries, the mass majority of children of the poor receive half-baked education in half completed buildings, without writing or learning materials.
In fact, since the evolution of Nigeria as a country and indeed since the attainment of political independence, no government has sincerely attempted the convocation of an Education Summit where all stakeholders are permitted to contribute intellectually to the production of a blue print for sustainable quality education that will meet our yearnings and aspirations as a rapidly developing African Country. It is an indisputable fact that without quality education, life will be of no avail and consequently, development will be retarded.
Another epochal struggle of the later National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), for improved living standard and conditions in tertiary institutions was the 1990 agitation for the provision of the most basic needs on campuses, essentials such as pipe – borne water, electricity and laboratory equipment just to enhance quality education. The response of the then Babangida Military Junita was a far cry from the legitimate demands of the students. Between March/April, 1990, the Federal Government decided to take an IMF loan of $120m for the Federal Universities and this unilateral and retrogressive decision triggered off violent protests and agitation from the academic community. The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) and Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), actively protested against the decision to take loan from the world Bank, essentially because the conditionalities attached thereto would worsen the already crisis – ridden educational situation in the country. Not less than three Federal Universities were closed down following the massive protests that greeted the decision to take the said IMF loan. Some students of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile – Ife, were arrested and arraigned before an Ile – Ife Magistrate Court for charges of conduct likely to cause a breach of the peace. The then Education Minister, Prof. Babs Aliyu Fafunwa, while trying to justify the essence of the loan stated that it was meant for the restoration of the universities, but this explanation was not acceptable to Nigerian Students as well as the Academic Staff Union of Universities, who that knew the loan would further deny Nigerians a right of access to the already collapsed educational system. All these were the by-products of SAP, an anti-people program that was initiated by General Babangida’s Military regime.
CULTURAL RIGHTS
Culture has been defined by Bairamian J. in Lewis vs. Bankole, as a mirror of accepted usage. It is a way of life of people, which has gained acceptance among them over the years. The great sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo of blessed memory, once said that:
“Culture is the tap root of every society and if culture decays, that society will have to develop parasitic features for it to continue to exist”.
Cultural heritage has many aspects. For example, cultural songs and dance, cultural foods, cultural traditional marriage, cultural dresses and festivals. Nigerian’s multi-ethnic groups presuppose the existence of cultural pluralism. This means that as there are many different ethnic groups, so also there are different and diverse cultures in Nigeria. It is therefore necessary to preserve and promote cultural rights among the various ethnic Nationalities in Nigeria, so as to enable Nigerians participate actively in their cultural life. This would also foster our philosophy of national integration and diversity. An examination of the Nigerian Society in the pre-colonial era will reveal how well preserved, promoted and respected our cultural heritage was by all the paramount traditional rulers of the time. For example, the Benin Empire during the reign of Oba Overamwen Nogbaisi earned continental applause as a result of the Oba’s dedication and commitment to the promotion and preservation of the Benin cultural heritage. The Oyo Empire under the Alaafin of Oyo was also feared and respected by all and sundry for its commitment to the preservation of their cultural heritage. The Hausa/Fulani struggled for decades for the preservation and promotion of their cultural heritage. This was copiously acknowledged by all British Colonial Administrators in Nigeria during the colonial era.
JUSTICEABILITY OR OTHERWISE OF ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS
Chapter II of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended made copious provisions for Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy. Sections 13 – 24 of the constitution are basically on such all important issues and matters like fundamental obligations of the Government, the Government and the people, politics, economic, social, educational, foreign policy, environmental objectives, directives on Nigerian culture, obligations of mass media, National ethnic and duties of the citizens. Section 16 (1) – (4) of the constitution deals essentially with economic objectives, while section 17 (1) – (3) deals with social objectives; and section 21 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended provides for directives of Nigerian culture.
A cursory look at the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as altered, quickly reveals that the Government, gave these rights and privileges with the left hand, and took them back with the right hand. This is akin to the proverbial Greek gift. It is submitted with respect that, the non-justificiability of the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy under the 1999 Constitution appears to be a conspiracy by the state and its preferred minions to deny the Nigerian citizens, particularly the masses, the enjoyment of their well deserved wealth by many public officers and Government functionaries. A careful consideration of the diary of looting in Nigeria will reveal how public officers in connivance with elected political office holders have embezzled and mismanaged public funds meant for provision of infrastructural facilities and other developmental projects. But since the 1999 constitution as imposed by themselves and their military collaborators has prohibited any person from challenging or seeking to enforce the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy, the looting or siphoning of public funds will continue with impunity and the perpetrators will always find an escape route. The average Nigerian continues to wallow in abject penury. The recent revelations of looted billions of naira constitute and eye – opener to this tragedy.
We must encourage and promote the enforcement of all the Fundamental Objectives and Directives Principles of State Policy as they are meant to enhance the living standard of all and sundry.
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“True freedom requires the rule of law and justice, and a judicial system in which the rights of some are not secured by the denial of rights to others”. – Jonathan Sacks.
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The Oracle
The Oracle: Understanding the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of Nigerians (Pt. 1)
Published
2 weeks agoon
May 29, 2026By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
Generally speaking, economic, social and cultural rights are part and parcel of inalienable human rights with which man is naturally endowed upon birth. In a responsible and ideal society, all the human rights including economic, social and cultural rights are recognized, respected, guaranteed, enforced, implemented and even prompted by all and sundry, the state inclusive. These rights which have been universally recognized are otherwise known as ECOSOC RIGHTS.
However, before discussing in detail, economic, social and cultural rights which constitute the gravamen of this write-up, it is pertinent to deal with terminological issues by attempting to know the meaning of a ‘Right’. What is a “Right”?
DEFINITION OF TERMS
“Right” is a versatile term meaning correct, suitable, or morally proper, as well as indicating the direction opposite to left, or a legal/moral entitlement. It signifies accuracy.
According to Osbornes Law Dictionary of current English, a Right is defined as:
“An interest recognized and protected by the law, respect for which is a duty and disregard of which is wrong”
This definition is on all fours with that of Black’s Law Dictionary (8th Edition, page 1347) which defines ‘Right’ as:
“That which is proper under the law, morality or ethics. Right also means to know right from wrong, something that is due to a person by just claim, legal guarantee, or moral principle-the right of liberty. A power, privilege, of immunity secured to a person by law -the right to depose of one’s estate. A legally enforceable claim that another will do or will not do a given act; the violation of which is a wrong-, a breach of duty infringes one’s right. The interest, claim or ownership that one has in tangible or intangible property-a debtor’s rights in collateral-publishing rights. The privilege of corporate shareholders to purchase newly issued securities in amounts proportionate to their holdings. The negotiable certificate granting such a privilege to a corporate shareholder”
A legal scholar, John Chipman Gray, in his book “The Nature and Sources of law, page 8-9 (2d ed. 1921)”, opines that:
“Right is a correlative to duty; where there is no duty there can be no right. But the converse is not necessarily true. There may be duties without rights. In order for a duty to create a right, it must be a duty to act or forbear. Thus, among those duties which have rights, corresponding to them do not come within the duties, if such there be, which call for an inward state of mind, as distinguished from external acts or forbearances. It is only to acts and forbearances that others have a right. It may be our duty to love our neighbor, but he has no right to our love”.
Ordinarily, right means power of free action. It refers, inter alia, to the economic, social and cultural advantages or benefits to which man has a just claim morally, legally and ethically. It is different and distinct from a privilege. From the above definitions only a right recognized and protected by law can be considered as a right; Otherwise, it is just a privilege.
WHAT THEN ARE HUMAN RIGHTS
Human rights strictly speaking are those sets of rights referred to as inalienable, which are also specifically and particularly recognized and protected by law. Every human being is naturally endowed with and is entitled to the enjoyment of such rights except by due process of law. They are human because they are fundamental.
Another legal scholar, M. Cranston in his book titled: “Human Rights: Real and Supposed quoted in D/D, Rapheal (ed) Political Theory and the Rights of man (1967) Bloomington, Indian University Press page 52”. Opined that:
“A human right is something of which no one may be deprived without a great affront to justice. These are certain deeds, which should never be done, certain freedoms, which should never be invaded, something’s which are supremely sacred”.
One of the most distinguished jurists ever produced by Nigeria, Kayode Eso JSC, re-affirmed the importance of human rights in RANSOME KUTI V. A-G OF THE FEDERATION (1985) 2 NWLR (Pt. 6) 211, 230, in the following words:
“it is a right which stands above the ordinary laws of the land and which in fact is antecedent to the political society itself. It is a primary condition to a civilized existence… and what has been done by our constitutions…. is to have these rights enshrined in the constitution so that the rights could be “immutable” to the extent of the “non immutability” of the constitution itself”.
From the above definitions of human rights, it is obvious that those rights that are termed fundamental human rights and which are specifically codified in our statutes particularly Chapter IV of the Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, are not only recognized and protected, but are also enforceable in law courts.
WHAT ARE ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS?
These are simply rights that enable man to have a reasonable and decent standard of living in the society. In accordance with the provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, every citizen in Nigeria shall be afforded the opportunity to develop his full potentials economically, socially and culturally to the utmost of his ability. Unfortunately, however, the contrary is the case as these rights are not in any enforceable in a court of law. This informs the reason why some countries of the world have codified some fundamental laws regarding the implementation and enforcement of economic, social and cultural rights in their grundnorm, the constitution. The right to a decent living is unarguably a corollary to the right to life. To be saddled with less than decent living standard is to demote human beings to the base level of animals.
ECONOMIC RIGHTS
An Economic right is nothing but the right of man to be gainfully employed in order to share a decent and adequate standard of living in the society. The state is enjoined to ensure the provision of job opportunities to all persons without discrimination on grounds of belief, religion, gender, political and ethnic affiliations. In this respect, it is expected that the Government should provide an enabling economic environment to improve on the living conditions of the citizens. Without this, life, as in the Hobbesian state of nature, would be “short, nasty and brutish”.
ASSAULT ON ECONOMIC RIGHTS BY MILITARY JUNTAS
Unfortunately, the economic rights of many Nigerian citizens have been seriously undermined by successive military and civilian Administrations (See Annual Report on Human Rights in Nigeria, 1990-Civil Liberty Organisation (CLO).). In the locust days of the General Ibrahim Babangida administration, the nationally acclaimed maximum dictator, and self-styled “evil genius”, the Nigerian economy was badly managed and terribly crises-ridden, thus subjecting poor Nigerian citizens to squalor and abject penury. It was during the tenure of this military junta that subsidy in petroleum products was removed and left to the vagaries of international market forces. Nigerians were living from hand to mouth; both the employed and unemployed. Inflation geometrically increased and consequently the poor living conditions of Nigerian citizens became aggravated. All the civil liberties organizations, Student Unions and the Nigerian Labour Congress massively mobilized Nigerians to protest against the military Government policy of removing oil subsidy. This did not in any way deter him. In fact, the protests led to the arrest and incarceration of many human rights and pro-democracy activities. Many died in the struggle.
When the Babangida regime eventually responded to the economic crisis in Nigeria with the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), the implementation of which rather aggravated the living conditions of a vast majority of the citizens who were then living below poverty line, he went scot free. The United Nations Development Project (UNDP) Report on Human Development better captured this sorry state to which Nigerians were subjected by the Ibrahim Babangida regime in its report which scored Nigeria 0.322 out of a maximum Human Development Index of (HD10 1.0). That report automatically placed our country last in terms of citizen’s access to resources needed for a decent standard of living, literally levels and average life expectancy in a given country. The value of Naira also experienced a monumental decline or downward slide vis-à-vis the dollar and other international currencies under the Second Tier Foreign Exchange Market (SFEM).
Another negative effect of SAP to Nigerians was the massive loss of employment as many Nigerian workers of various levels were laid off. It was reliably reported that not less than 10, 000 junior workers of Julius Berger Construction Company in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja (FCT), were unlawfully dismissed simply because they embarked on a strike action to demand for better working conditions. This further worsened the alarming abject poverty in the country.
With the advent of Democracy in Nigeria in 1999, (one would have expected an aggressive and radical transformation of the economy in such a way that adequate job opportunities would be created to quickly arrest the alarming hunger and poverty that had ravaged the Nigerian masses). Unfortunately, the civilian administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo did nothing practical to ameliorate the deplorable living conditions in Nigeria. Instead, his administration introduced social and economic policies that were not only strangulating in nature, but exclusively impoverished the Nigerian masses who started living like “walking corpses”, as Ayi Kwei Ama once posited, in his book, “The Beautiful Ones Are Not Yet Born”. (To be continued).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“Rightful liberty is unobstructed action according to our will within limits drawn around us by the equal rights of others. I do not add ‘within the limits of the law’ because law is often but the tyrant’s will, and always so when it violates the rights of the individual”. (Thomas Jefferson).
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