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October 7: Israel’s Raw Footage Not Seen by the Public and Cannot Be Unseen by Those Who Have Viewed It
Published
2 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dolapo Aina
Wednesday, 8th of November 2023 was the 33rd day of the war between Israel and the terrorist organisation called Hamas. The Israeli Government released a raw footage which was not made for public viewing and as at Thursday, 30th of November 2023, still has not been viewed by the general public.
For the 43-minute raw footage of the Hamas Massacre, the Government of Israel had to vet which groups of individuals and countries could view the images which had the personal lives of people displayed. Their lives were exposed in the 43-minute video which the whole world has only seen 10 minutes of several clips which are online (as at the 8th of November 2023). It was revealed that special approval had to be specifically granted by the Government of Israel for the raw footage to be shown in countries.
Before the viewing of the raw footage in Kigali, the capital of Rwanda, by invited media personalities in attendance, an interesting conversation cum discussion with Israel’s top diplomats in Rwanda, Ambassador Einat Weiss and Deputy Ambassador Yossi Gadamo ensued and several questions were posed at them.
One of such questions had a spiritual cum moral angle/dimension to it. Why is Israel not making noise about the dead citizens?
Ambassador Einat Weiss responded by stating that: “Family members of lost ones have come out to state that they would not want to see the images of loved ones in public. In Israel, we know the value of lives but Hamas seem not to have value for lives. The first challenge as a country: How do you come out publicly in terms of public diplomacy against a group that does not have value for lives? Hamas took photos and images of their brutality and 33 days later, the world still needs Israel to justify their actions. Israel cannot just go and release images as we need to inform their families and get their consent. Israel is an organised country and we are dealing with a terrorist organisation. The war cannot be symmetric.”
The Ambassador went further to state that: “Propaganda is one of the tools terror organisations use and Israel is not into propaganda. Propaganda has been an age-long tool of terror organisations and propaganda is still being utilised by Hamas 33 days after the war commenced.”
Another poignant question was on Christianity versus Islam which Israel’s Ambassador to Rwanda responded to and quoting her verbatim: “It isn’t a religious conflict. But there are public displays of anti-Israeli stance. The irony is that in private a lot of these countries know what is going on. In private conversations, a lot of representatives of other countries present in Rwanda, openly inform me that Israel has the right to defend herself. And everyone knows that Iran is behind almost all terror organisations’ activities. If the world doesn’t speak up about the activities of Iran, other terror organisations would be very confident and would replicate the same attacks on other lands and continents. Those who criticise us on our current war with Hamas don’t understand international law. Countries are allowed to exercise their rights to defend themselves but when it comes to Israel, Israel should not? Israel like other countries is bound by the international law but terrorist organisations don’t abide by international laws. How many countries go to war and still provide water and electricity to citizens? Journalists have to hold the torch to disseminate the right information on the current Israeli-Hamas war.”
A question bordering on the implication on Israel and the region had this response from Ambassador Weiss; “There is much more pressure on Israel to finish operations and humanitarian breaks. But something is different this time: The realisation that Israel has to finish what she commenced. How does the Army conclude the operations when citizens have not been released? The humanitarian angle of the war is not rosy as people are getting affected. Why? Because we are at war. Why are we at war? Because we were attacked.”
On the question of why the public condemnation of Hamas is important, Ambassador Einat Weiss stated that: “This is the moral majority we are looking for. It is very important because when countries designate Hamas as a terror organisation, the open statements give leeway for Governments to make legislations and vote against Hamas thereby making it difficult for leaders of Hamas to travel, move funds etc.”
After the brief interaction with those present, the 43-minute raw footage commenced.
At this juncture, it is noteworthy to state that a day earlier (7th of November 2023), the video titled: October 7th 2023 Hamas Massacre: Collected Raw Footage; was shown to the US Congress and Hollywood directors and viewed by them. The video is not in the public domain and only a select few have seen the 43-minute video. As at Wednesday November 29th, only a select few in 80 countries have seen the footage.
We commenced watching the raw footage cum videos at 14: 30pm.
The raw videos from Hamas terrorists’ body cameras should not be seen by the public. Live footage from bodycams of terrorists and live footage from home CCTVs of people who were attacked in their homes.
One footage with a time stamp of circa 6am showed a father running with his two sons (all three in their shorts with no shirts) into their bunker/shelter and shortly afterwards a grenade was thrown inside by two/three Hamas terrorists who climbed out of another window. After the explosion and shouts from the terrorists, his sons came out trembling but their father didn’t come out. Another CCTV footage of their living room showed the elder son asking his younger brother if he could see. The younger one could not see what his elder brother was showing him. Later on, they both realised the younger one could only see with one eye. There were a couple of times when they cried Mama Mama. The CCTV at their backyard later showed the terrorists had found the boys’ mother and they took her to the entrance of the shelter, where she saw her husband’s lifeless body. And she broke down in tears.
Footage of actually beheading of a man from Thailand who wore a jersey that looked like it was a Brazil national football team’s jersey. The footage was from a terrorist’s mobile phone and one could hear the terrorists speak; saying (God Is Great in Arabic) as one of them was using a hoe to decapitate the head of the man from Thailand. I couldn’t watch the full clip of the barbarity. I turned away from the screen, turned back my seat and faced the window whose view was of the peaceful Kigali landscape.
There was one Hamas terrorist who called his family from an Israeli woman’s phone who he had killed. He was euphoric and gladly stated in Arabic which was translated that he had killed 10 people with his bare hands. His father rejoiced and urged him on. His mother came on the same call and she cried for joy and urged him on.
Another audio which was an intercepted phone conversation between one Hamas terrorist on the ground in Israel on October 7th and his superior was chilling and revealing. The superior authorised the operative to ensure he brings an Israeli soldier, so that the body can be hung (in the superior’s own word: crucified) in the market square.
There was a footage of public toilets at the venue of the music festival. The public toilets were shot at one by one.
Watching the footage, I realised that delicate attention was made to aggregate a lot of the videos. For instance, some particular videos were from different angles: dashcams from cars, whilst another angle was from a street CCTV and another angle was from a deceased Hamas terrorist’ bodycam. This meant that for some footages, you actually viewed the same scene but from different angles.
One of such footages stood out. A mobile phone video recording from a deceased Israeli citizen who was holed up in a shelter. He recorded himself as he was talking. Behind him, you could see other people who were in the same shelter, some talking whilst some were silent. Some of them had blood stains. The next footage was from a bodycam. The footage was the entrance door of the same shelter. The people in that shelter with the same clothes were on top of each other; not sleeping; they were gunned down.
Several other videos left me confused as I was not quite sure if the heavily thick red crimson, I saw on the floor was actually the human blood. I had to ask and I was informed it was.
There were several videos captured on bodycams of Hamas terrorists who walked into several kibbutz and shot at anything at sight including tyres of ambulances, so that no one could make use of ambulances to rescue or treat wounded people. There was a particular video of one Hamas terrorist’s bodycam, who shot thrice at a dog before the dog succumbed to the bullets. Watching this, I uttered the word barbarity and Rwandan media practitioner who witnessed the 1994 Genocide Against The Tutsi said; “what kind of a human being would shot a dog? Genocide is the appropriate terminology to use.”
It is noteworthy to state that not all those invited who commenced the viewing of the footage concluded it. After seeing the raw footage (and it is widely known that there are more gruesome videos which have not been released by the Government of Israel), there is no country which would not take action.
This piece took 22 days to compose as I had to grasp the enormity of what had been viewed which cannot all be described. There are several videos that cannot be described in this piece. The eyes have seen what cannot be unseen. And it best that the eyes of the readers not read what the eyes of others have seen and cannot be unseen.
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50 Years On: Remembering Ex-Head of State Gen Murtala Mohammed (1938 – 1976)
Published
17 hours agoon
February 13, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
For five decades since 1976, the memory of Nigeria’s former head of state, has remained a mixture of evergreen and restraint. He was a leader many has come to reckon with as a result of impact. He is noted as the first person to use the popular military catch phrase ‘fellow Nigerians’, and popularised it among subsequent coup leaders, who had used it in all coup situations. He was Murtala Ramat Muhammad GCFR, Nigeria’s third military Head of State, who was murdered in cold blood in a failed military coup on February 13, 1976, less than eight months after he assumed office. Today marks exactly 50 years of his gruesome death.
Murtala Mohammed was a complete soldier; he led bloody coups, and was killed in a bloody coup, led by Lieutenant Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka.
Born on November 8, 1938, Mohammed is believed to have led the 1966 Nigerian counter-coup that overthrew, and brutally murdered General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, then then military Head of State, and featured prominently during the Nigerian Civil War and thereafter ruled over Nigeria from 30 July 1975 after the overthrow of General Yakubu Gowon, until his assassination on that fateful February 13, 1976 morning.
He was born in Kano, into a ruling-class religious family, Murtala served in the Nigerian Army as a cadet in the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst. He later served in Congo; eventually rose through the ranks to become Brigadier General in 1971, aged 33, becoming one of the youngest generals in Nigeria. Three years later Murtala became the Federal Commissioner for Communications in Lagos.
As a conservative and federalist, Murtala regretted the overthrow of the First Republic and the promulgation of Aguiyi Ironsi’s unification decree of 1966. He was devastated by the assassination of Sir Ahmadu Bello, and for a time said to seriously consider the secession of Northern Nigeria. His career redoubled after Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and the young majors orchestrated the first military coup in Nigeria of 1966 coup empowering him to lead the mutiny of the night of 29 July 1966 in Abeokuta. Murtala was briefly considered as Supreme Commander before the appointment of Yakubu Gowon. He also masterminded the July 1966 counter coup, which evidently, sparked the Nigerian Civil War.
During the war, he commandeered Nigeria’s second infantry division which was responsible for the death of civilians and much of the rebels. His command’s use of veteran soldiers, no quarter, and scorched earth strategies led to between 10,000 and 30,000 deaths. Combined with the total wartime death toll of three million making the civil war one of the deadliest in modern history. Three years later the Federal military government declared victory which bolstered Murtala’s image over Nigeria and in particular the north as a military leader through the post-war era of “reconciliation, reconstruction, and rehabilitation”. In post-civil-war Nigeria, Murtala ruled with more power than any Nigerian leader before or since, and developed a charismatic authority and cult of personality. During the Cold War, he maintained Nigerian neutrality through participation in the non-aligned movement, but supported the Soviet Union — during the latter’s effort in the Angolan Civil War
Nigeria under Murtala presided over a period of rampant economic prosperity. At the same time, his regime transitioned from being authoritarian into consensus decision-making with Murtala the leader of a military triumvirate, alongside Generals Olusegun Obasanjo and Theophilus Danjuma. The dictatorship softened and Murtala unveiled plans for the demilitarization of politics. In February 1976, barely seven months into his nascent rule, Murtala without having time to see his plans implemented was assassinated in a failed coup d’ètat attempt, being succeeded by Olusegun Obasanjo as Head of State, who, in turn, led the Nigerian transition to democracy with the Second Nigerian Republic.
The legacy of Murtala in Nigerian history remains controversial as the nature of his rule changed over time. His reign was marked by both brutal repression, and economic prosperity, which greatly improved the quality of life in Nigeria. His dictatorial style proved highly adaptable, which enabled wide-sweeping social and economic reform, while consistent pursuits during his reign centered on highly centralised government, authoritarianism, federalism, national Federalism, and pan-Africanism.
Murtala Muhammed was born on November 8, 1938 in Kano. His father, Muhammed Riskuwa, was from the Fulani Genawa clan, who had a history of Islamic jurisprudence as both his paternal grandfather Suleman and paternal great-grandfather Mohammed Zangi served as Chief Judges in Kano Emirate and held the title of chief Alkali of Kano. His father worked in the Kano Native Authority and was related to Aminu Kano, Inuwa Wada, and Aminu Wali. He died in 1953, his mother, Uwani Rahamatu, was from the Kanuri and Fulani Jobawa clan, the Jobawa clan members include the Makama of Kano and Abdullahi Aliyu Sumaila, his maternal grandfather Yakubu Soja a World War I veteran was from Dawakin Tofa while his maternal grandmother Hajiya Hauwau (Aya) was from Gezawa, he was educated at Cikin Gida Elementary School which was inside the emir’s palace.
He then transferred to Gidan Makama primary school in Kano which was just outside the palace. He then proceeded to Kano Middle School (now Rumfa College, Kano) in 1949, before attending the famous Government College (now Barewa College) in Zaria, where he obtained his school certificate in 1957. At Barewa College, Muhammed was a member of the Cadet Corps and was captain of shooting in his final year. In 1957, he obtained a school leaving certificate and applied to join the Nigerian army later in the year.
Murtala Muhammed joined the Nigerian Army in 1958. He spent short training stints in Nigeria and Ghana and then was trained as an officer cadet at Sandhurst Royal Military Academy in England. After his training, he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in 1961 and assigned to the Nigerian Army Signals that same year, later spending a short stint with the No. 3 Brigade Signals Troop in Congo In 1962, Muhammed was appointed aide-de-camp to M. A. Majekodunmi, the federally-appointed administrator of the Western Region.
In 1963, he became the officer-in-charge of the First Brigade Signal Troop in Kaduna, Nigeria. That year he traveled to the Royal Corps of Signals at Catterick Garrison, England for a course on advanced telecommunications techniques. On his return to Nigeria in 1964, he was promoted to major and appointed officer-commanding, 1st Signal Squadron in Apapa, Lagos. In November 1965, he was made acting Chief of Signals of the Army, while his paternal uncle, Inuwa Wada had recently been appointed Defense Minister.
Mohammed’s coup in 1966 led to the installation of Lieutenant-Colonel Yakubu Gowon as Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Armed Forces, despite the intransigence of Muhammed who wanted the role of Supreme Commander for himself. However, as Gowon was militarily his senior, and finding a lack of support from the British and American advisors, he caved in. Gowon rewarded him by confirming his ranking (he had been an acting Lt. Colonel until then) and his appointment (Inspector of Signals).
In June 1968, he relinquished his commanding position and was posted to Lagos and appointed Inspector of Signals. In April 1968, he was promoted to colonel. The actions of the division during this period, mostly in Asaba became a subject of speculation. In a book published in 2017, S. Elizabeth Bird and Fraser Ottanelli document the 1967 mass murder of civilians by troops of the 2 Division under General Muhammed’s command. They also discussed the events leading up to the massacre, and its impact on Asaba and on the progress of the war, as well as other civilian massacres carried out by soldiers of the 2nd Division at Onitsha and Isheagu.
Between 1970 and 1971, he attended the Joint Service Staff College in England, his supervisor’s report attributed him to having ”a quick agile mind, considerable ability and common sense. He holds strong views which he puts forward in a forthright manner. He is a strong character and determined.
However, he finds it difficult to moderate his opinions and finds it difficult to enter into debate with others whose views he may not share”. After the war, he was promoted to brigadier-general in October 1971. Between 1971 and 1974, Muhammed was involved in routine activities within the signals unit of the army. However, he also disagreed with some of the policies being pursued by Gowon.
On 7 August 1974, the head of state, General Yakubu Gowon appointed him as the new Federal Commissioner for Communications, which he combined with his military duties as Inspector of Signals at the Army Signals Headquarters in Apapa, Lagos. On 7 August 1974, General Yakubu Gowon appointed Muhammed as the Federal commissioner (position now called Minister) for communications to oversee and facilitate the nation’s development of cost effective communication infrastructures during the oil boom. After the war and after he took power as head of state, Muhammed started the reorganization and demobilization of 100,000 troops from the armed forces. The number of troops in the armed forces decreased from 250,000 to 150,000.
On 29 July 1975, General Yakubu Gowon was overthrown while attending the 12th summit of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in Kampala, Uganda. Muhammed took power as the new Military Head of State. Brigadiers Obasanjo (later Lt. General) and Danjuma (later Lt. General) were appointed as Chief of Staff, Supreme HQ and Chief of Army Staff, respectively.
In the coup d’état that brought him to power he introduced the phrases “Fellow Nigerians” and “with immediate effect” to the national lexicon. In a short time, Murtala Muhammed’s policies won him broad popular support, and his decisiveness elevated him to the status of a folk hero.
However his highly popular, often televised “with immediate effect” style of governing, also gained some criticism amongst the countries top civil servants – some of which were Nigeria’s top intellectuals. His ad-hoc Presidential proclamations left his civil service often unprepared, lacking details or even funding to implement his ideas, and his administration led to the dismissal of thousands of civil servants. Over 10,000 civil servants, government employees were dismissed without benefits; reasons stated were age, health, incompetence, or malpractice. The removal of such a large amount of public officials affected the public service, the judiciary, the police and armed forces, the diplomatic service, public corporations, and university officials. Quite a few officials were tried on corruption charges, and an ex-military state governor was executed for gross office misconduct.
Muhammed took federal control of the country’s two largest newspapers – Daily Times and New Nigerian; all media in Nigeria was now under federal control. He also took federal control of the remaining state-run universities. On February 3, 1976, the Military Government of Murtala Muhammed created new states and renamed others, the states he created include: Bauchi, Benue, Borno, Imo, Niger, Ogun, and Ondo. This brought the total number of states in Nigeria to nineteen in 1976.
As head of state, Muhammed put in place plans to build a new Federal Capital Territory due to Lagos being overcrowded. He set up a panel headed by Justice Akinola Aguda, which chose the Abuja area as the new capital ahead of other proposed locations. On February 3, 1976, Muhammed announced that the Federal Capital would in the future move to a federal territory location of about 8,000 square kilometres in the central part of the country.
Towards the end of 1975, the administration implemented a mass purge in the Nigerian civil service. The civil service was viewed as undisciplined and lacking a sense of purpose. A retrenchment exercise was implemented as part of a strategy to refocus the service.
Source: Wikipedia
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Renowned Scholar Biodun Jeyifo Dies Days After Celebrating 80th Birthday
Published
2 days agoon
February 12, 2026By
Eric
Nigerian academic, literary critic and Professor Emeritus Biodun Jeyifo, is dead. He was 80.
Jeyifo was widely regarded as one of the foremost scholars of Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka.
His passing was announced by the President of the Nigerian Academy of Letters, Andrew Haruna, in a statement on Wednesday, saying the scholar passed away on 11 February.
The Nigerian Academy of Letters expressed condolences to his family and the academic community, describing his passing as a significant loss to literary scholarship in Nigeria and beyond.
In January, an international scholarly gathering was held at the MUSON Centre in Lagos to mark his 80th birthday.
The event drew academics, writers and cultural figures in recognition of his lifelong contributions to literary studies and intellectual life.
Colleagues have often described Mr Jeyifo’s writing as both intellectually rigorous and accessible, blending critical depth with clarity of expression.
Beyond Soyinka studies, he was known for his wide-ranging engagement with world Anglophone literature, cultural theory and postcolonial thought.
Born on 5 January 1946, Mr Jeyifo was a Fellow of the Nigerian Academy of Letters and a prominent public intellectual whose career spanned several decades of teaching, research and mentorship across Nigeria and the United States.
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Onitsha Main Narket Comes Alive As Monday Sit-at-Home Eases
Published
4 days agoon
February 10, 2026By
Eric
The Onitsha main market in Anambra State, on Monday, recorded boisterous activities as traders and shop owners opened for business amid excitement.
The market had hitherto been without activity on Mondays following the sit-at-home order imposed by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) since August 2021 in protest for the release of Nnamdi Kanu from the DSS detention.
Governor Chukwume Soludo visited the market last Monday after the one week closure following traders’ failure to comply with the government’s directive to disregard the Monday sit-at-home order, expressed satisfaction over the large turnout of traders at the market.
However, reports said that as early as 7 am, trading activities had resumed fully at major sections, including the popular Emeka Offor Plaza, Lagos Line, Ado Line, Mandela Line, and White House Line of the market, with trading activities proceeding smoothly.
Also, a visit to the Fashion Line, Children’s Wear Line, Accessories Line, Egerton to Ose Foodstuff Market and The Young Park, a major entrance to the market, showed that many traders were back as early as 8:45 am, setting up wares with trading activities going on smoothly, unlike what it used to be in the past Mondays.
Activities at the adjoining markets, such as Ochanja and Relief markets, also recorded high turnouts as traders were seen engaging in one transaction or the other.
The market remained active, although with security personnel seen, unlike last Monday when there was a heavy presence of security personnel.
Some traders who spoke to journalists while displaying their wares and waiting for customers expressed excitement and hoped for more positive outcomes.
One of the traders at Emeka Offor Plaza, who gave his name as Michael Igwe, said: “We are happy with the development as commercial activities begin on Mondays after over four years. Monday is the most serious day for business, and we hope this is sustained.
“As the market reopens, we believe economic fortunes and glory that have been lost due to the Monday sit-at-home will be rekindled, and the market will be back on track.”
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