Opinion
The Obidients, the Jagaban and the Icarus Syndrome by Femi Fani-Kayode
I admire and respect the energy and passion of the Obidients and like I said in an earlier write-up titled “Who Are These Obidients?”, I believe that they wish to effect a social and political revolution which those of us in the larger political parties have to be very wary of.
I also believe that if they stay together and don’t run out of steam and if properly harnessed and managed over the next few years they may present a formidable challenge to us somewhere down the line.
Yet the truth is that like a rough and uncut diamond they are still very far from their mark, they still have a long way to go from achieving perfection and they still have much to learn.
They are a formidable movement as I said in my earlier write up and I, unlike many others, take them seriously.
I am glad that they have ventured into the dark and murky waters of Nigerian politics and it is my prayer that they survive it and last, even if they don’t make an appreciable impact at the polls next year.
Yet if the truth be told, as at today, they are more like a loose canon than a guided missile.
Anger alone cannot fuel a revolution: there must be purpose.
And that clear purpose is something that they seem to lack and which their leader, other than just wanting to be President of a so-called New Nigeria, clearly is incapable of providing.
Worst still, hubris, which always leads to nemesis, is beginning to creep into their ranks.
They remind me of the Greek mythological figure known as Icarus who overeached himself by flying too close to the sun with his wax wings, challenging the gods and boasting that he could touch the heavens.
Needless to say the wings melted and he came down crashing.
What worries me the most for them is, given their high expectations, the rude shock and sense of despair that will engulf them and the suffering and mental trauma they will experience after they receive a crushing defeat in next years presidential election. And receive it they will.
I doubt that they will win one Senatorial district or one seat in the House of Representatives let alone a Governorship election or the Presidential election.
It is after they have tasted and suffered that defeat that their resolve will be truly tested.
It is at that time that we shall find out whether they are the men and women they claim to be or that they are mere children, venting on social media and expressing their frustrations at any and every public event.
I had argued in my earlier contribution that they have vision and potential and that what makes them so dangerous is their revolutionary zeal and ideas and their desire to establish a new cadre of Nigerian leaders and sweep away the old.
I maintain this position but one thing is clear: the old political order will not allow this to happen without a good fight.
And even if it were to ever happen it would take a good number of years and much struggle.
After 2023 comes the real test for them.
After they suffer their first defeat next year they will either loose their nerve, freak out, crack up, break ranks, fall into disssaray, whine like neophytes, sulk to heaven and back, suck their little thumbs and insult the entire world on social media or they will accept their lot, pull themselves together, establish a new and firm resolve e to fight on regardless, consolidate their ranks, organise themselves into a new and formidable force and functional political party and prepare for the next election in four years time.
Sadly I suspect they are incapable of the latter simply because their leader lacks that level of focus, strength, commitment, fortitude or gravitas and I am not sure that there is anyone else within their ranks that can rise up and harness their remarkable energy and strength.
None of their leaders have the energy, charisma and strength of Yahaya Bello, the White Lion.
None has the wisdom, patience, knowledge and firm resolve of Mai Mala Buni or the commitment to hard work and dedication to duty, excellence and enterprise of Babagana Zulum.
None has the gentle, kind, accommodating, alluring and incisive disposition of Sani Bello (Abu Lolo) or the faith, steadfastness and loyalty of Bello Matawalle.
None has the vision, courage and firepower of Nasir El-Rufai, the profound and calculating disposition and utter genius of Sani Musa (313) or the depth of knowledge and brilliance in oratory of Kashim Shettima.
None has the calm resolve and iron will of Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Gburugburu), the calculating, tenacious and tactical disposition of Rahman Abdul Rasaq, the zeal, confidence, enterprise, experience and byzantine cunning of Orji Uzor Kalu or the irresistible charisma and pugnacious spirit of Nyesom Wike.
None has the intellectual depth of Kayode Fayemi, the lion heart of Dapo Abiodun, the scholarly insight of Ben Ayaade or the focus, determination and creativity of David Umahi.
I look into the ranks of their leaders and all I see is weakness.
The only exception is my older brother and dear friend Doyin Okupe who, as a highly experienced old war horse and veteran politican, is capable of holding his own in any fight but who, deep down, is a die-hard conservative, a product of the ruling class and a man that can hardly be described as a revolutionary.
I will say little about my brother Datti Ahmed, Obi’s running mate, who I happen to have a soft spot for and who has done a great job in the education sector other than to say that no true progressive or revolutionary would ever publicly proclaim that homosexuals and lesbians should “be killed” simply for being different.
And even if they believed that should be the case, fewer would have the temerity and sheer indiscretion to blurt it out on the floor of the Nigerian Senate for the entire world to see and hear.
Is that what the Obidients have in store for us? A world that is so intolerant of those that do not conform with their thoughts, vision, views, way of life, values and sexual preferences?
Are they really prepared to kill those that do not share their views or that are gays and lesbians?
I hope not because that would be heartless, fascistic, unjust, ungodly and simply barbaric and that is not the Datti Ahmed that I know and respect.
Yet say it he did and I repeat, all I see in the ranks of their leaders is weakness. I do not see any strength. I do not see any fire. I do not see any strong resolve. I do not see any passion or zeal and I do not see any fortitude to see the fight through to the end, no matter the cost.
Simply put they have no Achilles of the Mermidans in their battle ranks, no Hector of Troy, no Sir Arthur Dayne (the Sword of the Morning) and no Khaleed Ibn Waheed (the Sword of God).
They have no Aragorn of Gondor on their front line, no Alexander the Great, no Salahudeen Ayubi, no Ragnar Lothbrook, no Uthred of Bebbanberg and no William Wallace of the Mcregor’s.
They have no Robert the Bruce in their formations, no Bonny Prince Charlie, no Khaleesi, Mother of Dragons, no Beowulf son of Ecgtheow and no Daemon Targaryan, Prince of the Seven Kingdoms.
They have no Kahl Drogo of the Dothraki in their forces, no Jehu son of Nimshi, no Maximus Meridius of Rome, no David son of Jesse, no Grey Worm of the Unsullied, no Legolas of the Elves and no John Snow of the Targaryan’s.
They have no Gideon son of Joash in their vanguard, no Abner son of Ner, no Jeptha son of Gilead, no Eleazar son of Dodo, no Shammah son of Agee and
no Ishbaal the Tachmonite.
They have no Joab, Abishai and Asahel sons of Zeruel and strong men of David in their assault team.
Without a strong and courageous leader who is prepared to loose everything including his or her liberty or life, their revolution and bid for power will amount to nothing.
Consequently I believe that we may hear little about them after 2023.
They will simply vanish and be gone with the wind. The combined forces of APC and PDP will overwhelm them and blow them away.
When the fight starts they will run for cover and leave the field and boxing ring for the big boys to slug it out.
They will be nowhere to be found and as the noose gets tighter and tighter, they will get weaker and weaker until they slowly disappear and melt away like an iceberg approaching the tropics.
I pray I am wrong but this is my suspicion given the fact that, according to unconfirmed reports, Obi is already negotiating a deal with the PDP and looking to form an alliance with them in order to acquire himself a soft landing in the unlikely event of them winning.
So much for his commitment to his young fanatical supporters and loyalty to his new party.
The truth is that he is simply using them both and whichever way, even if he gets back into bed with Atiku Abubakar and the PDP in some kind of overt or covert alliance, the APC and our presidential candidate Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the Jagaban Borgu, will thrash them all like the winter wheat.
Atiku particularly cannot possibly see, fathom or comprehend what is coming.
He will be served a crushing blow and a humiliating defeat and he will be utterly devastated.
He will be subjected to what the American military forces that invaded Iraq in 2003 under the command of General Tommy Franks famously described as “shock and awe”.
He will be subjected to what the German Army referred to as “blitzkrieg” during World War II.
He will be utterly routed, roundly defeated, thoroughly demystified and ingloriously evicted out of the political space and from his olympian heights in precisely the same way that Lucifer, Son of the Dawn, was overpowered, overwhelmed and thrown out of Heaven.
After that he will retire from politics permanently and go back to Dubai from whence he came.
And that is precisely what he deserves. This is the same Atiku who in 2014 happily proclaimed that “PDP is dead” and that “this country is moving in the wrong direction because of PDP”.
In that same year he left the party with the then Speaker of the House, five Governors and a number of Senators, House members, former Governors, former Ministers and other notable party leaders on the grounds that it was time for a Northerner to be the flagbearer of the party.
He, Senator Bukola Saraki, Speaker of the House of Representatives Aminu Tambuwal, Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso, Governor Abdul Fatah Ahmed and a number of others turned their backs on President Goodluck Jonathan and destroyed their own party’s chances at the polls in 2015 by leaving it a year earlier and joining the then opposition APC.
Now, 7 years later, they are shamelessly back in the same PDP that they collectively demonised and murdered and they would want us to believe that it has suddenly resurrected and is alive again.
Thankfully God has given us the opportunity to prove to them by next year that the PDP is still as dead as a dodo and during the course of the election we shall finally bury it before the entire world.
It is just a question of time.
Yet aside from all this what I find the most irritating and objectionable about the Obidients is not their unadulterated aggression and abusive tendencies but rather their insistence on comparing their leader Peter Obi to Tinubu.
I consider this to be deeply insulting.
It is like comparing Don Perignon to ogogoro.
It is like comparing Cristal champagne to what the people of the Niger Delta call ‘sepe’.
It is like comparing the finest red wine from the vineyards of Bordeaux to what the Ghanaians call ‘akpeteshie’.
It is like comparing chalk and cheese.
It is like comparing a Rolls Royce to a Volkswagon Beetle, a Porsche Carrera to a three-wheeled scooter, a Ferrari to a broken down mini or a Gulf Stream jet to an Aba-made helicopter.
When Obi was still in kindergarten Bola Ahmed Tinubu was already a very wealthy and successful business man who had worked and invested massively in the oil, gas, hi-tech and communications sector.
At that time he was already a dollar millionaire and he invested much of his wealth into politics and the lives of others that were less fortunate than he was.
When Obi was still in secondary school Bola Ahmed Tinubu was already an integral part of the massive political network and a key figure in the late Major General Shehu Musa Yar’adua’s formidable political family which was known as the People’s Front (PF) together with other notable and seasoned leaders like Babagana Kingibe and Atiku Abubakar.
They were of course to later join the SDP as a group and they, more than any other, ensured the emergence of Chief MKO Abiola as the presidential flagbearer of that party at their Jos Convention in 1993.
When Obi was still at University Bola Ahmed Tinubu was in the trenches, fighting military Governments, leading NADECO and risking his life and liberty for the restoration of MKO Abiola’s June 12th mandate, which had been annuled by the military, and for democracy.
Many of today’s Obidients were not born at that time but they should go and ask their parents or grandparents about what happened and the role that Bola Tinubu played.
Those of us that were around and very vocal and active at the time can testify to his efforts and we were amongst those that were then described as NADECO footsoldiers.
Bola Tinubu inspired us and millions of other Nigerians and democrats all over the world with his courage and efforts and he encouraged us to keep up the struggle and rise up for June 12th. And we did!
Many of our people were killed, incarcerated and driven into exile (including yours truly) and had it not been for the leadership of the following heroes we would still be under the yoke of military rule today.
I will make this a full and comprehensive list for the benefit of those young Obidients who have no knowledge of our nation’s history and who know nothing about the June 12th struggle.
They include Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, Wole Soyinka, Anthony Enahoro, Alani Akinrinade, Kudirat Abiola, Kunle Ajasin, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Lam Adesina, Frederick Fasheun, Bola Ige, Ayo Adebanjo, Abraham Adesanya and Gani Fawenhimi.
They also include Beko Ransome Kuti, Alao Aka Bashorun, Omo Omoruyi, Balarabe Musa, Kayode Fayemi, Tokunboh Afikuyomi, Pascal Bafyau, Olu Omotehinwa and Kunle Ajibade.
They also include, Adesegun Banjo, Festus Iyayi, Bisi Akande, Bisi Durojaiye, Abubakar ‘Dangiwa’ Umar, Alfred Rewane, Babatunde Edu, Suliat Adedeji, Bolanle Gbonigi, Kola Animashaun, Sam Omatseye, Pius O. Akinyeleru and Gbolabo Ogunsanwo.
They also include Adebayo Williams, Nosa Igiebor, Dare Babarinsa, Segun Osoba, Olu Falae, Akin Osuntokun, Reuben Abati, Dele Momodu, Dan Suleiman, Bagudu Kaltho, Rauf Aregbesola, Dele Alake, Augustine Sam, Seye Kehinde, Tunde Elegbede and Odia Ofeimun.
They also include Olisa Agbakoba, Ayo Obe, Amos Akingba, Ndubuisi Kanu, Patrick Koshoni, Bayo Onanuga, Femi Ojudu, Ralph Obioha, Oluwatoyin Onaguruwa, Kola Ilori, Onome Osifo-Whiskey and Bobo Nwosisi.
They also include Wale Okuniyi, Frank Kokori, Tony Nyiam, Femi Falana, Shehu Sani, Tony Uranta, Ogaga Ifowodo, Chima Ubani, Fred Agbeyegbe, Soji Omotunde and Chris Anyanwu.
And finally they include Mohammed Adamu, Shola Omatsola, Bisoye Tejuosho, Olusegun Adeniyi, George Mbah, Ben Charles Obi and so many others.
Many of these names will be strange or unknown to the young Obidients and probably to their leader Peter Obi as well.
And that is why I decided to mention each and everyone of them.
I suggest they read up on them and find out the role each of these great and selfless individuals played in securing the democracy and free speech that they are enjoying today.
They, together with the Nigerian people, were the ones that drove the military out of power and consequently, after seven years of murderous violence, subjugation, tyranny, tribulation and a hard struggle against the military, democracy was restored to our country in 1999 with the pardon, release from prison and election of President Olusegun Obasanjo.
Some of those on the list were martyred and many were locked up and suffered badly whilst others were driven into a lonely and oftentimes challenging and depressing exile.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu was not just amongst them but he was one of those that led them, inspired them and fuelled and financed the resistance.
He was charged with treason, detained, his home was bombed and he was terrorised, traumatised and persecuted till the time that he, his wife, Oluremi Tinubu (who is a ranking member of the Nigerian Senate today) and children were smuggled out of the country into a long and harrowing exile.
Outside of that and before the struggle even began
Tinubu had been elected as a Senator during the 3rd Republic in 1992 on the platform of the SDP, recording the highest number of votes for a Senate seat in the entire country!
Whilst at the Senate he excelled and was appointed Chairman of the Senate Commitee on Banking and Finance.
This was just short of a decade before he became Governor of Lagos state in 1999 after the murder of MKO Abiola and the then Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, after returning home from exile and after the military were driven away and pushed out of office.
From 1990 up until today Tinubu has been an active and key player in the political firmament of Nigeria and he has always fought against injustice and tyranny.
Whilst Obi was still a trader selling tomatoe ketchup and Bournvita in 1999 Bola Ahmed Tinubu had already paid his dues, made his mark and was already running for the Governorship of Lagos state.
The elders of the South West and Afenifere supported him and rewarded him by ensuring that he won simply because of the noble and dramatic role he played during the June 12th struggle and his role in ensuring that the military left power.
From 1999 till 2007 he stood firm against a hostile Federal Governmrnt led by President Olusegun Obasanjo (which I proudly served) and not only did he survive it but he went on to ensure that his boys were elected as Governor of that state in every subsequent election for the next 15 years and up until today.
Over that period of time he also ensured that his boys were elected Governor of virtually all the South West states, Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Yemi Osinbajo), Speaker of the House of Representatives (Femi Gbajabiamila) and so much more.
Others were appointed as prominent and powerful Traditional Rulers all over the South West and have ascended to the throne of their reverred and distinguished ancestors.
Finally others were given Ministerial appointments from 2015 to date in President Muhammadu Buhari’s Government such as Lai Mohammed, Babatunde Raji Fashola and Sunday Dare who were once his loyal aides and who served him for many years whilst others, who were his political associates and trusted friends like Boss Mustapha and Babachir Lawal, were appointed as Secretary to the Federal Government respectively.
He also cultivated and groomed a small group of utterly brilliant professionals and technocrats, including bankers, lawyers, economists, businessmen and other leading members of the private sector like Wale Edun, Yemi Cardoso, Folarin Coker, Babatunde Fowler and James Faleke into the political arena where they shone and continue to shine like the bright stars that they are.
I was in the then ruling PDP in 2015 and during the campaign for the presidential election I played a key role for President Goodluck Jonathan and led the media campaign and charge against President Buhari’s election bid.
It was a tough fight and a very hard, vicious, aggressive and oftentimes dirty campaign and both sides gave as good as they got.
I can tell you that had it not been for the unequivocal support that Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his faction of the APC gave President Buhari at the time, he would NEVER have won that election.
The same thing happened again in 2019 though by that rime the campaign was far less colourful, less eventful, less contentious, less dramatic and less aggressive and, though still in PDP, I was not in any way involved in Atiku Abubakar’s election bid or campaign organisation.
Yet once again Tinubu and his machinery ensured that Buhari won.
There is no APC Governor in the South West today that can say he got there without the tacit support and approval of Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
He is father to all of them and he has also extended his support base to the entire country with his boys, followers and political associates everywhere, including the core North, the Middle Belt, the South South and the South East.
A final point on the June 12th struggle and Tinubu’s contribution to democracy and the peace and unity of Nigeria.
June 12th brought our nation closer to the brink of a second civil war than any other political event in the course of our history. It literally tore us apart. Yet thankfully 29 years later the wounds have finally healed and our nation has moved on.
I submit that Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu was the architect of that healing process and was the key reason why the matter was finally brought to closure and what the Holy Bible describes as an “expected end” and I shall explain how and why.
Perhaps the greatest testimony that we can cite as an example of his sense of patriotism is the fact that long after the passing of Chief MKO Abiola and even in the midst of the rise of a mainly new, naive, skeptical, unbelieving, antagonistic and historically-ignorant generation of Gen-Z and Millenial youths who know absolutely nothing about the sacrifices made for the restoration of democracy during June 12th, he kept faith with the memory and the heroes of that struggle.
He achieved this by ensuring that MKO Abiola was not only recognised but also honored by the Buhari administration who not only named June 12th as our Democracy Day but also named the National Stadium in Abuja after MKO and formally recognised him and his erstwhile running mate, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, as a former President and Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria respectively.
With these laudable actions they finally set aside all doubt and acknowledged the fact that, though these two great men were never sworn in, they actually won the June 12th 1993 presidential election: a fact that a handful of key players in the political space had disputed for many years and a course of action that a number of post-1999 democratically-elected Presidents and Governments had inexplicably and wickedly refused to do.
This singular act by the Buhari administration has finally killed the ghost of June 12th, brought about national reconciliation and cemented the unity and future of Nigeria more than any other.
It has also brought to an end the deep suspicion that had hitherto existed between the people of the South West and the North.
Commendation for all this must go to primarily two people.
Firstly President Muhammadu Buhari who displayed remarkable courage and sensitivity by taking this monumental step and noble course of action and secondly Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu who lobbied morning day and night to ensure that he did it.
For this alone and so much more Bola Tinubu deserves to be elected President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in next years election.
Can any of these things be said of Peter Obi?
Of course not: unless you are deluded!
There are many former Governors, former Presidents, former Vice Presidents and former Ministers in this country whose names barely get a mention anymore in the public space but Tinubu is and has always been a constant factor for the last 32 years!
All this and much more and some have the sheer effontry to be comparing one Peter Obi who was Governor of Anambra state just a few years ago to the mighty Jagaban.
This is a big insult and frankly reflects nothing other than the ignorance of those making the comparison.
Take it or leave it, that is the bitter truth.
To compare a strong-willed, resilient, industrious, tried and tested, exposed, gifted, blessed, wily, wise, enigmatic, courageous, intelligent and great man like Bola Ahmed Tinubu who God has used to better the lives of millions and who transformed our very own Lagos from a chaotic, ugly, dirty, congested, over-populated, poor, crime-ridden, depressing, ghetto-filled city and festering slum with a dwindling economy, a tiny income and a negligible and pitiful IGR of 700 million naira per month in 1999 to the most modern, sophisticated, cosmopolitan, secure, orderly, powerful, dynamic, clean, beautiful, inspiring, prestigious, booming, business-friendly, commercially-gratifying, inspiring, happy, modern and prosperous city and industrial hub on the African continent with by far the largest population, an IGR of 44.5 billion naira per month, a massive income and the largest economy compared to any other CITY in Africa, the 3rd largest economy compared to any NATION in Africa (with a GDP of $76 billion) and a larger economy than over 95% of NATIONS on the African continent all as a consequence of his efforts and that of his political sons that succeeded him as Governor and established a joint and combined legacy of excellence with him over the last 23 years to a man who is so far down the ladder like Peter Obi is uncharitable.
This is the same Obi who, as Governor of his Anambra state just a few years ago, did NOTHING in terms of infrastructural development, was incapable of building up the state’s IGR, spent all his time fighting the workers and unions and oppressing his perceived enemies and instead of providing good governance and hope for his people, was busy persecuting non-indigenes and particularly Northerners and throwing them out of his state.
This is the same Obi who, as Governor of Anambra state, instead of providing inspirational leadership for his people was busy fighting the world and claiming that Lagos was no longer part of the West but now a “no-man’s land” and that took pleasure in stoking the embers of tribalism, religious intolerance, sectarian conflict and ethnic nationalism.
This is the same Obi who, as Governor of Anambra state, instead of doing something tangible and bringing the dividends of democracy to his people was, as Dele Alake the former Commissioner of Information of Lagos state rightly said, was too busy “saving money” whilst his people were dying of hunger and starvation.
Again this is a man who, as Governor of Anambra state, boldly and publicly proclaimed that “education is not for the poor” and not only increased the school fees of students to an exorbitant and unattainable figure but also wickedly insisted that they must pay their fees for three terms in advance as opposed to one, causing many students to drop out of school and forfeit their dream of getting a good education.
Again this is a man who is essentially a commodities broker and trader that imports virtually everything from toilet paper, tomatoe puree and toothpaste to biscuits, soap and Bournvita into our country and who has done nothing to support or encourage our local industries, local industrial growth or agricultural production.
This prompted a prominent social media public commentator by the name of Ayekooto Akindele to say that “Peter Obi IMPORTS into the country what Aliko Dangote PRODUCES in the country”.
Ayekooto is right.
And the implications of the activities of international traders and commodity merchants like Obi on our economy and the value of our currency and their contribution to the high unemployment rate in our country as a consequence of their line of work and desire to make a quick buck at the expense of our local farmers and producers are legion.
People like Obi are assisting foreign farmers and industrialists to make vast sums of money at the expense of their Nigerian counterparts by providing a vast market for them to dump their luxury items and consumner products at usually unreasonable and extortionate prices and killing local production of similar goods because our farmers and producers simply cannot compete with them.
Worse still they have done nothing to open any of the lucrative foreign markets to the few products that our farmers and industrialists can actually produce.
The direct consequence of this is poverty for the Nigerian farmer and producer and prosperity for the foreign ones and their agents and middle men like Obi.
This is unfair, unacceptable and unconciable.
And making the bulk of your money from such a nebulous and iniquitous endeavour regardless of the damaging effect and negative impact it has on your country’s economy, farmers and producers raises a lot of questions about your sense of patriotism.
That is the problem with the Obi’s of this world.
Comparing such a man to an enigma like Tinubu who has made massive investments in different sectors of our economy and who is the employer of hundreds of thousands of our people in various local enterprises and industries is absurd.
It is like comparing a gold-plated treasure chest filled with the world’s finest and largest emralds, topaz’s and diamonds to a worthless plastic bucket filled with sand, pebbles and a sprinkling of fools gold.
It is like comparing Miss Universe or Miss World to an ugly, shifty, smelly, well-worne and well-used Mumbai lady of easy virtue.
It is like comparing Elon Musk and Bill Gates to Hushpuppi and Al Capone.
It is like comparing a beautiful blue-blooded Turkish Sultana or Hatun with a fading, ageing, crude and vulgar 18th century Parisian streetwalker.
It is a shameful and shameless comparison.
It is a tactless, tasteless and nauseating joke.
It is a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing!
It is an exercise in futility and a pointless and profit less endeavour.
Permit me to end this contribution with the following assertions.
Let the foundations of the earth rumble, let the demons scream, let the lions roar, let the wolves howl and let the sharks run riot.
Let the wailers wail, let the bulls of Bashan charge, let the mortals plot and plan, let the orcs shriek, let the goblins grumble and let our adversaries and oppressors “cry havoc and let slip the dogs of war”.
Let the forces of hell gather, let the creatures of darkness hiss and writhe, let the spoilers bellow and spoil, let the haters hate, let the liars lie and let the accusers accuse.
Let the hordes of hell, the wizards, the sorcerers, the witches, the voodoo-merchants, the witch-doctors, the spiritualists, the sharmans, the occultists, the deceivers and the agents of satan invoke their powers, chant their chants, spin their deceitful and ugly tales, cast their spells and do their worst.
it changes nothing and their counsel shall NOT stand because the Lord, whose name is MIGHTY and FAITHFUL, is with us!
Come rain, come shine, by His grace and the will of the Nigerian people, we shall prevail in next year’s presidential election, Bola Ahmed Tinubu will win and on his mandate WE SHALL STAND!
Opinion
Banks’ Excess Profits Tax: Cause-Related Marketing to the Rescue?
By Magnus Onyibe
In response to the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) proposal for a 70% tax on the excessive profits banks made from naira devaluation in 2023 – profits which increased by at least 51% due to President Bola Tinubu’s economic reforms – there has been a noticeable rise in banks’ philanthropic activities.
The proposed excess profits tax, or windfall tax on foreign exchange gains, floated four months ago, appears to be part of the government’s strategy to address its declining revenue base. This is critical as the cost of governance continues to outpace income. For instance, Nigeria’s 2025 budget, totaling ₦49.7 trillion, relies on borrowing ₦13.08 trillion, while ₦15.33 trillion will be used to service the country’s enormous debt, which stands at an estimated ₦134.3 trillion. Only ₦34.82 trillion of the budget is expected to come from royalties and taxes.
To reduce the country’s dependence on borrowing, President Tinubu brought in Taiwo Oyedele, a former PwC West Africa tax head, to overhaul Nigeria’s outdated tax administration system, which the president has described as a relic of colonial times. Oyedele’s assignment, aimed at strengthening the system and generating more revenue, aligns with the government’s goal of improving infrastructure and services through increased fiscal resources has been welcome by most Nigerians who are looking forward to a better country with more robust infratructure which only more revenue can faciliate.
But there is a snag which is that some Nigerians are worried about the implications for the income accruing to their states from the federation account which they suspect will be reduced
The excess profits tax proposal seems to have been seen by the president’s tax reform committee, which includes private-sector experts, as a readily available source of additional revenue. Many of these experts, familiar with banks’ financial records through previous auditing roles, likely identified the windfall profits as an easy target.
While banks initially resisted the proposal, they were cautious not to do so too publicly. Prominent figures like Olisa Agbakoba, a former Nigerian Bar Association president, and Mustafa Chike-Obi, chairman of the Bank Directors Association of Nigeria (BIDAN), voiced criticism. However, the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria (CITN), led by its president Chief Segun Agbeluyi, supported the move.
Subsequently, United Bank for Africa (UBA) chairman Tony Elumelu and First City Monument Bank (FCMB) CEO Ladi Balogun engaged with the presidency in consultations. Their temperate and conciliatory approach during interviews, following the initial announcement of the tax, helped ease tensions between banks and their regulator, the CBN, shifting the debate away from public confrontation.
The issue of the proposed excess profits tax was eventually moved from public discussion to private negotiations in boardrooms. This stands in sharp contrast to the uproar triggered by the four tax reform bills introduced by the Taiwo Oyedele-led committee, which are currently being debated in the National Assembly (NASS). These bills propose significant reforms to Nigeria’s colonial-era tax system, as highlighted by President Tinubu in his first media address since assuming office on May 29, 2023.
Before the lawmakers went on their annual recess, the bills had sparked intense controversy, particularly among northern lawmakers who felt the proposed changes, especially to Value Added Tax (VAT), would disproportionately benefit the south. This contentious debate deepened the longstanding ethnic, religious, and regional divides between northern and southern legislators, overshadowing traditional party lines and amplifying non-partisan tensions.
As the situation edged toward a potential crisis, a truce was brokered at the Aso Rock Villa. Legislators were urged to set aside their disagreements and take more time to review the bills thoroughly, enabling them to suggest reasonable amendments. President Tinubu, in numerous public statements, expressed his willingness to incorporate these adjustments before the bills’ final passage.
The vigorous debate surrounding these tax reform bills raises questions about how much more contentious the removal of petrol subsidies might have been had it been subjected to a similar public debate. If the tax reforms have ignited such a high level of scrutiny, one can only imagine the political turmoil that might have ensued over discussions on petrol subsidies or the unification of the dual naira-foreign exchange window.
This is where a very thin line separates leaders from being democrats or monarchies. That is because if as democrats they allow extensive and unending debates on critical development issues, action will never be taken. But if they ram policies down the throats of legislators , such leaders would be adorned with the toga of dictatorship or as one who is monarchical.
Therein lies the dilema and a justification for the aphorism “ uneasy lies the head that wears the crown”
And it is at times like that, that Executive Orders which are easier ways of making laws while bypassing the legislators are viable options. But they are restrictive and tenous as they lack wide coverage and the longevity that are inherent in laws passed via a due legislative process.
However, President Tinubu appears to recognize the critical importance of timing in politics. With a limited four-year term, he seems determined to implement key reforms early to gain public confidence and lay the groundwork for potential re-election.
Returning to the matter of banks and the excess profits tax, it seems likely that a compromise was reached between the CBN and the banking sector, possibly facilitated by the Bankers’ Committee—a coalition of bank managing directors. This may explain why the excess profits tax has not yet been enforced, appearing instead to have been put on hold.
One of the driving forces behind the foreign exchange gains tax is the urgent need to generate revenue to sustain governance amidst soaring costs. This includes ₦15.81 trillion allocated to debt servicing, with the country’s debt estimated to have reached ₦77 trillion by the time the Tinubu administration assumed office. Expanding the tax base has thus become a necessity.
In this context, banks, under pressure to meet new capital base requirements of ₦500 billion for international operations and ₦200 billion for regional operations, may have directed the government’s tax authorities to explore the potential of taxing electronic transactions. This includes levying charges whenever Nigerians transfer or receive funds electronically in their bank accounts.
The recently introduced Electronic Money Transfer Levy (EMTL) requires banks to deduct ₦50 on electronic transfers or receipts of ₦10,000 or more. With 231.1 million bank accounts in Nigeria as of July last year, the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS) estimates that this levy could generate as much as ₦484 billion over three years. While this has the potential to be a significant revenue source for the government, it raises the question: will it come at the expense of already overburdened Nigerians?
Because the charges are relatively small—a minor percentage of the transaction amount—most bank account holders seem not to feel the pinch yet. This contrasts sharply with the public uproar that followed the removal of the petrol subsidy on May 29, 2023, which sent shockwaves through the economy. While the dust from the subsidy removal is gradually settling, the EMTL could create another source of tension between the government, banks, and the public. The question remains: is such friction unavoidable?
It appears banks are aware of the backlash before the tax that is currently in abeyance was imposed and the potential backlash of the EMTL when the banking public become conscious of it. In what seems to be an attempt to improve their public image and foster goodwill among customers, they have embarked on large-scale Cause Related Marketing (CRM) campaigns in past four (4) months or so. These efforts aim to balance corporate interests with public good, blending their business strategies with socially beneficial initiatives.
This is not the first time banks have faced criticism. When the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) proposed the excess profits tax on foreign exchange gains, I authored an article titled “Banks FX Gains Tax: How CSR Could Have Averted It”, published on August 13 last year. In the piece, I reflected on how proactive Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) measures might have softened the blow of public disapproval. For instance, banks had previously undertaken commendable initiatives, such as renovating the National Arts Theatre and contributing to the CACOVID initiative, which provided medical and economic relief during the pandemic.
During the public launch of my book, “Leading From The Streets: Media Interventions By A Public Intellectual 1999–2019”, three months ago, I highlighted the stark contrast between the significant profits banks were declaring and the struggles of other sectors and ordinary Nigerians. I suggested that banks could demonstrate their commitment to the greater good by waiving certain fees, such as charges for SMS alerts and printed statements. Such small gestures could go a long way in fostering goodwill and mitigating criticism.
“Corporate Nigeria demonstrated admirable resilience during the COVID-19 pandemic. Under the guidance of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), banks and major corporations, through the CACOVID initiative, provided essential support to Nigerians. This effort earned them public praise and bolstered confidence in their commitment to societal well-being.”
I shared this perspective on May 8, several months before the proposal to amend the 2023 Finance Act on July 17, which the Senate approved on July 23. Had bank executives heeded earlier advice to ease the financial burden on their customers, the FX gains tax—now a significant source of concern for them—might never have been introduced. It seems this realization prompted banks to intensify their Cause Related Marketing (CRM) efforts, aligning their brands with various social issues affecting vulnerable communities, whether they are customers or not.
Historically, Nigerian banks have been active in philanthropic initiatives. Available data shows that they have invested significantly in education, healthcare, economic empowerment, and environmental sustainability. For example:
• Education: First Bank of Nigeria established the First Bank Education Endowment Scheme to provide scholarships for undergraduates. Similarly, Zenith Bank launched the Zenith Bank Scholarship Scheme, and GTBank set up its own scholarship initiative to support university students.
• Healthcare: Access Bank initiated the Maternal Health Services Support (MHS) program to improve maternal healthcare, while the UBA Foundation created the UBA Health Initiative to deliver medical aid and health education to communities.
• Economic Empowerment: Stanbic IBTC introduced the Business Incubator Program to foster entrepreneurship and small business development. Fidelity Bank also rolled out the SME Financing Scheme to provide financial support to small and medium-sized enterprises.
• Environmental Sustainability: Ecobank developed the Forests for Life program to promote sustainable forest management and conservation.
Despite these longstanding Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) efforts, public perception of banks remains largely negative. This is partly because banks continue to generate massive profits during periods of widespread economic hardship, like in 2024, when firms were shutting down and individuals struggled due to the impact of socio-economic reforms.
Banks have increasingly realized that CSR alone is not enough to earn public trust. It’s not just about supporting communities but also about visibly engaging with them—a principle that CRM embodies. Unlike CSR, which encompasses broader goals like philanthropy, sustainability, and ethical practices, CRM is a targeted marketing strategy. It seeks to foster an emotional connection between the public and a brand by aligning with specific societal causes.
In light of the proposed tax, banks have shifted their focus from merely advertising their products to associating their brands with public causes. For example:
• UBA has expanded its educational support to include training for the visually impaired in the use of Braille, showcased through televised campaigns.
• Access Bank and Fidelity Bank have also reoriented their advertising strategies over the past four months to highlight their support for social causes rather than solely promoting products and services.
Hitherto the sponsoring of Fashion Week by Gtbank, Tech Week by Zenithbank and Marathan Race by Access bank annually in Lagos had been the most immersive experience of CSR involving those tier -1 banks with their publics.
But banks have learnt that by embedding their brands into social goodwill, they aim to improve their image and strengthen their relationship with the Nigerian public. However, time will tell if this goodwill can endure. The recently introduced Electronic Money Transfer Levy (EMTL), though currently unnoticed by many due to its modest charge of ₦50 per transaction, could soon spark public dissatisfaction. If this happens, banks might once again find themselves at odds with their customers, as was the case with the unpopular fees for SMS alerts.
As the conventional wisdom goes: ‘a stitch in time saves nine’
Magnus Onyibe, a public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, (2003-2007) sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.
To continue with this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng.
Opinion
Justice Inbalance: The Judiciary’s Role in Life and Death Decisions
By Hezekiah Deboboye Olujobi
The judiciary holds a pivotal role in society, often described as the guardian of justice and the arbiter of disputes. However, the metaphor of the pen as both a tool that can save lives and one that can destroy them encapsulates the duality of judicial power. While judges have the authority to uphold justice and protect the innocent, there are instances where their decisions have led to grave miscarriages of justice, resulting in the wrongful conviction of individuals, some of whom have spent years, if not decades, on death row.
The Pen That Saves Lives
In an ideal scenario, the judiciary serves as a protector of the innocent and a mechanism for upholding the rule of law. Judges are tasked with interpreting the law fairly and impartially, ensuring that justice is served. When judges exercise their discretion with compassion and integrity, they can indeed save lives. For example, in cases where mitigating circumstances are considered, judges may opt for rehabilitation over punishment, allowing individuals to reintegrate into society and contribute positively. Additionally, in cases where defendants have spent years behind bars without concrete evidence except for a confessional statement, judges may consider granting the defendant a second chance.
The Pen That Destroys Lives
Conversely, there are numerous documented cases where judicial decisions have led to catastrophic outcomes for innocent individuals. The phenomenon of wrongful convictions is a stark reminder of the fallibility of the judicial system globally. Factors contributing to these injustices include inadequate legal representation, prosecutorial and police misconduct, reliance on unreliable witness testimony, and systemic biases.
Case Studies of Misjudgment
1. The Case of Olusola Adepetu
Background: Olusola Adepetu was wrongfully convicted of murder in Nigeria, a case that highlights the severe flaws in the judicial process. Adepetu was accused of killing a man based on circumstantial evidence and public sentiment rather than concrete proof.
Circumstances of Conviction: Adepetu’s conviction stemmed from a combination of public outcry and inadequate investigation. The prosecution relied heavily on witness testimonies that were influenced by community bias and fear rather than factual evidence. Despite having a competent legal defense, the trial was marred by procedural irregularities and a lack of due process.
Time on Death Row: Adepetu spent 22 years on death row in Kirikiri Maximum Security Prison, enduring the psychological and emotional toll of being labeled a murderer. His life was put on hold, and he faced the constant threat of execution. He was also subjected to the harsh realities of prison life, which included overcrowding, violence, and inadequate healthcare.
Appeals and Dissenting Judgment: After years of legal battles, Adepetu’s appeal to the Supreme Court was denied. However, a dissenting judgment from one of the justices pointed out that he had been denied a fair trial, which became a crucial piece of evidence in his fight for exoneration. This dissent highlighted the need for a thorough review of the evidence and the judicial process that led to his conviction.
Release and Aftermath: In 2016, after relentless advocacy from legal aid organizations and the Centre for Justice Mercy and Reconciliation, Adepetu was finally exonerated. His release was bittersweet; while he regained his freedom, he faced the daunting task of rebuilding his life after decades of wrongful imprisonment. The emotional scars and the impact on his family were profound, as his children had suffered educational setbacks and social stigma due to his wrongful conviction.
2. The Exoneration of Olaniyi Emiola
Background Olaniyi Emiola was wrongfully convicted of armed robbery in 2011, a case that underscores the dangers of relying on unreliable witness testimony.
Circumstances of Arrest: Emiola was accused by neighbors who believed he was involved in a robbery that occurred in their community. The accusation was based on hearsay and the mistaken belief that he was the perpetrator. Despite the lack of concrete evidence linking him to the crime, he was arrested and charged.
Trial and Conviction: During the trial, witnesses testified against Emiola, claiming they saw him at the scene of the crime. However, the real perpetrator, who was later apprehended for another crime, admitted to the jury that he had committed the robbery and did not know Emiola. Despite this, Emiola was convicted and sentenced to death, highlighting the failures of the judicial system to adequately assess the credibility of witness testimonies.
Time on Death Row: Emiola spent 17 years on death row, enduring the psychological trauma of living under the constant threat of execution. His family faced significant hardships during this time, as they struggled with the stigma of having a family member on death row and the financial burdens associated with legal fees and prison visits.
Exoneration: In 2011, after persistent advocacy and the revelation of new evidence, including confessions from the real culprits, Emiola was exonerated. His release was a moment of triumph, but it came with the realization that his life had been irrevocably altered. His wives had left him, and his children had grown up without their father, facing their own challenges as a result of his wrongful conviction.
3. The Case of Kareem Olatinwo and Others
Background: Kareem Olatinwo, an elderly man, was wrongfully convicted of armed robbery along with his son and two laborers. This case illustrates the complexities of witness testimony and the influence of external factors, such as land disputes, on judicial outcomes.
Circumstances of Arrest: Olatinwo and his co-defendants were accused of robbing a property where they were actually the victims. The case was heavily influenced by dubious witness testimonies and a lack of concrete evidence linking them to the crime. The motive for their arrest was suspected to be related to a land dispute, which complicated the judicial proceedings.
Trial and Conviction: The trial was characterized by a lack of rigorous scrutiny of the evidence presented. Olatinwo’s past criminal record was used against him, despite the absence of any direct evidence linking him to the robbery. The prosecution relied on testimonies from individuals who had their own motives for testifying against Olatinwo and his son.
Time in Prison: Olatinwo and his son were sentenced to death in 2001. Olatinwo’s health deteriorated during his time in prison, and he ultimately died while still incarcerated in 2015. His son and the two laborers remained on death row, facing the psychological and emotional toll of wrongful imprisonment.
Appeals and Release: After years of advocacy, the appeals for the two laborers succeeded in 2014, leading to their release. The legal team used the reasoning from the Court of Appeal, which expressed doubts about the credibility of the witnesses. In 2021, Olatinwo’s son was also released after a lengthy battle, but the case raised critical questions about the reliability of witness testimony and the responsibility of judges to ensure fair trials.
Conclusion
These case studies illustrate the profound impact of wrongful convictions on individuals, families, and society as a whole. They highlight the need for reforms in the judicial system, including better training for judges, improved legal representation for defendants, and mechanisms for reviewing wrongful convictions. The emotional, psychological, and social ramifications of these injustices are far-reaching, emphasizing the importance of a fair and transparent judicial process. The stories of Olusola Adepetu, Olaniyi Emiola, and Kareem Olatinwo serve as powerful reminders of the human cost of judicial errors and the urgent need for reform.
Centre for Justice Mercy and Reconciliation
The **Centre for Justice Mercy and Reconciliation** is a grassroots organization dedicated to advocating for victims of wrongful convictions and illegal detention in Nigeria’s custodial centers. With a remarkable track record of achievements, our organization works tirelessly to provide legal assistance, raise awareness about the issues of wrongful convictions, and support the reintegration of exonerated individuals into society.
Through our efforts, the Centre has been instrumental in highlighting the flaws within the judicial system and pushing for necessary reforms. We engage in community outreach, legal advocacy, and collaboration with other organizations to ensure that justice is served and that the rights of the wrongfully convicted are upheld.
By advocating for those who have been wrongfully convicted, the Centre for Justice Mercy and Reconciliation plays a crucial role in restoring hope and dignity to individuals and families affected by judicial errors, striving to ensure that the judiciary serves as a true protector of the innocent and a pillar of justice in society.
For more details about our work and initiatives, you can visit our website at [www.cjmr.com.ng](http://www.cjmr.com.ng). We also welcome partnerships and support from individuals and organizations committed to justice and human rights. For inquiries, you can contact us at +2348030488093 or +2348025782527.
Opinion
Between J.I.C. Taylor and Contemporary Justice
By Hon Femi Kehinde
There was an interesting anecdote about a group of failed business entrepreneurs who at a meeting to formally dissolve and disengage with their business as a result of the current economy tide, resolved to move into another line of business. One of them instantly suggested that they setup an High Court where they would be selling and granting injunctions through Ex-parte applications at an exorbitant fees. Perhaps to recoup their huge loss. Funny though as it may sound and naively too, it epitomizes a public perception of the Judiciary and perhaps our entire legal system.
It is certainly impossible for a private person to set up a Court, be it inferior or superior Courts of Record. Section 6 of the Nigerian Constitution, certainly abhors their cynical thoughts.
In 1962, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola took the matter of his removal as Premier of the Western Region to the High Court under Justice Quarshee-Idun, a Ghanaian, then as the Chief Judge of the Western Region, who rather than listen to the matter and throw the Western Region into further crisis, sent it to the Federal Supreme court for the interpretation of Section 33 (10) of the Western Region Constitution. The Federal Supreme Court interpreted the Section in favor of Akintola and declared his removal null and void.
This piece is certainly dedicated to a Judicial Icon of that era – Justice J.I.C Taylor as a sweet memorabilia.
In Nigeria legal folklore, the name ‘J.I.C’ (John Idowu Conrad) Taylor will ever remain ever green like a constant star, in our juridical firmament.
J.I.C was the fourth child of Eusebius James Alexander Taylor, a famous and successful lawyer, a nationalist who was then referred to as the “Cock of the Bar”, and whose family house was at No. 5 Victoria Street, Lagos, very close to Tinubu Square, which in the Lagos of early days was referred to as the most important street in Lagos – “Ehin Igbeti” or the bulwark of Lagos, but now known as Nnamdi Azikiwe street.
J.I.C’s mother, was Remilekun Alice Taylor (Nee Williams) and was thus, a first cousin, through his mother, to the Late Chief F.R.A Williams, another legal titan and contemporary at the Bar.
J.I.C was born, on the 27th of August, 1917 and died on the 7th of November, 1973 at the age of 56 Years. Within this short span, J.I.C lived a worthy, glorious and exemplary life, that would still remain unmatched and unparalleled in Nigeria’s history of incorruptibility at the bench, judicial independence, strict interpretation of the law, restraint, courage, uncommon judicial boldness and untainted integrity.
J.I.C Taylor, had his early education at the Methodist Boys High School Lagos, before being sent to England by his father, to complete his Secondary School Education at the Culford School, Bury Saint Edmunds, at Suffolk. He thereafter, proceeded to King’s College England in 1936 to read Law, before transferring to Brasenose College, Oxford in 1937, where he made a Second-Class Degree in Jurisprudence. He was subsequently called to the Bar at the middle Temple on the 14th of January, 1941.
Within a space of 15 years, J.I.C Taylor had become one of the great Legal luminaries at the Nigerian Bar, and was prominent in the ranks of Bode Thomas, F.R.A Williams and Fani Kayode, who had formed a law partnership of Thomas, Williams, Fani Kayode & Co (Solicitors), S.L.A Akintola, Chief Chris Ogunbanjo, Michael Odesanya, who had also formed a partnership of Samuel, Chris & Michael (Solicitors) in 1952.
Obafemi Awolowo had also in Ibadan, around this period, formed a law Partnership with Chief Abiodun Akerele, then known as Awolowo, Akerele & Co (Solicitors) in Oke-Ado, Ibadan. In Law practice, Obafemi Awolowo was described then as a terrible cross-examiner.
J.I.C in law practice, was a very resourceful lawyer of impeccable integrity. He was extremely knowledgeable in law and was a delightful personality at the Nigerian Bar. He was blessed with a great command of English Language, which is the potent tool of the legal profession and very eloquent with a diction that was impeccable. He was not given to frivolities or undignified practice.
Like his father, Eusebius, he had a weakness. He was easily provoked and tended therefore to lose control in court whenever he was angry. The Late Chief F.R.A Williams in advocacy with Taylor was always happy to take advantage of this weakness. The Late Fani Kayode too, though a friend to J.I.C, had also taken advantage of this weakness, whilst appearing with J.I.C in some instances, but nevertheless, admitted that he was a meticulous and dogged advocate.
J.I.C Taylor as a seminal figure at the Nigerian Bar had appeared in many “causes celebres” – celebrated cases that have gone down in our legal jurisprudence, as hallmarks. These cases, includes the case of King’s College students, who had demonstrated during the Second World War against the colonial authorities on account of poor administration of their school and also appeared in the Sedition Trial of the Editors to the Daily Commet and the West African Pilot of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Sedition Trial of Anthony Enahoro of 1947, the case of Prince Adeyinka Oyekan and Others and Oba Adeniyi Adele in 1952, in which the ownership and legal status of the “Iga Idunganran”, which was the traditional residence of the Oba of Lagos was in question.
He also appeared in the case of Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani and the African Press Ltd, (publishers of The Tribune Newspaper) In 1953, Zik Enterprises Ltd (Publishers of the West African Pilot) and Others V. The Hon. Obafemi Awolowo in 1955. By way of a little digress, Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani who was in 1960 made the Chairman, Nigerian Railway Corporation, had earlier been member, Board of the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) and Nigerian Coal Corporation, Enugu (NCC) and was also made Pro Chancellor and chairman of the Governing Council of the University of Ibadan. He was then, a close confidant to the Late Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and was resident in Ibadan. He had earlier been accused of unbridled nepotism in the appointment of people to the Nigerian Railway Corporation.
Dr. Okechukwu Ikejiani, was a lover of cars and was noted to have had on his stable a car known as “Thunderbird”, perhaps the best of his time, on the streets of Ibadan. He admitted at the Adefarasin Panel, on the affairs of the Nigerian Railway Corporation, late in 1966, that – “I love cars”.
In 1956, at the age of 39, J.I.C Taylor was appointed a Judge of the High Court of the Western Region. In 1960, he was elevated to the Supreme Court and he descended from the Court in 1964 to become the Chief Justice of the High Court of the Federal Territory of Lagos.
When Lagos state was created in 1967 and Brigadier Mobalaji Johnson became its Military Governor, J.I.C Taylor became its first Chief Justice. Whilst in office as the Chief Justice of Lagos State, an incident happened, which stood him out as a very bold, courageous and independent judge. J.I.C Taylor, then Chief Justice of Lagos State, had been invited to a State dinner by the Military Governor of the State- Brigadier Mobolaji Johnson and the invitation was brought by one of the Governor’s aides. Justice Taylor, after reading it, endorsed a brief note to the governor at the back of the invitation card, informing him that he would be unable to attend, because the Lagos State government had several cases pending before him and it would therefore, in the circumstances be most inappropriate for him to honour the invitation. That simple (unprecedented though) act of judicial boldness and courage, best captures the essence of the man- as a man among men, and a judicial icon and oracle.
Perhaps, in other climes, this feat could only have been surpassed, by the great Alfred Thompson Denning- commonly known as Lord Denning, who was an English Lawyer and Judge, with degrees in Mathematics (First Class) and Law in 1920 and 1922 respectively at the Oxford University. He had also, like J.I.C Taylor, descended from the House of Lords, to return to the Court of Appeal, as Master of the Rolls in 1962, a position he held for 20 years. In Denning’s 38 year career as a Judge, he was known as the people’s judge, a judicial activist and a man with a great penchant for justice. Denning in an instance had once said- “unlike my brother Judge here, who is concerned with the Law, I am concerned with Justice.” He died on the 5th of March, 1999, at the ripe old age of 100 years, at the Royal Hampshire County Hospital, Winchester, England.
Another true essence of J.I.C Taylor was displayed when he was made the Pro Chancellor of the University of Lagos, while still serving as the Chief Justice of Lagos State. J.I.C as the Chairman of the Governing Board of the University of Lagos was a hard nut to crack, with a huge principle and unsurpassed integrity. Other members of the Governing Council were Col. (now Maj. General Rtd) Olufemi Olutoye, and now Oba of Ido Ani, in Ondo State, (the Military Member), Mr. (now Chief) S. Ade John (Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Education,) Mallam Nuhu Bayero, Professors- F.O Dosekun, O.J Fagbemi, C.O. Taiwo, A.B Aderibigbe, A. Akinsanya and Mrs. B. Olumide.
According to Professor Saburi Biobaku, then as Vice Chancellor of the University had said of J.I.C- “attending council meetings of those days before the resignation was like going into a battle field” but described him however, “as a brilliant lawyer, a forthright judge, a strict disciplinarian and a stickler for procedure.” As Vice Chancellor, he briefed the then Pro-Chancellor once every week, but would rather wait for him at the office of Mr. R.A Bakare, the then Registrar of the Lagos State High Court, for the briefings. Nobody visits him in chambers.
J.I.C Taylor at the Council meeting of the Governing Council of the University of Lagos, on the 20th of September 1970 tendered his resignation as the Chairman of the Council, due to some inappropriateness, bothering on the interpretation of procedure, with regards to the appointment of persons in the University and ruled that his resignation should not be discussed.
As a judicial conservative, J.I.C Taylor believed in the principle of “lex lata” i.e. what is the strict interpretation of the law, rather than “de lege ferenda”, i.e. what the law ought to be, with a view, to be future law.
Despite a stern and principled life that bordered on asceticism, J.I.C was a sociable, principled, highly urbane, unassuming and cultivated man. Even though reserved and would rather prefer the company of a few select friends, he was a great sportsman and was prominent in the game of cricket between 1947 and 1949. He was a motor racing enthusiast and had a high collection of motor racing cars, including an “Aston Maria”. He was a very skilled ball room dancer and a lover of Juju music of the Late Akanbi Wright, alias Akanbi Ege, I.K Dairo, Adeolu Akinsanya alias Baba Eto and latter day Juju exponents- Ebenezer Obey and King Sunny Ade. J.I.C so much loved the music of Akanbi Ege, that he in fact financially supported him.
In the late 1950s, his only son was struck down by Polio. He was so much affected by this, according to the Late Fatai Williams, a one time Chief Justice of Nigeria, that- “he visited the boy who was then, no more than a toddler, everyday at the University College Hospital in Ibadan. Eventually, he became a recluse and hardly went anywhere”. J.I.C breathed his last to join the saints triumphants on the 7th of November, 1973 at the age of 56 years, while still serving as the Chief Justice of Lagos State.
In this season of anomie, this period of judicial mudslinging and irreverence, where are the likes of Justice John Idowu Conrad Taylor, Justice Kayode Eso, Justice Andrew Otutu Obaseki, Justice Bolarinwa Oyegoke Babalakin, that was a stickler for time, Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, Justice Teslim Olawale Elias, Justice Namman Nasir, Justice Sir Darnley (Omowale ) Alexandra – the Jamaican born Nigerian Chief Justice of the Federation, Justice Idigbe, Justice E.O Morgan, E.A Coker, Fatai Williams, Olumuyiwa Jibowu, J.A Kester, S.O Lambo, Louis Mbanefo, Adetokunbo Ademola, Udo Udoma, Quarshie- Idun- a Ghanaian Chief Justice of the Western Region and a host of other eminent jurists, who had contributed immensely to the development of Nigerian Case Law and jurisprudence, by adapting very admirably the principles of English common law to the Nigerian environment? Uniquely too, Justice Mamman Nasir, elevated to the Supreme Court in 1975, had also descended from the Court in 1978, to become the President of the Court of Appeal until 1992, when he retired.
J.I.C had set a very high ethical standard on the administration of Justice in Nigeria and greatly inspired many Nigerian Lawyers and Judges, who will not be found with the filthy lucre of unexplainable and ill-gotten wealth. The question had always been- where are these ethical standards of the olden days of J.I.C.?
As a parting epitaph on his passage, the then Head of State and Commander in Chief of the Armed forces of Nigeria- General Yakubu Gowon, in November, 1973, had described J.I.C in the following sweet terms- “In an age in which corruption, intrigues, backstabbing and the love of office and power are fast becoming virtues, Justice Taylor stood out from the crowd, with a detachment that has brought immense dignity to the high office of judge”
What a very apt epithet, to our contemporary Justice System and executive lawlessness, as was beautifully decried in the popular case of Ojukwu V. Lagos State Government.
J.I.C Taylor, may your soul continue to Rest in Peace.
Hon. (Barr.) Femi Kehinde. MHR
Legal practitioner and former member House of Representatives, National Assembly, Abuja 1999 – 2003, representing Ayedire/Iwo/Olaoluwa Federal Constituency of Osun State.
-
News6 years ago
Nigerian Engineer Wins $500m Contract to Build Monorail Network in Iraq
-
Featured7 years ago
WORLD EXCLUSIVE: Will Senate President, Bukola Saraki, Join Presidential Race?
-
Boss Picks7 years ago
World Exclusive: How Cabal, Corruption Stalled Mambilla Hydropower Project …The Abba Kyari, Fashola and Malami Connection Plus FG May Lose $2bn
-
Headline6 years ago
Rehabilitation Comment: Sanwo-Olu’s Support Group Replies Ambode (Video)
-
Headline6 years ago
Fashanu, Dolapo Awosika and Prophet Controversy: The Complete Story
-
Headline6 years ago
Pendulum: Can Atiku Abubakar Defeat Muhammadu Buhari in 2019?
-
Headline7 years ago
Pendulum: An Evening with Two Presidential Aspirants in Abuja
-
Headline6 years ago
2019: Parties’ Presidential Candidates Emerge (View Full List)