Opinion
The Oracle: Ozekpedia and the Toxicity of Buharocracy (Pt.5)
Published
2 years agoon
By
Eric
By Mike Ozekhome
Ozekpedia has, in the last four weeks, dealt with “Buharocracy” as a concept of government that is antithetical to democracy and its tenets. The first three trenches were titled: “How Buharocracy put Nigeria in Throes”. The fourth tranche was advisedly titled: “Buharocracy: Know Ye the Concept?”. Today, Ozekpedia rolls out the fifth part which is titled, “Ozekpedia and The Toxicity of Buharocracy”.
For those who have not been following these series, Ozekpedia (2023) is my newly coined neologism modeled after Encyclopedia (1751-1772); Smithsonia (1846); Wikipedia (2001); Scholarpedia (2006); Legalpedia (2007); Europedia (2008) and Osepedia (2021). Ozekpedia has now debuted in 2023.
As promised in our last outing, we shall henceforth “take a peep into some specific instance of the use, misuse and negative impact of Buharocracy, instead of democracy”.
OZEKPEDIA AND THE TOXICITY OF BUHAROCRACY
The behavior of a man becomes his mark in the long run.
Do you really know Buhari? If yes, how much of him? What qualities does he possess? Have you ever heard about the term Buharism? I have now renamed it “Buharocracy”. The latter concept is wider and deeper. I would take you down historical memory lane, albeit briefly, to fathom a one time dictator that bestrode the narrow world of Nigeria like a colossus, while “we petty men walked under his huge legs and peep about to find ourselves dishonouurable graves” (Cassius to Btrutus in Julius Caeser, by William Shakespeare, Act I Scene II).
It was Jakande, who first used the term “Buharism”, after his incaseration ordeal. This was what happened. Recall that upon assumption of office as military Head of State, Buhari – then within his thirties – arrested all former public officers and dumped them into military detention. On a certain day in February, 1984, Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, the then Chief of Staff and second-in-command to Buhari (the brain box of the Buhari military junta), announced that three (3) Governors of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), had allegedly confessed to receiving monies amounting to #2.8 million from a French Company – Bouygues Nig. Ltd. He hinted that they would be charged before the Special Military Tribunal. This unverified statement of Idiagbon was publicly refuted by Chief Obafemi Awolowo – the then leader of the UPN. Upon trial, Chief Bola Ige of Oyo State, and Adekunle Ajasin of Ondo State, were discharged and acquitted. Olusegun Onabanjo was convicted for alleged knowledge of the donation to the party. It was established that Idiagbon had lied to the nation; but who had the guts or kidney to tell them that they lied to the nation? Moreso at in a time when embarrassment to public officers was made a crime pursuant to Decree No. 4 (Public Officers Protection Decree)?.
It did not simply end there. In a bid to cleanse his party’s name from oozing the mess, Awolowo (ever so strong in principles) published the entire accounts of the party (UPN). He noted that contributions were received by the party; and that the Lagos State Government had contributed 20 million naira. Buhari promptly arrested Lateef Jakande – the Governor- for no reason, other than daring to reveal Lagos’ own contribution. Jakande would have rotted in Buhari’s military gulag into which he was clamped if not for the hand of fate that brought the Buhari dictatorial military regime to an abrupt end. Talk about Deus Ex Machiina. It was when Jakande was released and he addressed the press, that he used the term, – Buharism. “Buharism” – a disastrous ideological mantra based on executive lawlessness, religious fanaticism, high – handedness, ethnic jingoism and sheer ignorance is what I have now turned into “Buharocracy” “Buharocracy” is the art of practising all other “crazies” such as Selectocracy, Judocracy, Electionocracy, Executocracy and legislotocracy. It is a pretentious tendency, clothed with devilish, janus-faced wield of power. It is anchored on anti-democratic practices by a clamorous and vainglorious demagogue. It is a form of government that is shambolic and duplicitous and signposts ignoble show of national ignorance and global failure. The concept is bad for all intents and purposes. Let us take a look at some specific instances.
PRE – 2015 AND THE ECLIPSE OF NATIONAL DISASTER
Before May 29, 2015, Nigeria was governed by Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan – after his 2011 presidential victory. I would not say Nigeria was at it’s best; but the economy was manageable, fair enough for habitation and good living. It overthrew South Africa as the biggest economy with over $500 billion rebased economy. But, the administration was greeted with rising insecurity and insurgency – especially in the North East- which was believed by close watchers to have been orchestrated by persons that desperately wanted the government to fail at all cost, so as to remove Jonathan from power. The abduction of 276 Chiboks girls by the Boko Haram was the last straw that broke the carmel’s back. It finally sealed the fate of the Jonathan administration. There was therefore the urgent need for an alternative government. The alternative came under the guise of “change”. But, did we know the change?. Did Nigerians care to know? I think not. How I wish Nigerians could foresee the 8 years of Buhari’s disastrous misgovernance of Nigeria. I had warned serially and continually. But, Nigerians, like the Bourbons of European history who learnt nothing and forgot nothing, paid deaf ears to me. Like the Egyptian king Ramesse II. (c. 1279- 1213BC), Nigerians chose to be deaf. By the time they woke up from their cocooned deep slumber, it was too late to ward off a ferocious dictator dressed in the beautiful garb of white babariga and sokoto.
Buhari has, surprisingly, beaten his chest many times, trumpeting his purported achievements.
In his response to Bloomberg’s questions published on June 21, 2022, Buhari said that his administration will be leaving Nigeria “in a far better place than he found it.” Did I hear him well? Is it Nigeria from planets Mars, Neptune, Mercury, Venus, Jupiter, Saturn or Uranus? I do not. Or do you? But one this is clear to me, Behari was certainly not referring to our mother-Earth planet.
He blurted out, narcistically, as usual: “We leave Nigeria in a far better place than we found it. Corruption is less hidden for Nigerians feel empowered to report it without fear, while money is returned; terrorists no longer hold any territory in Nigeria, and their leaders are deceased, and vast infrastructure development sets the country on course for sustainable and equitable growth.” … In the area of corruption, as you are all aware, I am determined to ensure that we do not have a repeat of what has gone on in previous administrations and we have taken a strong stand against pervasive corruption.”
These words of a true posear and an obviously unfulfilled despot, defile the many facts that stare Nigerians in the face. He spoke exactly the opposite of what is on ground. The words also defy scriptural admonitions.
The Holy Bible admonishes, “Let someone else praise you, and not your own mouth; an outsider, and not your own lips.” – Proverbs 27:2 (NIV). Islam’s Imam Ali (A.S) said, “a man who praises himself displays his defiency of intellect.” In the same vein, Imam Malik was more pungent, “verily, when a man starts praising himself, then his honour will leave him.”
There are many reasons why people resort to praising themselves, such as Buhari did and still does:
1.) They lack confidence in their abilities and judgement; as they have a low esteem.
2.) On the other extreme, they may have too much and overblown confidence in their abilities and judgement.
3.) They need compensation over their low esteem through validation and praises from others.
4.) Such persons are arrogant and prideful: have a narcistic personality disorder, with an inflamed sense of self-importance that requires constant admiration, attention and praises.
What could be the reason for Buhari’s vainglorious self – praises? I do not know. Or, do you? Your answer may be good as mine.
To hit the nail on the head of the nuclueos of this discourse, an analysis of the tripodal agenda of the Buhari – led administration in comparison with the pre – 2015 status would help out. But it should be noted that, at the very early stage of his administration, I had pleaded; even admonished him; but all fell on deaf ears. – https://ww.nairaland.com/2416049/buharis-first-30-days-office/1 ; Buhari’s First 30 Days In Office Dismal, Uninspiring – Ozekhome – Politics (2) ; June 30, 2015; “https://www.premiumtimesng.com/features-and-interviews/195427-how-others-view-the-present-government-part-2-by-mike-ozekhome.html?tztc=1; How others view the present government (Part 2), By Mike Ozekhome; December 25, 2015”. Some Nigerians – sycophantic Buharists and Buharadeens-had bayed for my patriotic innocent blood. Most later recanted, called me and apologized. Some still do today. Let us take some samples of his performance c.
THE ECONOMIC MELT DOWN THAT WAS BEYOND REPAIRS
During his first term as President, after making three executive orders, the economic environment became more toxic and more unconducive for investors.
Major economic indicators such as unemployment, oil depletion, capital flight, dis-investment, etc, surfaced. I would blaze through the GDP and Inflation rates in the last 8 years.
GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT (GDP)
The growth of Nigeria’s economy dropped drastically during the fourth quarter of 2015, from 2.84 percent to 2.11 percent; and in the fourth quarter of 2016 to 0.36 percent. In the second quarter of 2016, the economy worsened and a decline of – 2.06 per cent was recorded. Hence, the first ever recession experienced since 25 years’. In the third quarter of 2016, a decline of – 1.3 percent was recorded. The first quarter of 2017 saw the growth of our GDP at – 0.92 per cent, the remaining quarters growth rate were at 0.72, 1.17 and 2.11 respectively.
There was a real economic turn down in 2018. The GDP growth declined and never rose above 2 percent. In 2019, the GDP growth rate was 2.21%, a 0.29 increase from 2018. In 2020, it reduced to -1.79%, a 4% decline from 2019. In 2021, the GDP growth rate was 3.65%, a 5.44% increase from 2020.
Our GDP continued reducing and wallowing in the aqua of uncertainty till Q3 2022 growth rate recorded a decrease by 1.78% points from the 4.03% growth rate recorded in Q3 2021 and decreased by 1.29% points relative to 3.54% in Q2 2022. However, quarter-on-quarter, real GDP grew at 9.68% in Q3 2022, reflecting a higher economic activity in Q3 2022 than the preceding quarter. The World Bank forecasts the Nigerian economy to grow by 2.8 percent in 2023, down from 3.3 percent in 2022. What a pity! Is this how a country grows and develops? Whoever eventually emerges president after the Presidential Election petition hearing is surely going to inherent the abysmal and wanton failure of Buhari, his predecessor. May God help us.
INFLATION
It is the consensus of reports that after Buahri took over as President in 2015, inflation rate rose from 9.0 per cent to 9.2 per cent in June of that year. By November and December, 2015, it was already 9.37 and 9.55, respectively. In 2016, we witnessed our first recession due to decline in oil and non oil businesses. Before the end of 2017, the inflation was measured at an alarming 8.72 per cent.
It was only in 2018, that the country did not record consecutive rise of inflation. However, the year ended with an 11.28 and 11.44 per cent rise within November and December respectively. In 2019, the inflation rate increased in January, through April and May; and then the borders were shut down by the Federal Government under the guise of fighting criminal smugglers. This caused unbearable hardship and suffering to Nigerians. Inflation still rose during the closure. In the wake of 2020, the world was greeted with the unwavering and unsavory effect of the Covid 19 pandemic; shutting down the entire global economic affairs; leading again to another recession. By the middle of 2021, inflation hit about 18.17 per cent.
Inflation continued till 2022, and by November, it hit had 21.47 per cent. By April this year, inflation was 22.22 percent. Thus, the administration recorded the highest inflation at its tail end. Could this be deliberate?. Fellow Nigerians, No be juju be that? I do not know. Or do you?
NIGERIA: A GRUESOME CRIME SCENE UNDER BUHARI
Buhari’s administration inherited the Boko Haram which was then the predominant security challenge in Nigeria. While death from Boko Haram insurgency has reduced drastically, there has been an upsurge of other violent crimes such as armed bandits, violent herdsmen, ransome-taking kidnappers, deadly armed robbers, unknown gun men and other non-state actors, that threaten and challenge Nigeria’s sovereignty and suzerainty.
Before now, we were only afraid to travel through the Northern routes. But today, we are all afraid to travel through the North, South, East and West. This is because, anything can happen, as the roads are quite unsafe. Imagine a country were military officers are kidnapped, military colleges are invaded, a train station is invaded and people kidnapped, without government intervention. Cases of broad day light robbery, amongst others, have been common place.
Between 1st of January and 31st July 2021, at least 279 government institutions were confirmed attacked. The deadly operation of unknown gun men and the discovery of death bodies in the South East is another major challenge. The robbery attack on the office of the Chief of Staff to the President showed that even the presidency was not secure. Sometime in 2021, about 807 students were kidnapped. See my writeup then: “https://saharareporters.com/2021/02/28/807-school-pupils-stolen-under-buhari-hope-nigeria-itself-wont-be-abducted-ozekhome; 807 School Pupils Stolen Under Buhari; Hope Nigeria Itself Won’t Be Abducted? – Ozekhome; February 28, 2021”.
Buhari was that President that never knew what was going on in his government. He denied knowledge of almost anything and everything. Some Nigerians started thinking he was deaf because, he was always missing in action. See my intervention: “https://thenigerialawyer.com/insecurity-president-buhari-missing-in-action-his-capacity-has-been-tested-ozekhome-san/; Insecurity: President Buhari Missing In Action, His Capacity Has Been Tested — Ozekhome, SAN; April 28, 2021. Methinks he was sleeping, so I called for his wake. – https://thisnigeria.com/wake-up-president-buhari-from-his-deep-slumber-self-denial-ozekhome/; Wake up President Buhari from his deep slumber, self-denial – Ozekhome 29th April, 2021”. The Universities were no longer safe for Nigerian students; coupled with neglect of settling the long-drawn strike issue between the FG and ASUU. Armed banditry and kidnapping became the order of the day. See “https://nigeriannewsdirect.com/nigerian-universities-kidnapping-and-banditry/; Nigerian universities, kidnapping and banditry; December 10, 2021”. School children were kidnapped from Universities; and their parents were forced by kidnappers to purchase for the sustenance of their children for the purpose of ransome, bags of rice; beans; millet; tomatoes; tarodo; palm oil; pepper; vegetable oil; salt; sugar; onions; vegetable; and even magi cubes and locust beans. Nigerians never had it so bad.
The Nigerian Security Tracker of the Council for Foreign Relations reported that, 63, 111 Nigerians were killed since the Buhari administration took off: 27,311 during first term; and 35,800 during the second term. Yet, this was an administration that spent up to eight trillion naira (N8tn) in the last eight years on defence budget alone. From further conservative report by the press, at least 21 people were killed every day during Buahri’s 2,555 days in office!
In 2019, Nigeria was ranked 3rd below Afghanistan and Iraq out of 138 countries in the Global Terrorism Index. Again, Nigeria was ranked the 14th most fragile country in the world and the 9th in Africa, according to the Fragile States Index. That same year, Nigeria also ranked 148th out of 163 countries in the Global Peace Index, far below former war-ravaged countries like Sierra Leone, Liberia and Rwanda. Thus, the citizens clamoured for the removal of the Service Chiefs due to zero performance after so many setbacks, uncertainties, deaths, mayhem, arson etc. Nigeria under Buhari was simply a grisly crime scene. Period.
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Opinion
The Unsung Patriots: When Integrity Stands Above National Honours
Published
5 days agoon
June 14, 2025By
Eric
By Sani Sa’idu Baba
Nigeria’s Democracy Day ought to be a solemn reminder of the sacrifices, resilience, and commitment of individuals who have stood tall in the face of tyranny and injustice. It is a day that should celebrate not only democracy itself, but also the patriots who have preserved its fragile flame. Yet, in what many see as a deliberate and politically motivated omission, several Nigerians of high calibre, unimpeachable character, and unassailable contributions to nationhood were left out of the national honours list announced by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.
This omission is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated decision that speaks volumes about the political insecurities within the corridors of power. One name that resonates profoundly in this discourse is Chief Dele Momodu, adopted son of the late MKO Abiola, a journalist, publisher, presidential aspirant, and fearless voice of the people for over four decades. Chief Momodu is a man who has not only chronicled Nigeria’s history but has lived and shaped it through his unwavering commitment to truth, justice, and democratic ideals.
Let us be honest, this is not about merit. If it were, Chief Dele Momodu’s name would have featured prominently on that list. This is about fear, fear of principled rejection. It is about avoiding the kind of national embarrassment that befell the Buhari administration when internationally acclaimed writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie openly declined a national honour because she believed it lacked genuine integrity. Her rejection was not out of arrogance, but from a place of conviction, a deep sense of responsibility not to allow her name to be used as an endorsement of a government she could not, in good conscience, support.
President Tinubu’s government, undoubtedly aware of Dele Momodu’s outspokenness and principled stance, likely feared a repeat of such rejection. Because men like Chief Momodu would not want to accept such honours from those who have allegedly turned our hard earned democracy into a civilian dictatorship. For him, a national honour must be more than a political gesture, but a reflection of national values, a reward from a government that truly serves its people.
Chief Momodu has never been one to seek validation from the powerful. His life’s work has been about amplifying the voices of the voiceless, challenging injustice, and standing firm even in the face of exile and persecution. That is who he truly is. I believe that he will happily accept a national honour from a government that embodies the ideals of democracy not one that plays lip service to it. It’s only a matter of time!
This June 12, as we mark another chapter in Nigeria’s democratic journey, we must also reflect on the kind of leadership we celebrate. It is not enough to decorate the loyal and the silent. True honour lies in recognising the bold, the honest, and the principled even when their truths are uncomfortable.
To Chief Dele Momodu, and others like him who continue to walk the path of integrity, your absence from the national honours list is not a dishonour. In fact, it is a badge of honour in itself. For in a time where sycophancy is rewarded, your principled silence, your steadfast commitment to truth, and your refusal to compromise, speak louder than any medal ever could. Nigeria sees you. History will remember you.
Your recent 65th birthday celebrations which was meant to be simple and low-key but turned into a well organised global celebration all in your honour speaks volumes.
May your integrity continue to inspire a generation that refuses to trade truth for personal gains.
Happy democracy day…
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano
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Opinion
Nigeria’s Reforms Have Put the Country on the Global Economic Map
Published
2 weeks agoon
June 8, 2025By
Eric
By Abdul Samad Rabiu
As my country steadies itself, Britain, its Western allies and their companies should deepen this partnership
As ghosts of the 1930s haunt the global outlook, the scramble for trade deals has seized control of government agendas. The United States has leveraged its “tariff war” to secure better terms, driving both friend and foe to the negotiating table. British deals with the US and India have provided some refuge from the prevailing gloom.
Less reported – but with similar potential – was last year’s signing of the Enhanced and Trade and Investment Partnership (ETIP) between the UK and Nigeria , the former’s first such agreement with an African nation. Quiet in its arrival, the pact may yet echo louder.
As someone who has built multinational businesses across Africa, I know the vast opportunity the continent offers, and Nigeria in particular, which alone accounts for a fifth of sub-Saharan Africa’s 1.2 billion people. But I also understand the limitations we have often placed on ourselves when it comes to securing investment.
Lowering barriers to trade is crucial, and for that Britain’s ETIP looks prescient. However, investment and business potential will remain discounted as long as African nations cling to state intervention – from subsidies and price controls to exchange rate distortions – all of which have consistently bred dysfunction and economic instability. Fortunately, Nigeria has now decisively turned a corner, embracing market economics under a liberalising government.
In Morocco this week, Foreign Secretary David Lammy indicated Britain’s position is shifting too. Setting out his strategy for Africa, he said British policy must transition from aid to investment. “Trade-not-aid” is no new idea – but it is the first time a British government has so clearly echoed the demand the African continent has voiced for years.
In making that shift, Nigeria is taking the lead for a continent to follow. So many Nigerian administrations I have known have been hostage to economic events, doubling down time and again on state intervention rather than having the conviction to reform. This administration is proving different. After two years of difficult reforms, Nigeria – under President Bola Tinubu – is now poised to fulfil the promise of its vast natural resources, rapidly growing population of over 200 million people, and strategic coastal location along the Gulf of Guinea.
First, the Tinubu administration removed a crippling fuel subsidy – the most significant policy reform in years. At 25 to 30 cents per litre, petrol in Nigeria was among the cheapest in the world. But the subsidy was bankrupting the government: by 2023, it consumed over 15 per cent of the federal budget – roughly equivalent to the proportion the UK spends annually on the NHS.
When President Tinubu ditched the fuel subsidy on his first day in office, criticism quickly followed. Prices, at least for the time being, have risen. However, statistics must be understood in light of the wide-ranging distortions the subsidy created.
Officially, fuel consumption in Nigeria has dropped by 40 to 50 per cent. But that is not because Nigerians’ petrol use reduced by this amount. In reality the country was subsidising the region, with cross border fuel smugglers profiting from arbitrage. The illegal trade was so blatant that on a visit to neighbouring Niger a few years ago, then-President Mohamed Bazoum even joked about it, thanking Nigeria for the cheap fuel. Though the move was politically unpopular, the subsidy had become unsustainable. Now, spending is being redirected toward development and infrastructure – laying the foundations for long-term growth.
Second, the country has moved from a fixed to a market-determined exchange rate. Previously, only select groups could access the official rate – especially those with political connections; the rest had to rely on a more expensive parallel informal market determined by supply and demand. But selling dollars at an artificially low rate only entrenched scarcity, a problem compounded by an opaque exchange mechanism that deterred foreign investment.
Every two weeks, we used to make the 12-hour drive to Abuja to seek dollar allocations for imports – camping out at the Central Bank for three or four days. Now, I no longer need to go. I’ve met the new Governor only once in two years – because I haven’t had to. Monetary orthodoxy has finally arrived, bringing with it the liquidity that both domestic and foreign businesses depend on to smooth trade and de-risk investment.
Third, the shackles of politics are being prised from business, bringing greater certainty, fairness and stability to the landscape. Five years ago, I woke up one morning to find that the port concession for a new venture of mine had been revoked. It turned out my company was outcompeting a friend of an official of the Nigerian Ports Authority. In the end, it took then-President Buhari’s personal intervention to save the enterprise.
Had I not been politically connected, the business would have folded – along with the 4,000 jobs it provided – at a time when job creation was, and remains, Nigeria’s most urgent challenge. Today, such connections are no longer necessary. The playing field is being levelled, flattening the political ridges and dips that once skewed the game.
Many of these reforms required political courage to withstand the force of criticism. Prices rose as distortions were removed, yet the administration held firm, even as vested interests co-opted public discontent for their own ends.
Indeed, many of the benefits of reform are still to be felt by the wider public. But economic fundamentals must be fixed before that becomes possible. That lead-time often tempts market reformers to reverse course, or avoid reform altogether. Now that Nigeria has made it through the toughest phase, its direction should be clear to investors.
For Britain, the Enhanced Trade and Investment Partnership with Nigeria was a strategic bet on reform, resilience and long-term reward. Nigeria is now delivering its part of the bargain. As my country steadies itself, the UK, its Western allies – and their companies – should deepen this partnership.
Abdul Samad Rabiu is a Nigerian businessman and philanthropist
Culled from Daily Telegraph (UK)
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Opinion
Democracy and Good Governance: How Have Niger-Delta Governors Fared?
Published
2 weeks agoon
June 4, 2025By
Eric
By Magnus Onyibe
The Niger Delta is often seen as a reflection of Nigeria in miniature—especially Delta State, where a rich tapestry of ethnic groups, each with its own dialect and cultural identity, mirrors the nation’s diversity.
The region comprises nine states: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Rivers, and Ondo. Among the current governors, only Alex Otti of Abia State, representing the Labour Party (LP), came into office without any prior experience in government. A seasoned banker, Otti entered the political arena as a newcomer to public administration.
In contrast, the other eight governors had already held significant public offices before their current roles. For example, Douye Diri (Bayelsa), Hope Uzodinma (Imo), Monday Okpebholo (Edo), and Bassey Otu (Cross River) all previously served as senators before transitioning to executive leadership in their respective states. Similarly, Lucky Aiyedatiwa rose from deputy governor to governor in Ondo, while Sheriff Oborevwori, former Speaker of the Delta State House of Assembly, moved from a legislative role to become the state’s chief executive.
Siminalayi Fubara of Rivers State, who served as the state’s Accountant General under the previous administration, also brought with him deep familiarity with the government machinery. However, his tenure is currently on hold, following a six-month state of emergency declared by the federal government. Meanwhile, Umo Eno, the governor of Akwa Ibom, previously held the position of Commissioner for Works before ascending to the governorship.
With this wealth of prior experience, it was widely expected that these governors would not need much time to adjust to their roles. The prevailing assumption was that they would be ready to deliver from day one—mobilizing both human and financial resources to fulfill the lofty promises made during their campaigns.
As we move further into this analysis, we will evaluate how effectively these nine governors have lived up to expectations and whether they’ve delivered the much-anticipated dividends of democracy to the resilient people of the Niger Delta.
To borrow a phrase often attributed to former New York Governor Mario Cuomo, “You campaign in poetry but govern in prose.” In other words, while election campaigns are filled with passion, inspiration, and grand ideals—governance demands pragmatism, clarity, and results.
Which Niger Delta Governors Are Truly Governing in Prose?
Building on the earlier analysis, a crucial question arises: Which of the nine Niger Delta governors have transitioned from campaign poetry to the prose of governance, as famously framed by former New York Governor Mario Cuomo?
This article seeks to answer that by evaluating the performance of the region’s governors over the last two years—marking the halfway point in their four-year constitutional terms.
An exception must be made for Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, who only took office in November due to the state’s off-cycle election. With just six months in office, it would be too early—and unfair—to judge the effectiveness of his administration at this stage.
To conduct a fair assessment of the governors’ performance, it’s important first to define what “good governance” means within the Nigerian context.
What Defines Good Governance in Nigeria?
In Nigeria, good governance is evaluated through several key areas of impact:
1. Business Climate Improvement
Creating a more competitive, transparent, and investor-friendly environment is essential. This includes strengthening corporate governance and promoting economic sustainability to attract both local and international investment.
2. Reforming the Oil, Power, and Extractive Industries
Given the Niger Delta’s role as Nigeria’s energy hub, reforms in these sectors are crucial. Priorities include promoting transparency, accountability, and shifting from a “gas-for-export” model to a “gas-to-power” strategy that improves electricity access.
3. Innovation and Sustainable Development
Supporting governance innovations—especially those that emerge from local communities—is vital. These may include homegrown accountability mechanisms that ensure inclusive and transparent public administration.
4. Youth, Gender, and Social Inclusion
Effective governance must actively empower youth and women through education, entrepreneurship, and social protection programs.
5. Climate Resilience and Environmental Innovation
States are expected to implement climate-smart policies that promote environmental sustainability and protect communities from the growing threats of climate change.
6. Agricultural Transformation
With food security under pressure, improving agricultural governance through innovation, investment, and infrastructure is another vital benchmark of effective leadership.
Core Pillars Supporting Good Governance
In addition to sectoral initiatives, good governance in Nigeria rests on several foundational elements:
• Policy Engagement: Working with stakeholders and lawmakers to craft impactful, evidence-based reforms.
• Data-Driven Decision-Making: Utilizing research and analytics to inform policies and measure results.
• Institutional Capacity Building: Strengthening the ability of government bodies and personnel to deliver services effectively.
• Transparency and Accountability: Upholding openness and ethical stewardship of public resources.
As we continue this midterm review of Niger Delta leadership, these criteria will serve as the lens through which we measure whether the governors are living up to their campaign promises—and delivering real progress in the daily lives of their constituents.
Core Principles of Good Governance
Globally, good governance is rooted in universal principles that cut across borders and systems. These include:
• Responsibility: Diligent and consistent oversight of financial systems, legal compliance, and risk management.
• Transparency and Communication: Clear, inclusive dialogue between governments and their citizens, encouraging participation and trust.
• Equity and Justice: Ensuring fair treatment and equal opportunities for all members of society.
Integral to these principles is the protection of human rights, which is reinforced through:
• Democratic Institutions: Structures that facilitate active citizen involvement in policy decisions.
• Efficient Service Delivery: Governments must effectively provide essential services such as healthcare, education, and infrastructure.
• Rule of Law: Legal systems must be reformed to guarantee fairness, security, and equal enforcement of the law.
• Anti-Corruption Practices: Strong mechanisms must be in place to deter corruption and promote accountability at all levels.
At the heart of these elements is strategic vision—a long-term, actionable plan that guides decision-making and ensures consistent development across governance levels.
The Niger Delta: Unique Challenges and Governance Imperatives
While the Niger Delta shares commonalities as Nigeria’s oil-producing heartland, its states vary in environmental and socio-economic conditions. Many areas, especially in Delta, Rivers, Akwa Ibom, and parts of Bayelsa, are characterized by wetlands, creeks, and swampy terrain. These difficult geographies complicate infrastructure development, especially road construction, which is vital for connectivity and economic growth.
In contrast, states like Abia, Imo, Edo, Ondo, and Cross River are situated on firmer ground, making them relatively better positioned for infrastructure expansion.
Despite these differences, the entire region grapples with a similar set of environmental, economic, and social hurdles. To effectively address these challenges, governors in the Niger Delta must embrace holistic, strategic, and citizen-centric approaches. Priority areas include:
• Environmental Remediation: Governments must lead aggressive clean-up campaigns in oil-impacted areas, while also putting in place measures to prevent future ecological damage.
• Infrastructure Expansion: Robust investment in roads, bridges, hospitals, and public utilities is critical to improving quality of life and boosting commerce.
• Diversified Economic Growth: Moving beyond oil dependency, leaders must invest in agriculture, aquaculture, small businesses, and innovation-driven sectors to build resilient local economies.
• Community Participation: Engaging local populations in governance through consultation and inclusion helps foster trust and ensure policies align with grassroots realities.
• Security and Peacebuilding: Addressing insecurity requires a blend of conflict resolution strategies, dialogue, and inclusive peacebuilding initiatives tailored to local dynamics.
• Enforcing Accountability: Governors must ensure both public agencies and private corporations adhere to environmental and human rights standards, with strong regulatory systems in place to uphold these obligations.
Pathways to Sustainable Development in the Niger Delta
For governance to be truly transformative, it must also focus on long-term, sustainable outcomes. This includes:
• Community-Led Development Projects: Emphasizing initiatives that support local needs while preserving the environment.
• Youth Empowerment: Equipping young people with education, vocational skills, and employment opportunities to reduce restiveness and foster economic inclusion.
• Improved Service Delivery: Strengthening access to quality education, healthcare, and basic services will significantly raise living standards.
Ultimately, the path to real transformation in the Niger Delta lies in confronting entrenched structural issues and deploying practical, people-oriented solutions. If these priorities are pursued with vision, commitment, and transparency, the region can unlock sustainable development and lasting prosperity.
Midterm Governance Review: Are Niger Delta Governors Delivering?
At the halfway mark of their four-year tenure—reached on May 29—the performance of governors in the nine Niger Delta states is now under the spotlight. This review examines whether they have delivered on their promises using key benchmarks for democratic dividends and good governance.
When President Bola Tinubu assumed office in 2023, he implemented sweeping economic reforms, including removing the long-standing petrol subsidy and unifying the naira’s exchange rate. These policies freed up considerable funds, resulting in significantly increased federal allocations to state governments.
Many states are now estimated to receive up to 60% more from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC). For the oil-rich Niger Delta, this financial windfall raised expectations for accelerated development, improved infrastructure, and better living conditions.
One of the most immediate and tangible outcomes of this revenue boost is the clearing of civil servant salary backlogs. Many states that previously owed up to two years’ worth of wages are now current on salary payments—offering much-needed relief to workers and their families.
Assessing Progress Without Standardized Tools
Nigeria currently lacks a uniform, institutionalized system for evaluating subnational governance performance—unlike the way inflation or poverty is tracked by the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, or GDP by global rating agencies. In this gap, the media has stepped in to measure progress.
Platforms like ThisDay and Arise News have focused on the Niger Delta, assessing governors’ achievements based on public perception and editorial judgment, though not always using data-driven metrics.
These reviews, while informal, have highlighted standout governors and shed light on leadership trends across the region.
Delta State Leads the Pack
Delta State has emerged as a top performer under Governor Sheriff Oborevwori. His administration has made clear strides in various sectors, earning him the title of Governor of the Year in some media assessments.
Key accomplishments include:
• Sports: Hosting major events like the National Youth Games and National Sports Festival.
• Judiciary: Upgrading court infrastructure and enhancing support for judicial personnel.
• Human Capital Development: Offering grants and support for artisans, small business owners, and traders.
• Security and Peace: Establishing the Delta State Advisory and Peace-Building Council to mediate conflicts.
• Education: Improving school facilities, awarding scholarships, and strengthening higher institutions.
Beyond these, Oborevwori’s administration has made major investments in roads, bridges, healthcare, and agriculture. His infrastructure drive—facilitated through contractors like Julius Berger—has positioned Delta not just as a regional leader, but arguably one of Nigeria’s best-performing states.
Akwa Ibom Close Behind
Akwa Ibom, led by Governor Umo Eno, ranks next in terms of development. Through a weekly television program featuring the governance activities in the state, and other structured media reports, public opinion acknowledges his steady progress across multiple sectors.
A more thorough, data-backed evaluation from transparency-focused organizations like BudgIT, Statista, or Nairametrics would give a clearer picture of the impact of how the 36 governors and the Federal Capital Territory, (FCT) minister nationwide have fared in their administration at the subnational level.
Currently, Delta and Akwa Ibom are viewed as the most progressive states in the Niger Delta based on visible governance efforts and citizen engagement.
The Power of Media Visibility
One thing both Delta and Akwa Ibom have in common is their effective communication strategies. Through sponsored programs on platforms like Arise News and collaborations with media influencers (tv anchor persons ,columnists and journalists), these states have maintained strong public visibility.
This strategic communication has helped them control the narrative, highlight successes, and stay connected to their citizens. As a result, media coverage has favored their administrations.
Conversely, the remaining seven Niger Delta states—Abia, Bayelsa, Imo, Ondo, Cross River, Rivers, and Edo—have suffered from poor communication, making their governance efforts largely invisible to the public. As the saying goes, “Governing without communicating is like winking at a pretty lady in a dark room. The man knows what he’s doing, but the lady doesn’t.”
Special Focus: Rivers and Edo States
In Rivers State, Governor Siminalayi Fubara began with high visibility but soon found his administration overshadowed by political conflict.
In Edo State, Governor Monday Okpebholo only assumed office six months ago due to the state’s off-cycle election. Despite the short time in office, he has made bold moves to tackle the state’s current biggest challenge in terms of insecurity—cracking down on cultism, removing traditional rulers involved in crime, and demolishing properties tied to illegal activities.
He has also initiated the construction of a major flyover at Ikpoba Hill to alleviate severe traffic congestion. Once completed, this project will improve traffic flow between eastern and western Nigeria, easing movement from Delta and Edo to Lagos.
Agriculture: A Neglected Sector
One major area where all Niger Delta governors need to improve is agriculture. With food prices rising due to subsidy removal and currency devaluation, food security is now a pressing concern.
While civil servants’ national minimum wages have risen—from ₦30,000 to about ₦70,000,commendably in all Niger Delta states it is higher than the national level —there has not been a commensurate increase in investment in farming. This is troubling, as agriculture remains the largest employer in Nigeria. So, without creating an enabling environment for agricultural activities to thrive in the rural areas, significant poverty alleviation may not be recorded in the hinterland as food insecurity will continue to be a source of hardship for the masses.
Despite ongoing challenges like farmer-herder clashes, flooding, and coastal erosion, Niger Delta state governments must prioritize agriculture to reduce hunger and boost rural livelihoods.
Conclusion: Unlocking the Region’s Potential
The takeaway is clear: with at least 60% higher inflow of funds to states from FAAC account,money is no longer the biggest or primary constraint to development in the Niger Delta and states nationwide.
That is because the state governors now have the resources to uplift their people—if managed wisely.
The real test is in vision, planning, and prioritizing projects that directly benefit the population. Governor Oborevwori has set a strong example by combining smart resource use with visible public engagement.
Advice to Other Governors
To governors whose performance remains under the radar, now is the time to act. Learn from Delta and Akwa Ibom—meet the real needs of your people and use the media as a governance tool.
If not, you risk being the proverbial man “winking in the dark”—your good efforts may go completely unnoticed.
With the 2027 election season approaching for all but Edo, this midterm point is an opportunity to turn things around, show leadership, and earn the people’s trust for a possible second term.
Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, an alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, a Commonwealth lnstitute scholar and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, wrote from Lagos
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