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Wandering in the Dark by Olufemi Adeagbo

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Amongst Lord Lugard’s characterizations of our race type in his 1926 ‘Dual Mandate report’ was a comment about how we were “full of personal vanity and with little sense of veracity.’ Annoying, but seemingly true, for It appears that we fail to recognize the role of accurate data and its deep analysis as a foundational input in the social and economic development of a nation. Or perhaps we prefer the fluidity so we can manipulate to suit. Or perhaps we just do not truly care about inclusive development.

Data is not really needed to tell many that Nigeria’s development has been stifled by SUSTAINED primitive, mind boggling theft over a sustained period. This has ensured a general decimation of standards, bludgeoned virtues and created a wide gulf between various strata’s of society.

Yet, only a granular understanding of problems can yield lasting solutions, assuming well intentioned leadership. Data is the foundation of precise planning and even execution. It is why intelligence and reconnaissance are invaluable in warfare.

Economic development in an increasingly consumerist and globally integrated world is akin to warfare. The absence of rigorously obtained data, distilled into ‘’ easy to grasp analysis’ will likely reduce any administration to promoting and defending narratives endlessly, rather than standing stoically on the facts and making the appropriate decisions. Also, development inputs are likely be misplaced and misdirected.

An example can be found in the repeated comments about subsidy being enjoyed by only the rich, as part of the justification for its removal. How so? Yes, the scheme may have created billionaires from inherent shenanigans, but the fact that masses are lamenting the impact of the increases suggests that these comments are erroneous.

It may indeed be the appropriate conclusion that the PMS subsidy scheme be eliminated, but have we invested in rigorous data analysis. How many litres of PMS are the hardworking millions of artisans, tailors, commercial vehicle drivers, businesses who use petrol generators consuming? How many tailors do we even have considering textiles lead our importations from China, our biggest importation source? Do we understand their consumption patterns and what they add to GDP? Could we, over the years, have incentivised manufacturing for production of inverters and batteries to eliminate reliance on petrol generators, thus addressing both energy and environmental issues at the same time, rather than embarking on dollar intense importation of inverters and batteries from India, China and Europe?

Do we know how many of the 12m vehicles are actually gas guzzlers and how many are small sized engines. A harmonization of state databases could actually reveal this dataset. Do we understand the emission implications? Could we perhaps have introduced a carbon tax on certain sizes to ameliorate the subsidy bills? Do we know how many cars – purchased with subsidised dollars are lying prostrate across mechanic shops in the country as a result of terrible workmanship and / or lack of parts? Ignored realities that have serious impact of currency which in turn has impact across the entire existential chain.

Employment is another area worthy of a second look. “Japa” for example is fingered as a culprit in many recent service failures, especially in the financial sector. Odd. If there is an employment crisis, and other countries are emptying out our workers, then it means there is headroom to absorb other Nigerians searching for opportunities, provided of course rapid upskilling strategies have been emplaced.

And then, looking at the absolute numbers must arouse curiosity. By the time we deduct the 90 million under age 15, millions of housewives whose husbands do not want them to work, 2 million in tertiary education, public servants employed across the 36 states and FG, millions of farmers, the 250,000 in the Military, 380,000 in the Police, pensioners, the organised private sector with banks, retailers and support workers, our massive creative sector, gatemen (a unique Nigerian feature that depicts our under utilization of human capacity), construction workers translating the cement output of Dangote and BUA into buildings, the informal sector with millions of tailors, electricians, plumbers, site workers, mechanics, panel beaters, suya sellers etc; it is unlikely that we still have 40% unemployed. Underemployed perhaps, but certainly not unemployed.

Oh, and then there is the hustle economy where millions ‘wheel and deal’, but don’t want to be tied down to a formal job. “Yahoo, yahoo” has become a mainstream occupation. Our “hook up” sex economy, which may be as high as N10 trillion ( even if conservative assumptions are used), falls into this category, and is generating far more than most sectors. However, we do not know what percentage are forced by unfortunate circumstances nor how many of our “mothers of tomorrow” have made, or are likely to make these poor choices in the pursuit of overnight riches? We do not know how many fund expensive drug habits with their flesh. Instead, we are wont to pander to our biases in rationalising these evident anomalies.

Social media has also introduced other dimensions and industries like massive porn productions and even ‘Defamation for sale’ as the recent Eniola Badmus / Okoye situation has revealed. The Instagram economy (we have 12m users on Instagram) and Tik Tok now provide the pathway for monetizing salacious behaviour.

The pain point of most employers is finding honest and committed staff. Many no longer recruit for skills, but simply a good attitude. Hire and train. It is that dire. However, many simply don’t want to follow the established principles of starting humble, learning, and working their way up. Instead, It is a scramble for riches without rules, with arrogance and ignorance in tow. There is even a branding of “soft life” developing around this new mentality. And yet, we are expected to accept that there is a 40% unemployment rate. So one is likely to ask: 40 % of what exactly? Those able and ready to work within the employment age bracket? Or absolute population? How is the data being “skinned?”

Regardless, the realities must cause the curious mind to pause. To compound the problem even further, the frustrations of having social media fuelled aspirations without the capacity to legitimately actualize them has led into the creation of a false” mental health” industry that distorts the reality of this problem and reduces identification of those who really need help with health.

Yes, we can blame all this breakdown of morality, desperation for fast money and unrestrained conduct on leaders and the political classes over decades, for they failed to lead shape the mentality and morality of society, but that does not relegate the fact that these are realities that now confront us. Absence of granular knowledge weakens policy makers and their communication assets. This is a “data trap” waiting to consume any government. Using indicators that lack depth means that a government may invest in infrastructure, increase revenues, expend judiciously and yet the data may still present horrific indicators.

So where does all the money generated from licit and illicit activities go? The answer may point us to our obsession with excessive consumption and importation addiction to non-essentials, not because we can’t produce, but perhaps because we prefer things made abroad. Our instincts are to bludgeon and gather resources to indulge in insane accumulative expenditure on mansions, fleets of luxury vehicles, travelling and shopping around the world, and all sorts whilst displacing millions in the process through denial of qualitative education, healthcare and living standards. We produce low cost, low complexity goods and services, but import high cost, high complexity goods; and do not aspire enough to produce complex goods. If we did, electricity and other infrastructure problems would not be there. Simple.

The expenditure we still support from the incomprehensible property acquisition, cars, champagne and whisky habits of the elite ( now gulping billions of dollars), to the insatiable appetite for fake glitzy LV, and Fendi stamped clothing among the masses reflects a “wannabism” disease that is killing Nigeria, and stifling its aspirations of being a country where things work well, and where beauty, rather than slums, abound. Our dreams are increasingly about personal glitz and pomp, not societal impact. To keep ignoring the nexus between these behavioural realities, orchestrated across public and private sectors and currency value, inflation and other negatives is to play the ostrich with its head in the sand.

This lack of collective National aspiration, shamelessness at being branded corrupt, and reality denial triggers the corruption, waste and paucity of solutioning that are threatening to take us down the path of “rich but mad” countries who have experienced and suffered badly from this disease. Pervasive crime, cheating each other at every turn, incompetence, ignorance ( now manifested proudly on social media), and violent conflicts are logical outcomes.

The window for emplacing the foundation for long term global competitiveness and upliftment is closing by the day. It is time for Nigeria to STOP WANDERING IN THE DARK AND URGENTLY reprioritize the mission criticality of data and its granular analysis as a basis for evidence based governance and National development.

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Opinion

Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet

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By Michael Abimboye

As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.

Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?

Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.

For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.

That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.

And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.

Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.

One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.

At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.

Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.

Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.

Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.

Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.

Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.

The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.

Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.

Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.

That matters.

In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.

Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.

In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.

Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.

And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.

Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.

A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.

Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.

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Opinion

Dele Momodu: The Bridge Between Politics and the People

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By Adeoye Inioluwa

Across the Nigerian nation today, conversations have become remarkably similar. Whether in the crowded markets of Lagos, the farms of the North, the commercial centres of the East, or the towns and villages of the South-West and South-South, many Nigerians are asking the same questions. When will life become easier? When will the economy improve? When will businesses regain stability? When will citizens begin to feel safer and more secure in their daily lives?

The concerns are understandable.

The cost of living remains one of the most dominant issues confronting ordinary Nigerians. Food prices have become a source of daily anxiety for many families. Small businesses continue to struggle with rising operational costs. Young graduates face uncertainty about employment opportunities. For millions of citizens, conversations about economic indicators and policy reforms often feel distant from the realities they encounter every day.

Alongside these economic concerns are persistent security challenges. While progress may have been recorded in some areas, many communities still desire greater stability and peace. For ordinary citizens, security is not merely a policy issue. It is the ability to travel safely, conduct business confidently, and live without fear.

These realities inevitably shape the nation’s political mood.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office at a time when difficult economic decisions were already looming over the country. His administration has argued that several of its reforms are necessary steps toward long-term economic recovery and sustainability. Supporters maintain that difficult transitions are sometimes required to achieve lasting change.

However, politics rarely rewards intentions alone.

Citizens ultimately judge governments through their lived experiences. They assess leadership not only through policy announcements but through the practical impact of those policies on their everyday lives. As Nigeria gradually moves closer to another election cycle, public perception of the economy, security, and governance will inevitably influence political conversations.
This reality presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the opposition.

Among the leading opposition figures remains former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a politician whose name has become deeply woven into Nigeria’s democratic journey. Over the years, Atiku has built a reputation as one of the country’s most enduring political figures, participating in some of the most consequential electoral contests in modern Nigerian history.

Yet the challenge before Atiku today is different from the challenge he faced in previous elections.

Recognition is not the issue. Nigerians know who Atiku Abubakar is. They are familiar with his political history, his public service record, and his positions on national issues. The real question is whether opposition politics can successfully connect with the frustrations, hopes, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians in a way that feels genuine and convincing.

For many citizens, the next election may not simply be a contest between political parties or personalities. It may become a referendum on who best understands the realities confronting everyday Nigerians.
This is why politics must move beyond publicity.

In a period marked by economic pressure and public anxiety, voters are becoming increasingly resistant to carefully crafted political narratives that appear disconnected from their lived experiences. What they seek are leaders who understand their concerns and individuals capable of translating those concerns into meaningful political engagement.

For Atiku, this may require something more valuable than conventional image management.

It requires access to voices that understand the mood of the nation.

It requires people who can move comfortably between boardrooms and marketplaces, between policy discussions and community conversations, between political strategy and public sentiment.
It requires individuals who possess not only influence but perspective.

This is where Aare Dele Momodu enters the conversation.

Perhaps what makes Aare Momodu’s position unique is that politics was never originally his defining platform. Unlike many public figures who built their reputations entirely within political structures, Momodu’s journey was shaped through journalism, publishing, entrepreneurship, and public engagement.

For decades, he cultivated relationships across various sectors of society. Through his work in the media, he interacted with presidents, governors, business leaders, diplomats, entertainers, academics, professionals, and ordinary citizens. His network was built long before his deeper involvement in political affairs.

That distinction matters.

Because it means his influence extends beyond party structures and political loyalties. It is rooted in years of listening, observing, documenting, and engaging with people from different backgrounds and perspectives.

In many ways, Momodu represents an increasingly rare asset in contemporary politics: someone capable of understanding both elite conversations and grassroots realities.

Perhaps this explains why a man who was never primarily known as a politician now finds himself at the forefront of some of the country’s most important political conversations.

His relevance is not merely a product of political ambition. It is the result of decades spent building relationships, understanding public sentiment, and maintaining connections across different segments of Nigerian society.

As the political landscape begins to evolve ahead of 2027, such qualities may become increasingly important.

The next election will not be won solely through campaign slogans, social media strategies, or political advertising. It will be influenced by trust, credibility, and the ability to connect with citizens who are searching for answers in uncertain times.

For President Tinubu, the challenge is to convince Nigerians that current sacrifices will ultimately lead to meaningful progress.
For Atiku Abubakar and the opposition, the challenge is to persuade Nigerians that they offer a credible and compelling alternative.
And for those who operate around the corridors of political influence, the challenge is to ensure that leaders remain connected to the people whose lives are affected by every policy decision.

Nigeria’s future will not be determined by image management alone. It will be shaped by ideas, solutions, trust, and meaningful engagement with the concerns of ordinary citizens.

In a nation yearning for reassurance, leaders need more than advisers who can polish their public image. They need people who can help them hear the voices that matter most.

Those voices are not found in political echo chambers. They are found in the markets, the classrooms, the farms, the offices, and the communities where Nigerians continue to navigate the realities of everyday life while hoping for a better future.

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Opinion

The Bridge Nigeria Needs: Reflections on Leadership, National Unity, and the Ati-Dele Conversation

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By Anjorin Fehintola Stella

Nigeria today is a nation searching for reassurance.

Across the country, conversations increasingly revolve around familiar concerns; insecurity, economic hardship, unemployment, inflation, and the uncertainty surrounding the future. For many Nigerians, politics is no longer a distant contest among elites. It has become deeply personal, they wake up each day hoping for news that things are getting better.

Nigeria stands at a significant crossroads. The challenges before it are interconnected, Insecurity affects agriculture. Behind every headline about insecurity are real people, farmers afraid to return to their farms, traders worried about the safety of the roads, parents concerned about the future their children will inherit. Also, Economic hardship affects education and healthcare, Unemployment contributes to social instability. Weak institutions undermine public confidence.

The growing discussion around a potential partnership between Atiku Abubakar and Aare Dele Momodu offers an opportunity to reflect on the kind of leadership many Nigerians appear to be seeking in a period marked by pressure and widespread uncertainty. The conversation is therefore larger than two personalities. It is fundamentally about governance, national cohesion, credibility, and the qualities citizens increasingly expect from those who aspire to lead a complex and diverse nation.

For many observers, the Ati-Dele proposition presents an interesting answer.

Atiku Abubakar remains one of the most recognisable figures in Nigeria’s democratic history. His years in public service, particularly as Vice President, placed him at the centre of important national conversations about economic reform, governance, and development. He chaired the National Economic Council, championed the privatisation of public enterprises, and helped shape the institutional foundations of one of Nigeria’s most consequential periods of economic restructuring. His emergence as the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress for 2027, having won a primary widely described as one of the freest in recent memory, confirms that his political moment has not passed. It has arrived with renewed purpose.

Yet experience alone is rarely sufficient in a country as socially and culturally complex as Nigeria.

Leadership today requires not only the ability to formulate policy but also the ability to connect with people across regional, religious, ethnic, and generational divides. It requires bridge-builders. This is where the discussion often turns to Aare Dele Momodu.

For decades, Aare Dele Momodu has occupied a unique place in Nigerian public life and across Africa. As a journalist, publisher, entrepreneur, and public commentator, he has built relationships that extend across politics, business, traditional institutions, entertainment, civil society and youth culture. He did not inherit access, he created it. Through Ovation International, through decades of engaged storytelling, and through a personal network that spans every geopolitical zone, he has become something increasingly rare in Nigerian public life. A figure trusted across divides.
This is what made the partnership compelling. It brings together institutional experience and social reach, governance expertise and communication strength, political structure and cultural influence. Where Atiku offers the architecture of policy, Aare Dele Momodu offers the architecture of connection and in a democracy, both are essential.

The insecurity confronting the nation illustrates why this balance matters. For those directly affected, insecurity is not a policy debate. It is a daily reality of pain and fear. The same applies to the economy. Beneath every statistic are real people making difficult decisions about school fees, healthcare, transportation, housing, and survival. Citizens are not merely evaluating personalities. They are evaluating possibilities.

The bridge Nigeria needs is not merely political.

It is social. It is economic. It is cultural. It is national.

And as the country continues its search for stability, opportunity, and hope, the leaders who can help construct that bridge will continue to command the attention of a nation eager and ready to move forward.

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