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Wole Soyinka @90: A Personal Reflection

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By Kingsley Moghalu

“Wole Soyinka would like to have lunch with you”, the book publisher Bankole Olayebi, CEO of Bookcraft Africa Ltd, told me one bright day in Lagos sometime in 2018. I was startled. “Really, why?” I replied. “He read your book, BIG”, Bankole replied. “He liked it, and I think he would like to discuss the ideas you expressed in it and get to know you more”. BIG, for the uninitiated, is the acronym for Build, Innovate and Grow, my fourth book that was published in February 2018 and in which I set out a bold vision for Nigeria and how to actualize it. I had offered that vision to my compatriots as I launched an intrepid, “Third Force” bid for the Office of the President of Nigeria ahead of the 2019 general elections. That seems like such a distant memory now!

Soyinka is perhaps unique in his combination of a long, distinguished literary career with an equally tumultuous one as a political activist. His literature and his political dissidence cannot, in fact, be separated. The former was his prime vehicle for the latter. The idea that justice is the ultimate value in human existence lies at Soyinka’s core.

Back to that lunch – the first of many other lunches and dinners to come. We met at one of his favorite Chinese restaurants in Lagos. I was accompanied by a couple of associates. He, by Bankole. It was a pleasant and not particularly political affair. We discussed Nigeria broadly, but more pointedly the specific solutions I had proffered in BIG to our national problems – the economy, nationhood, security, foreign policy, the brain drain, etc. He was especially impressed, he said, with my proposals for how a constitutional redesign of Nigeria, popularly termed “restructuring” in our polity, could improve Nigeria’s frayed nationhood, stability, and inclusive prosperity.
As the electoral cycle progressed, we met another couple of times I think, and more frequently after the elections, and grew to be friends. He would arrive at our lunch and dinner meetings with his own preferred bottle of wine, which would promptly be buried in an ice bucket for him by attentive, awe-struck restaurant waiters. He would then instruct them: “get some water or tea for this boring fellow”, pointing to teetotalling me with mock disgust on his face!.

Soyinka cares deeply about Nigeria. He has done some very controversial things in his political-activist career, and paid the price of imprisonment, near-death at the hands of military dictators, and exile. In the 1960s, as the Nigerian political crisis degenerated, he condemned the military coups of 1966, the killings of Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa and the Northern Region Premier, Ahmadu Bello, and the pogrom of tens of thousands of Igbos in Northern Nigeria. After Col. Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, then Military Governor of the Eastern Region, announced the region’s seccession as the Republic of Biafra, Soyinka visited the region in an effort to broker peace. For his pains, and for speaking up against the plight of the Igbo, the Nigerian authorities imprisoned Soyinka without charges in solitary confinement for two years. His famous memoir, The Man Died, was written during his time in jail.

A couple of weeks to the 2019 elections, WS and the Citizens Forum, a civic group he convened, announced their formal endorsement of my presidential candidacy in a well reasoned public statement. Soyinka’s endorsement created a loud buzz at home and around the world, and surprised many observers. “Soyinka Stuns Bookmakers, Endorses YPP Candidate, Moghalu, for President ”, Thisday’s front-page banner headline screamed. “Wole Soyinka Endorses Moghalu for President”, reported The Guardian in its headline. The endorsement was not necessarily going to decide the election, given the uniqueness of Nigeria’s political terrain. But, coming from him, it was historically and symbolically powerful, supporting as it did a candidate outside of the two main political parties.
One has since turned one’s back on partisan politics and electoral ambitions, whether of the local government councilman or presidential variety – not just because I did not win in what was essentially at the time a trial balloon, but rather because my brief foray into Nigerian politics opened my eyes to just how soullessly rigged our system is, especially with an umpire institution that has made a mockery of the word “democracy” and turned “vote” and “count” into an oppositional relationship.  But I will always consider the Nobel Laureat’s endorsement, coveted by many without success, a big win. In politics, there are many kinds of victories even beyond the polls. Changing the political narrative in our country was, for me, a source of satisfaction. .
I can also say on the record that, although my candidacy was nationalistic and not anchored on ethnic identity – which meant, in the NIgerian context, that I really wasn’t a politician in the first place because understanding root causes of national problems and how to fix them isn’t exactly the whole point – Soyinka believed that Nigeria needed to have a President of Igbo extraction, with a nation-binding vision, if our country was to truly heal from the wounds of the civil war. But he was clear that such a candidate, for him, had to have other transformational attributes other than simply a particular ethnic identity. To that extent, he was disappointed, but understood my reasons, when I withdrew from the 2023 presidential election and later announced my complete departure from the political terrain and a return to full-time professional life. He had planned to renew his endorsement of my candidacy had I been on the ballot in the 2023 elections.
Soyinka has, unfortunately in my view, been the subject of sustained attacks from some  quarters recently over some of his comments about the 2023 elections. WS has taken responsibility for his comments and needs no help in standing up for or reconsidering them. My only angle of interest in the controversies is that, from what I know, emotional, knee-jerk charges of “Igbophobia” or clannishness attributed to WS by some netizens on social media  (which he does not use) are thoroughly misplaced. Now, you don’t have to like the man. His greatness notwithstanding, he is a mere mortal, and not above criticism – which he himself can dish out generously and articulately when he is moved to. Nevertheless, such disagreement and criticism should be civil and not uncivil. Any charge of ethnic prejudice, in particular of an anti-Igbo hew, must necessarily collapse in the face of objective facts. First, and an obvious point – he so dislikes the part of the country that he spent two years of his life in prison standing up for their rights? That’s a non-sequitur!
Second, WS cut his teeth in political activism as a student at the University of Ibadan in the early 1950s through his support for the Dynamic Party leader Chike Obi, the renowned Professor of Mathematics and one of the towering political figures of the time.  Chike Obi hailed from Onitsha in today’s Anambra State. Four decades later, as military dictatorship wound down in 1998 and a return to democracy loomed, WS led a group that, unsolicited (remember the surprising lunch invite?),  quietly and discreetly attempted to broker an elite consensus that would see Chief Emeka Anyaoku, the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth of Nations at the time, adopted as a broad-based consensus candidate for President of Nigeria in the 1999 transition to civilian rule. A nationalist, internationalist, and revered elder statesman, Anyaoku is a proud Igbo red-cap chief, the Ichie Adazie of Obosi Kingdom in Anambra State. The military generals, however, settled on ex-General and former military Head of State Olusegun Obasanjo in order to assuage Yoruba resentment against the cancellation of the 1993 presidential election won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola, who died in detention in 1998.
At the ripe old age of 90 years in a life of renown and colossal distinction, now is not the time to nail WS to the stake. We must be a bit more forgiving of each other as Nigerians, even when we disagree. Wole Soyinka is an inspirational global icon who brought great pride to our country with his contributions to literature and the arts in the world. I am proud to call him, with humility, my friend. And so, to WS, occupied in recent years as the Arts Professor of Theatre at New York University Abu Dhabi (NYUAD), 90 cheers on his 90th birthday. With my glass of water, or fruit juice. Boring!
Kingsley Moghalu is the President of the Institute for Governance and Economic Transformation
Culled from ThisDay

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El-Rufai to Remain in ICPC Custody Till June

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Justice Darius Khobo of the Kaduna State High Court has adjourned the bail hearing of former Governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, to the first week of June, 2026.

El-Rufai is being arraigned on multiple charges bordering on alleged financial crime and abuse of office by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC).

“Similarly, another charge, number KDH/KAD/ICPC/01/26, against Mallam Nasir El-Rufa’i and one Amadu Sule (LEDA) has also been filed before a Kaduna State High Court in the Kaduna Judicial Division,” the ICPC said last month.

“The charges in the State High Court case range from abuse of office, fraud, and intent to commit fraud to conferring undue advantage, among others. Both charges were filed by the ICPC on the 18th of March, 2026.”

Speaking after the court session, counsel to the former governor, Ukpon Akpan, kicked against the lingering adjournment of the bail hearing by one presiding judge as politically motivated.

The high-profile case has drawn significant public attention, with heightened security presence observed around the court premises.

The former governor had arrived at the court at about 9 am in a convoy accompanied by ICPC officials and operatives of the Department of State Services (DSS).

During the proceedings, supporters of the former governor gathered outside the courtroom, while security agencies maintained order and restricted movement within the vicinity.

Inside the courtroom, journalists, as usual, were not allowed, as proceedings are expected to focus on arguments presented by both the defence and prosecution regarding the bail request.

At the last sitting, the defence team had maintained that their client poses no flight risk and is willing to comply with all conditions set by the court.

Meanwhile, the prosecution has urged the court to carefully consider the gravity of the charges.

The 66-year-old former governor of Kaduna has been in ICPC custody since February 19 following his release by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

El-Rufai, a former minister of the FCT, was, however, released on March 27 based on compassionate grounds following his mother’s death.

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Timi Frank Petitions US, Demands Gbajabiamila’s Resignation over ‘Anti-Democratic’ Remarks

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Political activist, Comrade Timi Frank, has called on the United States government to investigate and sanction the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, over alleged actions capable of undermining Nigeria’s democracy.

Frank’s demand followed a viral video in which Gbajabiamila was quoted as telling Hon Leke Abejide, during his wife’s 50th birthday that: “Don’t come to APC. Stay in ADC and scatter them. We like what you’re doing… stay in ADC and win your election… bring Bala Gombe, and we’ll support him. Good luck in court.”

Describing the remarks as “reckless” and dangerous, the former Deputy National Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), said they point to a deliberate attempt to weaken opposition parties and erode democratic institutions.

“Your statement, as Chief of Staff, raises serious concerns about the determination by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s regime to truncate democracy,” he said, adding that “inference can be made that there is an infringement on the independence of the judiciary.”

He warned that any suggestion that courts could be influenced “undermines public confidence in democratic institutions,” citing references to political actors, including Leke Abejide, as requiring clarification to avoid “dangerous interpretations.”

Frank argued that Gbajabiamila’s comments effectively confirm the Presidency’s involvement in crises rocking opposition parties such as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Social Democratic Party (SDP), New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), and the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

“When a Chief of Staff speaks, it reflects the body language of the President. This points to a deliberate attempt to weaken opposition and consolidate power,” he said.

He further claimed that state influence, including the use of the judiciary, is being deployed against opposition parties. “The audacity of the statement suggests nothing will happen even if opposition parties are destabilised. That is dangerous,” he added.

Frank described Gbajabiamila as “an alter ego of the President” who had “displayed the arrogance of power,” insisting that public office holders must uphold restraint, respect for the rule of law and constitutional order.

He also urged U.S. authorities to probe Gbajabiamila’s activities and financial dealings.

“As an American citizen, he should be held accountable. We want to know if he is meeting his tax obligations in line with his earnings in Nigeria,” Frank said, describing him as “a bad ambassador of the United States.”

“We want to be sure that all earnings, including those from official and business engagements in Nigeria, are properly declared and taxed,” he added.

On accountability, Frank insisted resignation was the only honourable option.

“We call for your resignation with immediate effect. If such a statement were made in the United States, the official involved would have resigned forthwith,” he said.

He disclosed plans to petition the U.S. Embassy in Nigeria, stressing that “those entrusted with leadership must reflect humility, constitutional awareness and respect for separation of powers.”

“Power is transient, but institutions must endure. Any comment that diminishes their independence must be corrected,” he added.

The call comes amid rising concerns over the stability of Nigeria’s multiparty system and allegations of increasing pressure on opposition parties.

Comrade Timi Frank is the ULMWP Ambassador (East Africa and Middle East) and Senior Advisor, Global Friendship City Association (GFCA), USA.

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Alleged Coup Plotters Get April 22 Date for Trial, Slammed with 13-Count Charge

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The Federal Government has filed a 13-count charge before the Federal High Court in Abuja against a retired Major General, a retired Naval Captain, a serving police inspector, and three others over an alleged coup plot and acts of terrorism.

The alleged coup plotters, are scheduled to be arraigned tomorrow (Wednesday), April 22, before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik of the Federal High Court, Abuja.

Those named in the charge are Major General Mohammed Ibrahim Gana (rtd), Captain (NN) Erasmus Ochegobia Victor (rtd), Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim, Zekeri Umoru, Bukar Kashim Goni, and Abdulkadir Sani.

Also listed as a defendant, but said to be at large, is former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva.

The charge, filed by the Office of the Attorney-General of the Federation and signed by the Director of Public Prosecutions of the Federation, Rotimi Oyedepo, SAN, accuses the defendants of offences ranging from treason and terrorism to failure to disclose security intelligence and money laundering linked to terrorism financing.

At the centre of the case is an allegation that the defendants conspired in 2025 to undermine the Nigerian state.

According to the charge, they “conspired with one another to levy war against the state to overawe the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria,” an offence punishable under Section 37(2) of the Criminal Code.

The prosecution further alleged that the defendants had prior knowledge of a planned treasonable act involving one Colonel Mohammed Alhassan Ma’aji and others but failed to alert authorities.

The charge stated that they, “knowing that and intended to commit treason, did not give the information thereof with all reasonable despatch to either the President or a Peace Officer.”

In another count, the defendants were accused of failing to take preventive steps, as they allegedly “did not use any reasonable endeavours to prevent the commission of the offence.”

Beyond treason, the Federal Government is prosecuting the defendants for terrorism-related offences under the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.

The charge alleged that they “conspired with one another to commit an act of terrorism in the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”

Particularly, Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim and Zekeri Umoru are accused of participating in meetings linked to terrorist activities.

Prosecutors claim they acted “in a bid to further a political ideology which may seriously destabilise the constitutional structure of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”

The charge also accused the defendants of providing support for terrorism, alleging that they “knowingly and indirectly rendered support” to facilitate acts of terror.

In addition, the prosecution alleged a deliberate suppression of intelligence, stating that the defendants “had information which would be of material assistance in preventing the commission of the act of terrorism but failed to disclose the information to the relevant agency as soon as practicable.”

The case further traced financial transactions allegedly linked to terrorism financing, with multiple defendants accused of handling proceeds of unlawful activities.
Bukar Kashim Goni is alleged to have “indirectly retained the aggregate sum of N50,000,000, which forms part of the proceeds of an unlawful act, to wit: terrorism financing,” while Abdulkadir Sani allegedly retained N2 million from a similar source.

Zekeri Umoru, according to the charge, “without going through a financial institution accepted a cash payment of the sum of N10,000,000,” and also retained an additional N8.8 million suspected to be proceeds of terrorism financing.

Inspector Ahmed Ibrahim was also accused of taking possession of N1 million linked to the same alleged scheme.

All financial-related counts were brought under the Money Laundering (Prevention and Prohibition) Act, 2022.

The 13-count charge presents what prosecutors describe as a coordinated network involving security personnel, civilians, and a politically exposed individual, allegedly connected to activities threatening national security.

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