Opinion
Tinubu’s Ministers and Nigeria’s Dilemma
By Reuben Abati
Yesterday, 45 Ministers took the oath of office as Ministers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria pursuant to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu exercising executive powers as granted under Section 5 of the 1999 Constitution, and in line with Section 147(3). These Ministers of the “Restored Hope Agenda”, we are told have a mandate to deliver Tinubu’s eight-point agenda as stated in his election manifesto to wit: national security, economy, agriculture, power, oil and gas, transportation, education, and healthcare, with special emphasis on economy and security.
What immediately stands out about this cabinet is that it is the largest since Nigeria’s return to civilian rule in 1999, and given Nigeria’s current economic situation, this is somewhat disappointing as it signals a resort to “big government” with heavy cost implications. President Olusegun Obasanjo began in 1999 with a cabinet of 42 Ministers (1999 – 2003), which he later reduced to 27, and had increased to 30 by the time he was leaving office in 2007. In 2007, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua had a 39-member cabinet. President Goodluck Jonathan appointed a cabinet of 33 Ministers (2011-2014), and later 37 just before the 2015 general elections. In 2015, President Buhari appointed 36 Ministers, later increased to 42 in 2019. Although 45 Ministers were sworn in yesterday, it must be noted that President Tinubu actually nominated a total of 48 Ministers – three of whom were told to await further screening – Stella Okotete (Delta) Senator Abubakar Danladi (Taraba) and Nasir el-Rufai (Kaduna). El-Rufai has since announced that he is no longer interested with a cryptic Marley-an “Who The Cap Fits” declaration that “man to man is so unjust…your best friend could be your worst enemy”. That is another interesting matter worthy of full commentary. But if you were to add a list of 45 ministers, which may possibly increase to 48 later, to the 20 slots for Special Advisers earlier approved by the Senate for the President, and the accompanying appointment of Senior Special Assistants and Special Assistants, President Tinubu is set to run the most bloated government since 1999. This is curious in the light of the fact that many Nigerians had expected a lean government, to save costs and increase efficiency.
The current state of Nigeria’s economy is frightening, with over 113 million Nigerians living in multidimensional poverty; headline inflation at 24.08%; food inflation – 26.98%, Nigeria’s unemployment rate is about 41%, debt service to revenue ratio is calculated at about 90%, total debt is over N81 trillion, the available band for more borrowings is extremely narrow. Under such a scenario, the basic expectation would be for government to trim its size at all levels and tighten its belt. The only thing we have heard is the Federal Government asking the people to make sacrifice: fuel subsidy has been removed, resulting in increase in the pump price of fuel, the fuel exchange rate has been harmonized resulting in over 16% depreciation of the Naira, and a rampaging epidemic of empty pockets among the people, with the people trooping to the streets in Yola, Port Harcourt, Ibadan and elsewhere pleading with the government “to please allow them to “breathe”.
On top of it all, the Federal Government has announced plans to achieve an 18% tax to GDP ratio by 2024, and even if Taiwo Oyedele, the Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Tax and Fiscal Policy Reforms says this would not mean higher taxation, the simple logic is that the people would be required to make more sacrifices to help government generate much-needed revenue. What is shocking is that whereas government is imposing a regime of austerity, the Nigerian government at all levels is not showing a similar commitment in the governance process, and this much was confirmed again yesterday by the sheer size of the Federal Government. Many would recall that the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abass upon assumption of office recently announced the recruitment of 33 aides! The Senate President also has a similar number of 33 aides, and in total, the 10th National Assembly members have since June appointed about 3, 000 legislative aides! It is worse at the state level. The Governor of Adamawa State, Ahmadu Fintiri recently appointed 47 media aides; the Governor of Kano State Abba Yusuf has appointed 97 persons as special advisers and assistants. In Niger state, Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago has 131 aides, all of them women. Whereas the President may claim that he is exercising his powers under the Constitution, he has in actual fact created more Ministries. Obasanjo at a time had 27 Ministers, and still fulfilled Constitutional provisions. Jonathan had 33, and still did not violate the Constitution. It is to be expected that Tinubu’s Ministers would soon announce their own aides, further bloating the size of government. Under Tinubu’s government, the cost of governance would shoot through the roof, with the expansion of size, staff and bureaucracy.
The Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), the media and other informed groups in society had urged before now, that one of the main priorities of President Tinubu’s “Restored Hope” agenda should be the implementation of the famous Oronsaye Report – an 800-page 2012 Report on the Restructuring and Rationalization of Federal Government Parastatals, Commissions and Agencies which stated that the Federal Government alone has 541 parastatals, 929 MDAs, and that there should be mergers, complete abolitions, and rationalizations to block wastages and duplications and ensure efficiency. It is obvious that President Tinubu has no intention to take a look at the Oronsaye Report. In its June 2023 Nigeria Development Update (NDU), the World Bank had also recommended that for Nigeria, it was now “time for business unusual”. It seems so obvious that well, business will remain as usual in the governance arena, and our fear is that a day may well come when Nigerians will begin to praise President Buhari as things currently stand! And that will be a completion of our worst nightmare.
The process of appointing these Ministers was not impressive enough. Those who know Tinubu and his antecedents were convinced that he would hit the ground running and that he would have no difficulties identifying strong talents, a team of the best and the brightest that would help him deliver on his mandate. But it has been one big anti-climax. It took close to the 60-day deadline, and additional days for the President to come up with a list of party loyalists, former Governors, close advisers from his days in Lagos, and a few technocrats. Nine former Governors, with one of them grudgingly withdrawing conveys a veil of staleness, no matter the experience that the former Governors may bring to the table. The kind of unsureness that governed the list is also embarrassing. During the screening process, the President had to substitute the name of the Kano nominee, Maryam Shetty. Nobody even had the decency to inform her. She only got to know when she got to the Senate for her screening. Nobody deserves to be treated so shabbily.
To worsen matters, it only occurred to the President on the. eve of the inauguration of the Ministers to make last minute changes. He reassigned the 66-year-old Abubakar Momoh whom he had named as Minister of Youth to the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs. Young Nigerians had complained that a 66-year-old politician as Minister of Youth was an odd choice. The Pan-Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) had also raised an alarm about the non-inclusion of the Niger Delta in the list of Ministries. Then the Ministers-designate for Transportation, Interior, and Marine and Blue Economy were reshuffled. The Ministry of Environment and Ecological Management was renamed as the Federal Ministry of Environment. This back and forth looks untidy. It shows lack of preparedness, someone certainly was not paying attention to details about credentials, nomenclature and vested interests. If the President’s excuse is that the last-minute reshuffling is to ensure that the right persons are in the right places, then his attempt does not go far enough. It is one of the reasons why we argue that portfolios should be attached to Ministerial nominations to provide enough room for adjustments before the nominees are eventually confirmed. Further, there are fewer women than expected on the Ministerial list, and there are persons who think that the women have been given decorative positions. This is feedback that the President should pay attention to and address as he makes other appointments into the MDAs. And why is there no person living with disability on the list?
For the most part, the Ministerial list looks like an attempt by the President to settle political IOUs. Every President in appointing their first cabinets feel obliged to settle those who worked for their victory. But even at that, there are many aggrieved APC members and foot-soldiers who must genuinely feel left out, because they believe they deserve to share the spoils of victory. However, Nigerians are not interested in “jobs for the boys”. They want a quality team. This is why the present cabinet must be rejigged within a year or 18 months at best. President Tinubu must constantly move people around and recruit only the best. Ministerial positions must not be treated as chieftaincy titles. The kind of sit-tight, “Kabiyesi syndrome” that we witnessed under President Buhari, with some Ministers staying in office for eight years and remaining anonymous and ineffectual throughout – must not be allowed to happen this time around. Nigerians want Ministers who are ready to serve, not traditional chiefs of Aso Villa.
The President has talked about giving the Ministers a Performance Index. This is also known as Key Performance Indicators (KPI), very important but it must not be couched in general terms such as the emphasis on the eight-point agenda. It must be Ministry and sector-specific, and if any Minister does not show enough promise or capacity within the next 18 months, he or she must be turned adrift without fear or favour. Nigerians are impatient. The Federal Executive Council must be seen to work truly in the best interest of the people. It is standard practice to organize seminars and retreats for newly appointed Ministers. Whatever syllabus may have been chosen for the class of 2023 certain specific subjects must be addressed. It is not enough to pack documents inside conference bags – a copy of the Constitution, Public Service Rules and Regulations, the Procurement Act or some other briefing notes – NO. There must be a proper breakdown of expectations Ministry by Ministry and robust discussions. Nigerians don’t like to read except when there is an examination to be passed; putting documents together and hoping that the Ministers would read on their own would be presumptuous. Many of them probably don’t know what their Ministry is all about. They have to be taught and guided.
As is often the case, they are probably thinking of the contracts that they will award through their Ministries and what would be in it for them. They need to be given a crash course in the details of the Procurement Act and Public Service Rules. Out of ignorance, many past Ministers depend on civil servants who lead them by the nose and astray. Having sound knowledge of procurement is part of the process. It is tied to budget performance and defined regulations.
These Ministers also need to be told that they are Ministers of the Federal Republic with responsibility to all the people and parts of Nigeria, regardless of religion, political affiliation, class or gender and the President was right in stressing this yesterday. Cronyism, nepotism, prejudice are the major afflictions in Nigeria’s governance process. New Ministers would come under severe pressure, both external and self-imposed, to use their positions to settle their own incurred political costs. The party in their wards, local governments and states would call on them to remind them that it is their slot they are using and that they owe them an obligation to fund the party in the state, employ children from the state, award contracts to contractors from within the party and ensure major projects are brought to the community that produced them because “it is their turn”. Nigerians are very good at blaming leadership but the followers themselves are mean. A Minister would be asked to come and help pay hospital bills for newly delivered babies, even when he had no knowledge of the pregnancy: “Honourable Minister, we thank God oh, your wife has just put to bed”. The Minister is likely to be confused because his wife probably gave birth to his last child 15 years ago! But every woman in his state would suddenly become his wife, every pregnancy his own, every wedding must receive his blessing. Some other pressures are self-imposed. To keep the job, for example, some Ministers think that they are obliged to build goodwill among the informal circle around the President – very dangerous people – who exploit their proximity to the President to amass unmerited wealth. They promise appointments and access, and bear tales by moonlight. Many Ministers make the mistake of focusing more on this informal ring of vipers, but others commit the crime of thinking that they must take every project to the President’s home-town or state, to gain favour as a result. Tinubu must discourage such sycophancy.
Pastor Tunde Bakare has already warned about an emerging pattern of “imperial Presidency” in his recent State of the Nation Address. The term as described in a book of the same title by Arthur M. Schlesinger (Houghton Mifflin, 1973, 2004) refers to the abuse of power, its reckless use, and a President getting carried away with his own importance. No government can break the law without the President’s consent, because the buck stops at his desk. Nigerians have a way of misleading their Presidents with excessive sycophancy and Aso Rock is the headquarters of sycophancy. Even the best of men can be tempted like Samson, the Israelite. There are those men who in the President’s presence would immediately go down on their knees and start crawling towards him from a distance, bowing and scraping the floor and intoning “rankadede sir”. Others would prostrate. Oftentimes, such persons are clutching a file under their arms. They want the President’s signature. Whoever acts in that manner should be asked to stand up immediately and stop scraping the floor! Tinubu must make it clear that such flattery would not work with him. Work has begun for the Ministers. It won’t be long before the misfits among them will be exposed.
Opinion
Banks’ Excess Profits Tax: Cause-Related Marketing to the Rescue?
By Magnus Onyibe
In response to the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) proposal for a 70% tax on the excessive profits banks made from naira devaluation in 2023 – profits which increased by at least 51% due to President Bola Tinubu’s economic reforms – there has been a noticeable rise in banks’ philanthropic activities.
The proposed excess profits tax, or windfall tax on foreign exchange gains, floated four months ago, appears to be part of the government’s strategy to address its declining revenue base. This is critical as the cost of governance continues to outpace income. For instance, Nigeria’s 2025 budget, totaling ₦49.7 trillion, relies on borrowing ₦13.08 trillion, while ₦15.33 trillion will be used to service the country’s enormous debt, which stands at an estimated ₦134.3 trillion. Only ₦34.82 trillion of the budget is expected to come from royalties and taxes.
To reduce the country’s dependence on borrowing, President Tinubu brought in Taiwo Oyedele, a former PwC West Africa tax head, to overhaul Nigeria’s outdated tax administration system, which the president has described as a relic of colonial times. Oyedele’s assignment, aimed at strengthening the system and generating more revenue, aligns with the government’s goal of improving infrastructure and services through increased fiscal resources has been welcome by most Nigerians who are looking forward to a better country with more robust infratructure which only more revenue can faciliate.
But there is a snag which is that some Nigerians are worried about the implications for the income accruing to their states from the federation account which they suspect will be reduced
The excess profits tax proposal seems to have been seen by the president’s tax reform committee, which includes private-sector experts, as a readily available source of additional revenue. Many of these experts, familiar with banks’ financial records through previous auditing roles, likely identified the windfall profits as an easy target.
While banks initially resisted the proposal, they were cautious not to do so too publicly. Prominent figures like Olisa Agbakoba, a former Nigerian Bar Association president, and Mustafa Chike-Obi, chairman of the Bank Directors Association of Nigeria (BIDAN), voiced criticism. However, the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria (CITN), led by its president Chief Segun Agbeluyi, supported the move.
Subsequently, United Bank for Africa (UBA) chairman Tony Elumelu and First City Monument Bank (FCMB) CEO Ladi Balogun engaged with the presidency in consultations. Their temperate and conciliatory approach during interviews, following the initial announcement of the tax, helped ease tensions between banks and their regulator, the CBN, shifting the debate away from public confrontation.
The issue of the proposed excess profits tax was eventually moved from public discussion to private negotiations in boardrooms. This stands in sharp contrast to the uproar triggered by the four tax reform bills introduced by the Taiwo Oyedele-led committee, which are currently being debated in the National Assembly (NASS). These bills propose significant reforms to Nigeria’s colonial-era tax system, as highlighted by President Tinubu in his first media address since assuming office on May 29, 2023.
Before the lawmakers went on their annual recess, the bills had sparked intense controversy, particularly among northern lawmakers who felt the proposed changes, especially to Value Added Tax (VAT), would disproportionately benefit the south. This contentious debate deepened the longstanding ethnic, religious, and regional divides between northern and southern legislators, overshadowing traditional party lines and amplifying non-partisan tensions.
As the situation edged toward a potential crisis, a truce was brokered at the Aso Rock Villa. Legislators were urged to set aside their disagreements and take more time to review the bills thoroughly, enabling them to suggest reasonable amendments. President Tinubu, in numerous public statements, expressed his willingness to incorporate these adjustments before the bills’ final passage.
The vigorous debate surrounding these tax reform bills raises questions about how much more contentious the removal of petrol subsidies might have been had it been subjected to a similar public debate. If the tax reforms have ignited such a high level of scrutiny, one can only imagine the political turmoil that might have ensued over discussions on petrol subsidies or the unification of the dual naira-foreign exchange window.
This is where a very thin line separates leaders from being democrats or monarchies. That is because if as democrats they allow extensive and unending debates on critical development issues, action will never be taken. But if they ram policies down the throats of legislators , such leaders would be adorned with the toga of dictatorship or as one who is monarchical.
Therein lies the dilema and a justification for the aphorism “ uneasy lies the head that wears the crown”
And it is at times like that, that Executive Orders which are easier ways of making laws while bypassing the legislators are viable options. But they are restrictive and tenous as they lack wide coverage and the longevity that are inherent in laws passed via a due legislative process.
However, President Tinubu appears to recognize the critical importance of timing in politics. With a limited four-year term, he seems determined to implement key reforms early to gain public confidence and lay the groundwork for potential re-election.
Returning to the matter of banks and the excess profits tax, it seems likely that a compromise was reached between the CBN and the banking sector, possibly facilitated by the Bankers’ Committee—a coalition of bank managing directors. This may explain why the excess profits tax has not yet been enforced, appearing instead to have been put on hold.
One of the driving forces behind the foreign exchange gains tax is the urgent need to generate revenue to sustain governance amidst soaring costs. This includes ₦15.81 trillion allocated to debt servicing, with the country’s debt estimated to have reached ₦77 trillion by the time the Tinubu administration assumed office. Expanding the tax base has thus become a necessity.
In this context, banks, under pressure to meet new capital base requirements of ₦500 billion for international operations and ₦200 billion for regional operations, may have directed the government’s tax authorities to explore the potential of taxing electronic transactions. This includes levying charges whenever Nigerians transfer or receive funds electronically in their bank accounts.
The recently introduced Electronic Money Transfer Levy (EMTL) requires banks to deduct ₦50 on electronic transfers or receipts of ₦10,000 or more. With 231.1 million bank accounts in Nigeria as of July last year, the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS) estimates that this levy could generate as much as ₦484 billion over three years. While this has the potential to be a significant revenue source for the government, it raises the question: will it come at the expense of already overburdened Nigerians?
Because the charges are relatively small—a minor percentage of the transaction amount—most bank account holders seem not to feel the pinch yet. This contrasts sharply with the public uproar that followed the removal of the petrol subsidy on May 29, 2023, which sent shockwaves through the economy. While the dust from the subsidy removal is gradually settling, the EMTL could create another source of tension between the government, banks, and the public. The question remains: is such friction unavoidable?
It appears banks are aware of the backlash before the tax that is currently in abeyance was imposed and the potential backlash of the EMTL when the banking public become conscious of it. In what seems to be an attempt to improve their public image and foster goodwill among customers, they have embarked on large-scale Cause Related Marketing (CRM) campaigns in past four (4) months or so. These efforts aim to balance corporate interests with public good, blending their business strategies with socially beneficial initiatives.
This is not the first time banks have faced criticism. When the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) proposed the excess profits tax on foreign exchange gains, I authored an article titled “Banks FX Gains Tax: How CSR Could Have Averted It”, published on August 13 last year. In the piece, I reflected on how proactive Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) measures might have softened the blow of public disapproval. For instance, banks had previously undertaken commendable initiatives, such as renovating the National Arts Theatre and contributing to the CACOVID initiative, which provided medical and economic relief during the pandemic.
During the public launch of my book, “Leading From The Streets: Media Interventions By A Public Intellectual 1999–2019”, three months ago, I highlighted the stark contrast between the significant profits banks were declaring and the struggles of other sectors and ordinary Nigerians. I suggested that banks could demonstrate their commitment to the greater good by waiving certain fees, such as charges for SMS alerts and printed statements. Such small gestures could go a long way in fostering goodwill and mitigating criticism.
“Corporate Nigeria demonstrated admirable resilience during the COVID-19 pandemic. Under the guidance of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), banks and major corporations, through the CACOVID initiative, provided essential support to Nigerians. This effort earned them public praise and bolstered confidence in their commitment to societal well-being.”
I shared this perspective on May 8, several months before the proposal to amend the 2023 Finance Act on July 17, which the Senate approved on July 23. Had bank executives heeded earlier advice to ease the financial burden on their customers, the FX gains tax—now a significant source of concern for them—might never have been introduced. It seems this realization prompted banks to intensify their Cause Related Marketing (CRM) efforts, aligning their brands with various social issues affecting vulnerable communities, whether they are customers or not.
Historically, Nigerian banks have been active in philanthropic initiatives. Available data shows that they have invested significantly in education, healthcare, economic empowerment, and environmental sustainability. For example:
• Education: First Bank of Nigeria established the First Bank Education Endowment Scheme to provide scholarships for undergraduates. Similarly, Zenith Bank launched the Zenith Bank Scholarship Scheme, and GTBank set up its own scholarship initiative to support university students.
• Healthcare: Access Bank initiated the Maternal Health Services Support (MHS) program to improve maternal healthcare, while the UBA Foundation created the UBA Health Initiative to deliver medical aid and health education to communities.
• Economic Empowerment: Stanbic IBTC introduced the Business Incubator Program to foster entrepreneurship and small business development. Fidelity Bank also rolled out the SME Financing Scheme to provide financial support to small and medium-sized enterprises.
• Environmental Sustainability: Ecobank developed the Forests for Life program to promote sustainable forest management and conservation.
Despite these longstanding Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) efforts, public perception of banks remains largely negative. This is partly because banks continue to generate massive profits during periods of widespread economic hardship, like in 2024, when firms were shutting down and individuals struggled due to the impact of socio-economic reforms.
Banks have increasingly realized that CSR alone is not enough to earn public trust. It’s not just about supporting communities but also about visibly engaging with them—a principle that CRM embodies. Unlike CSR, which encompasses broader goals like philanthropy, sustainability, and ethical practices, CRM is a targeted marketing strategy. It seeks to foster an emotional connection between the public and a brand by aligning with specific societal causes.
In light of the proposed tax, banks have shifted their focus from merely advertising their products to associating their brands with public causes. For example:
• UBA has expanded its educational support to include training for the visually impaired in the use of Braille, showcased through televised campaigns.
• Access Bank and Fidelity Bank have also reoriented their advertising strategies over the past four months to highlight their support for social causes rather than solely promoting products and services.
Hitherto the sponsoring of Fashion Week by Gtbank, Tech Week by Zenithbank and Marathan Race by Access bank annually in Lagos had been the most immersive experience of CSR involving those tier -1 banks with their publics.
But banks have learnt that by embedding their brands into social goodwill, they aim to improve their image and strengthen their relationship with the Nigerian public. However, time will tell if this goodwill can endure. The recently introduced Electronic Money Transfer Levy (EMTL), though currently unnoticed by many due to its modest charge of ₦50 per transaction, could soon spark public dissatisfaction. If this happens, banks might once again find themselves at odds with their customers, as was the case with the unpopular fees for SMS alerts.
As the conventional wisdom goes: ‘a stitch in time saves nine’
Magnus Onyibe, a public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, (2003-2007) sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.
To continue with this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.
Opinion
Justice Inbalance: The Judiciary’s Role in Life and Death Decisions
By Hezekiah Deboboye Olujobi
The judiciary holds a pivotal role in society, often described as the guardian of justice and the arbiter of disputes. However, the metaphor of the pen as both a tool that can save lives and one that can destroy them encapsulates the duality of judicial power. While judges have the authority to uphold justice and protect the innocent, there are instances where their decisions have led to grave miscarriages of justice, resulting in the wrongful conviction of individuals, some of whom have spent years, if not decades, on death row.
The Pen That Saves Lives
In an ideal scenario, the judiciary serves as a protector of the innocent and a mechanism for upholding the rule of law. Judges are tasked with interpreting the law fairly and impartially, ensuring that justice is served. When judges exercise their discretion with compassion and integrity, they can indeed save lives. For example, in cases where mitigating circumstances are considered, judges may opt for rehabilitation over punishment, allowing individuals to reintegrate into society and contribute positively. Additionally, in cases where defendants have spent years behind bars without concrete evidence except for a confessional statement, judges may consider granting the defendant a second chance.
The Pen That Destroys Lives
Conversely, there are numerous documented cases where judicial decisions have led to catastrophic outcomes for innocent individuals. The phenomenon of wrongful convictions is a stark reminder of the fallibility of the judicial system globally. Factors contributing to these injustices include inadequate legal representation, prosecutorial and police misconduct, reliance on unreliable witness testimony, and systemic biases.
Case Studies of Misjudgment
1. The Case of Olusola Adepetu
Background: Olusola Adepetu was wrongfully convicted of murder in Nigeria, a case that highlights the severe flaws in the judicial process. Adepetu was accused of killing a man based on circumstantial evidence and public sentiment rather than concrete proof.
Circumstances of Conviction: Adepetu’s conviction stemmed from a combination of public outcry and inadequate investigation. The prosecution relied heavily on witness testimonies that were influenced by community bias and fear rather than factual evidence. Despite having a competent legal defense, the trial was marred by procedural irregularities and a lack of due process.
Time on Death Row: Adepetu spent 22 years on death row in Kirikiri Maximum Security Prison, enduring the psychological and emotional toll of being labeled a murderer. His life was put on hold, and he faced the constant threat of execution. He was also subjected to the harsh realities of prison life, which included overcrowding, violence, and inadequate healthcare.
Appeals and Dissenting Judgment: After years of legal battles, Adepetu’s appeal to the Supreme Court was denied. However, a dissenting judgment from one of the justices pointed out that he had been denied a fair trial, which became a crucial piece of evidence in his fight for exoneration. This dissent highlighted the need for a thorough review of the evidence and the judicial process that led to his conviction.
Release and Aftermath: In 2016, after relentless advocacy from legal aid organizations and the Centre for Justice Mercy and Reconciliation, Adepetu was finally exonerated. His release was bittersweet; while he regained his freedom, he faced the daunting task of rebuilding his life after decades of wrongful imprisonment. The emotional scars and the impact on his family were profound, as his children had suffered educational setbacks and social stigma due to his wrongful conviction.
2. The Exoneration of Olaniyi Emiola
Background Olaniyi Emiola was wrongfully convicted of armed robbery in 2011, a case that underscores the dangers of relying on unreliable witness testimony.
Circumstances of Arrest: Emiola was accused by neighbors who believed he was involved in a robbery that occurred in their community. The accusation was based on hearsay and the mistaken belief that he was the perpetrator. Despite the lack of concrete evidence linking him to the crime, he was arrested and charged.
Trial and Conviction: During the trial, witnesses testified against Emiola, claiming they saw him at the scene of the crime. However, the real perpetrator, who was later apprehended for another crime, admitted to the jury that he had committed the robbery and did not know Emiola. Despite this, Emiola was convicted and sentenced to death, highlighting the failures of the judicial system to adequately assess the credibility of witness testimonies.
Time on Death Row: Emiola spent 17 years on death row, enduring the psychological trauma of living under the constant threat of execution. His family faced significant hardships during this time, as they struggled with the stigma of having a family member on death row and the financial burdens associated with legal fees and prison visits.
Exoneration: In 2011, after persistent advocacy and the revelation of new evidence, including confessions from the real culprits, Emiola was exonerated. His release was a moment of triumph, but it came with the realization that his life had been irrevocably altered. His wives had left him, and his children had grown up without their father, facing their own challenges as a result of his wrongful conviction.
3. The Case of Kareem Olatinwo and Others
Background: Kareem Olatinwo, an elderly man, was wrongfully convicted of armed robbery along with his son and two laborers. This case illustrates the complexities of witness testimony and the influence of external factors, such as land disputes, on judicial outcomes.
Circumstances of Arrest: Olatinwo and his co-defendants were accused of robbing a property where they were actually the victims. The case was heavily influenced by dubious witness testimonies and a lack of concrete evidence linking them to the crime. The motive for their arrest was suspected to be related to a land dispute, which complicated the judicial proceedings.
Trial and Conviction: The trial was characterized by a lack of rigorous scrutiny of the evidence presented. Olatinwo’s past criminal record was used against him, despite the absence of any direct evidence linking him to the robbery. The prosecution relied on testimonies from individuals who had their own motives for testifying against Olatinwo and his son.
Time in Prison: Olatinwo and his son were sentenced to death in 2001. Olatinwo’s health deteriorated during his time in prison, and he ultimately died while still incarcerated in 2015. His son and the two laborers remained on death row, facing the psychological and emotional toll of wrongful imprisonment.
Appeals and Release: After years of advocacy, the appeals for the two laborers succeeded in 2014, leading to their release. The legal team used the reasoning from the Court of Appeal, which expressed doubts about the credibility of the witnesses. In 2021, Olatinwo’s son was also released after a lengthy battle, but the case raised critical questions about the reliability of witness testimony and the responsibility of judges to ensure fair trials.
Conclusion
These case studies illustrate the profound impact of wrongful convictions on individuals, families, and society as a whole. They highlight the need for reforms in the judicial system, including better training for judges, improved legal representation for defendants, and mechanisms for reviewing wrongful convictions. The emotional, psychological, and social ramifications of these injustices are far-reaching, emphasizing the importance of a fair and transparent judicial process. The stories of Olusola Adepetu, Olaniyi Emiola, and Kareem Olatinwo serve as powerful reminders of the human cost of judicial errors and the urgent need for reform.
Centre for Justice Mercy and Reconciliation
The **Centre for Justice Mercy and Reconciliation** is a grassroots organization dedicated to advocating for victims of wrongful convictions and illegal detention in Nigeria’s custodial centers. With a remarkable track record of achievements, our organization works tirelessly to provide legal assistance, raise awareness about the issues of wrongful convictions, and support the reintegration of exonerated individuals into society.
Through our efforts, the Centre has been instrumental in highlighting the flaws within the judicial system and pushing for necessary reforms. We engage in community outreach, legal advocacy, and collaboration with other organizations to ensure that justice is served and that the rights of the wrongfully convicted are upheld.
By advocating for those who have been wrongfully convicted, the Centre for Justice Mercy and Reconciliation plays a crucial role in restoring hope and dignity to individuals and families affected by judicial errors, striving to ensure that the judiciary serves as a true protector of the innocent and a pillar of justice in society.
For more details about our work and initiatives, you can visit our website at [www.cjmr.com.ng](http://www.cjmr.com.ng). We also welcome partnerships and support from individuals and organizations committed to justice and human rights. For inquiries, you can contact us at +2348030488093 or +2348025782527.
Opinion
Between J.I.C. Taylor and Contemporary Justice
By Hon Femi Kehinde
There was an interesting anecdote about a group of failed business entrepreneurs who at a meeting to formally dissolve and disengage with their business as a result of the current economy tide, resolved to move into another line of business. One of them instantly suggested that they setup an High Court where they would be selling and granting injunctions through Ex-parte applications at an exorbitant fees. Perhaps to recoup their huge loss. Funny though as it may sound and naively too, it epitomizes a public perception of the Judiciary and perhaps our entire legal system.
It is certainly impossible for a private person to set up a Court, be it inferior or superior Courts of Record. Section 6 of the Nigerian Constitution, certainly abhors their cynical thoughts.
In 1962, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola took the matter of his removal as Premier of the Western Region to the High Court under Justice Quarshee-Idun, a Ghanaian, then as the Chief Judge of the Western Region, who rather than listen to the matter and throw the Western Region into further crisis, sent it to the Federal Supreme court for the interpretation of Section 33 (10) of the Western Region Constitution. The Federal Supreme Court interpreted the Section in favor of Akintola and declared his removal null and void.
This piece is certainly dedicated to a Judicial Icon of that era – Justice J.I.C Taylor as a sweet memorabilia.
In Nigeria legal folklore, the name ‘J.I.C’ (John Idowu Conrad) Taylor will ever remain ever green like a constant star, in our juridical firmament.
J.I.C was the fourth child of Eusebius James Alexander Taylor, a famous and successful lawyer, a nationalist who was then referred to as the “Cock of the Bar”, and whose family house was at No. 5 Victoria Street, Lagos, very close to Tinubu Square, which in the Lagos of early days was referred to as the most important street in Lagos – “Ehin Igbeti” or the bulwark of Lagos, but now known as Nnamdi Azikiwe street.
J.I.C’s mother, was Remilekun Alice Taylor (Nee Williams) and was thus, a first cousin, through his mother, to the Late Chief F.R.A Williams, another legal titan and contemporary at the Bar.
J.I.C was born, on the 27th of August, 1917 and died on the 7th of November, 1973 at the age of 56 Years. Within this short span, J.I.C lived a worthy, glorious and exemplary life, that would still remain unmatched and unparalleled in Nigeria’s history of incorruptibility at the bench, judicial independence, strict interpretation of the law, restraint, courage, uncommon judicial boldness and untainted integrity.
J.I.C Taylor, had his early education at the Methodist Boys High School Lagos, before being sent to England by his father, to complete his Secondary School Education at the Culford School, Bury Saint Edmunds, at Suffolk. He thereafter, proceeded to King’s College England in 1936 to read Law, before transferring to Brasenose College, Oxford in 1937, where he made a Second-Class Degree in Jurisprudence. He was subsequently called to the Bar at the middle Temple on the 14th of January, 1941.
Within a space of 15 years, J.I.C Taylor had become one of the great Legal luminaries at the Nigerian Bar, and was prominent in the ranks of Bode Thomas, F.R.A Williams and Fani Kayode, who had formed a law partnership of Thomas, Williams, Fani Kayode & Co (Solicitors), S.L.A Akintola, Chief Chris Ogunbanjo, Michael Odesanya, who had also formed a partnership of Samuel, Chris & Michael (Solicitors) in 1952.
Obafemi Awolowo had also in Ibadan, around this period, formed a law Partnership with Chief Abiodun Akerele, then known as Awolowo, Akerele & Co (Solicitors) in Oke-Ado, Ibadan. In Law practice, Obafemi Awolowo was described then as a terrible cross-examiner.
J.I.C in law practice, was a very resourceful lawyer of impeccable integrity. He was extremely knowledgeable in law and was a delightful personality at the Nigerian Bar. He was blessed with a great command of English Language, which is the potent tool of the legal profession and very eloquent with a diction that was impeccable. He was not given to frivolities or undignified practice.
Like his father, Eusebius, he had a weakness. He was easily provoked and tended therefore to lose control in court whenever he was angry. The Late Chief F.R.A Williams in advocacy with Taylor was always happy to take advantage of this weakness. The Late Fani Kayode too, though a friend to J.I.C, had also taken advantage of this weakness, whilst appearing with J.I.C in some instances, but nevertheless, admitted that he was a meticulous and dogged advocate.
J.I.C Taylor as a seminal figure at the Nigerian Bar had appeared in many “causes celebres” – celebrated cases that have gone down in our legal jurisprudence, as hallmarks. These cases, includes the case of King’s College students, who had demonstrated during the Second World War against the colonial authorities on account of poor administration of their school and also appeared in the Sedition Trial of the Editors to the Daily Commet and the West African Pilot of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Sedition Trial of Anthony Enahoro of 1947, the case of Prince Adeyinka Oyekan and Others and Oba Adeniyi Adele in 1952, in which the ownership and legal status of the “Iga Idunganran”, which was the traditional residence of the Oba of Lagos was in question.
He also appeared in the case of Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani and the African Press Ltd, (publishers of The Tribune Newspaper) In 1953, Zik Enterprises Ltd (Publishers of the West African Pilot) and Others V. The Hon. Obafemi Awolowo in 1955. By way of a little digress, Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani who was in 1960 made the Chairman, Nigerian Railway Corporation, had earlier been member, Board of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) and Nigerian Coal Corporation, Enugu (NCC) and was also made Pro Chancellor and chairman of the Governing Council of the University of Ibadan. He was then, a close confidant to the Late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and was resident in Ibadan. He had earlier been accused of unbridled nepotism in the appointment of people to the Nigerian Railway Corporation.
Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani, was a lover of cars and was noted to have had on his stable a car known as “Thunderbird”, perhaps the best of his time, on the streets of Ibadan. He admitted at the Adefarasin Panel, on the affairs of the Nigerian Railway Corporation, late in 1966, that – “I love cars”.
In 1956, at the age of 39, J.I.C Taylor was appointed a Judge of the High Court of the Western Region. In 1960, he was elevated to the Supreme Court and he descended from the Court in 1964 to become the Chief Justice of the High Court of the Federal Territory of Lagos.
When Lagos state was created in 1967 and Brigadier Mobalaji Johnson became its Military Governor, J.I.C Taylor became its first Chief Justice. Whilst in office as the Chief Justice of Lagos State, an incident happened, which stood him out as a very bold, courageous and independent judge. J.I.C Taylor, then Chief Justice of Lagos State, had been invited to a State dinner by the Military Governor of the State- Brigadier Mobolaji Johnson and the invitation was brought by one of the Governor’s aides. Justice Taylor, after reading it, endorsed a brief note to the governor at the back of the invitation card, informing him that he would be unable to attend, because the Lagos State government had several cases pending before him and it would therefore, in the circumstances be most inappropriate for him to honour the invitation. That simple (unprecedented though) act of judicial boldness and courage, best captures the essence of the man- as a man among men, and a judicial icon and oracle.
Perhaps, in other climes, this feat could only have been surpassed, by the great Alfred Thompson Denning- commonly known as Lord Denning, who was an English Lawyer and Judge, with degrees in Mathematics (First Class) and Law in 1920 and 1922 respectively at the Oxford University. He had also, like J.I.C Taylor, descended from the House of Lords, to return to the Court of Appeal, as Master of the Rolls in 1962, a position he held for 20 years. In Denning’s 38 year career as a Judge, he was known as the people’s judge, a judicial activist and a man with a great penchant for justice. Denning in an instance had once said- “unlike my brother Judge here, who is concerned with the Law, I am concerned with Justice.” He died on the 5th of March, 1999, at the ripe old age of 100 years, at the Royal Hampshire County Hospital, Winchester, England.
Another true essence of J.I.C Taylor was displayed when he was made the Pro Chancellor of the University of Lagos, while still serving as the Chief Justice of Lagos State. J.I.C as the Chairman of the Governing Board of the University of Lagos was a hard nut to crack, with a huge principle and unsurpassed integrity. Other members of the Governing Council were Col. (now Maj. General Rtd) Olufemi Olutoye, and now Oba of Ido Ani, in Ondo State, (the Military Member), Mr. (now Chief) S. Ade John (Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education,) Mallam Nuhu Bayero, Professors- F.O Dosekun, O.J Fagbemi, C.O. Taiwo, A.B Aderibigbe, A. Akinsanya and Mrs. B. Olumide.
According to Professor Saburi Biobaku, then as Vice Chancellor of the University had said of J.I.C- “attending council meetings of those days before the resignation was like going into a battle field” but described him however, “as a brilliant lawyer, a forthright judge, a strict disciplinarian and a stickler for procedure.” As Vice Chancellor, he briefed the then Pro-Chancellor once every week, but would rather wait for him at the office of Mr. R.A Bakare, the then Registrar of the Lagos State High Court, for the briefings. Nobody visits him in chambers.
J.I.C Taylor at the Council meeting of the Governing Council of the University of Lagos, on the 20th of September 1970 tendered his resignation as the Chairman of the Council, due to some inappropriateness, bothering on the interpretation of procedure, with regards to the appointment of persons in the University and ruled that his resignation should not be discussed.
As a judicial conservative, J.I.C Taylor believed in the principle of “lex lata” i.e. what is the strict interpretation of the law, rather than “de lege ferenda”, i.e. what the law ought to be, with a view, to be future law.
Despite a stern and principled life that bordered on asceticism, J.I.C was a sociable, principled, highly urbane, unassuming and cultivated man. Even though reserved and would rather prefer the company of a few select friends, he was a great sportsman and was prominent in the game of cricket between 1947 and 1949. He was a motor racing enthusiast and had a high collection of motor racing cars, including an “Aston Maria”. He was a very skilled ball room dancer and a lover of Juju music of the Late Akanbi Wright, alias Akanbi Ege, I.K Dairo, Adeolu Akinsanya alias Baba Eto and latter day Juju exponents- Ebenezer Obey and King Sunny Ade. J.I.C so much loved the music of Akanbi Ege, that he in fact financially supported him.
In the late 1950s, his only son was struck down by Polio. He was so much affected by this, according to the Late Fatai Williams, a one time Chief Justice of Nigeria, that- “he visited the boy who was then, no more than a toddler, everyday at the University College Hospital in Ibadan. Eventually, he became a recluse and hardly went anywhere”. J.I.C breathed his last to join the saints triumphants on the 7th of November, 1973 at the age of 56 years, while still serving as the Chief Justice of Lagos State.
In this season of anomie, this period of judicial mudslinging and irreverence, where are the likes of Justice John Idowu Conrad Taylor, Justice Kayode Eso, Justice Andrew Otutu Obaseki, Justice Bolarinwa Oyegoke Babalakin, that was a stickler for time, Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, Justice Teslim Olawale Elias, Justice Namman Nasir, Justice Sir Darnley (Omowale ) Alexandra – the Jamaican born Nigerian Chief Justice of the Federation, Justice Idigbe, Justice E.O Morgan, E.A Coker, Fatai Williams, Olumuyiwa Jibowu, J.A Kester, S.O Lambo, Louis Mbanefo, Adetokunbo Ademola, Udo Udoma, Quarshie- Idun- a Ghanaian Chief Justice of the Western Region and a host of other eminent jurists, who had contributed immensely to the development of Nigerian Case Law and jurisprudence, by adapting very admirably the principles of English common law to the Nigerian environment? Uniquely too, Justice Mamman Nasir, elevated to the Supreme Court in 1975, had also descended from the Court in 1978, to become the President of the Court of Appeal until 1992, when he retired.
J.I.C had set a very high ethical standard on the administration of Justice in Nigeria and greatly inspired many Nigerian Lawyers and Judges, who will not be found with the filthy lucre of unexplainable and ill-gotten wealth. The question had always been- where are these ethical standards of the olden days of J.I.C.?
As a parting epitaph on his passage, the then Head of State and Commander in Chief of the Armed forces of Nigeria- General Yakubu Gowon, in November, 1973, had described J.I.C in the following sweet terms- “In an age in which corruption, intrigues, backstabbing and the love of office and power are fast becoming virtues, Justice Taylor stood out from the crowd, with a detachment that has brought immense dignity to the high office of judge”
What a very apt epithet, to our contemporary Justice System and executive lawlessness, as was beautifully decried in the popular case of Ojukwu V. Lagos State Government.
J.I.C Taylor, may your soul continue to Rest in Peace.
Hon. (Barr.) Femi Kehinde. MHR
Legal practitioner and former member House of Representatives, National Assembly, Abuja 1999 – 2003, representing Ayedire/Iwo/Olaoluwa Federal Constituency of Osun State.
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