The House of Representatives Committee on the review of the 1999 Constitution has proposed the creation of 31 additional states in the country.

Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Benjamin Kalu, who presided over plenary on Thursday read a letter from the committee containing the proposed states.

If approved, this will increase the number of states in Nigeria to 67.

The letter read: “This is to inform members that the House of Representatives Committee on the Review of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as altered), has received legislative proposals for the creation of states and local governments in the following order:

NORTH CENTRAL

1. BENUE ALA STATE from the present Benue State.
2. OKUN STATE from the present Kogi State
3. OKURA STATE from the present Kogi State
4. CONFLUENCE STATE from the present Kogi State
5. APA-AGBA STATE from Benue South Senatorial District
6. APA STATE from the present Benue State.
7. A 37th state, namely FEDERAL CAPITAL TERRITORY, ABUJA

NORTH EAST

8. AMANA STATE from the present Adamawa State.
9. KATAGUM STATE from the present Bauchi State.
10. SAVANNAH STATE from the present Borno State.
11. MURI STATE from the present Taraba State.

NORTH WEST

12. NEW KADUNA STATE and GURARA STATE from the present Kaduna State.
13. TIGA STATE from the present Kano State.
14. KAINJI STATE from the present Kebbi State.
15. GHARI STATE from the present Kano State

SOUTH EAST

16. ETITI STATE as the sixth (6th) state in the South East geopolitical zone.
17. ADADA STATE from the present Enugu State of Nigeria.
18. URASHI STATE as the sixth (6th) state in the South East geopolitical zone.
19. ORLU STATE from the South Eastern Region of Nigeria.
20. ABA STATE from the South Eastern Region of Nigeria.

SOUTH SOUTH

21. OGOJA STATE from the present Cross River State.
22. WARRI STATE from the present Delta State.
23. BORI STATE from the present Rivers State
24. OBOLO STATE from the present Rivers and Akwa Ibom states.

SOUTH WEST

25. TORU-EBE STATE from the present Delta, Edo, and Ondo States.
26. IBADAN STATE from the present Oyo State.
27. LAGOON STATE from the present Lagos State.
28. IJEBU STATE from the present Ogun State.
29. LAGOON STATE from the present Lagos State and Ogun State
30. IBADAN STATE from the present Oyo State.
31. OKE-OGUN and IFE-IJESHA STATES from the Present-day Ogun, Oyo, and Osun states.

The request for states’ creation can only materialise if at least “the third majority of members of the Senate and the House of Representatives (National Assembly) and the House of Assembly in respect of the area, and the Local Government Council in respect of the area is received by the National Assembly.”

By Eric Elezuo

The spate of crises in opposition party camps have become worrisome, even more worrisome than the unimpressive economic situation of the country. Consequently, a lot of accusing fingers have been pointed at the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and its leader, President Bola Tinubu.

The Boss gathered that since the inception of the Tinubu-led administration, no political party in the country has known peace; they have all been immersed and enmeshed in one national, state or area council challenge or another, prompting mass defection to the ruling APC to solidify its political capacity.

From the supposed main opposition, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the surprised third force, Peter Obi’s Labour Party (LP), and down to Rabiu Kwankwaso’s New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), an unfettered shenanigan has been the order of the day. Even the Social Democratic Party (SDP), reputed as the oldest surviving political party in Nigeria, is not spared of the raving malady of crises.

All fingers are pointed at President Tinubu as the architect of the problems, with accusations of his intentions to establish a one party state, and secure his return to power in 2027 without stress. This has prompted unanswered questions as to how far Tinubu is willing to go against the opposition parties.

In the PDP, and to a large extent, the LP, moles are said to hold prominent positions, and takes decisions that seem to align with the policies of the ruling party. In the PDP, a long drawn battle has continued to be waged as feuding factions fight for the soul of the party.

On one hand is the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, though a card-carrying member of the PDP, but hobnobs in the most intimate fashion with the APC. The Minister is said to favour the stay in office of the PDP acting National Chairman, Aliyu Demagun and the National Secretary, Samuel Anyanwu against the wishes of the party. The situation has created tension and faction in the party.

“If Wike is sponsoring the likes of Damagun and Anyanwu, and Tinubu is sponsoring Wike, then we don’t a soothsayer to tell us who is dealing with the PDP. It’s all about 2027, and somebody or some people do not want any opposition or challenge to their ambition,” an insider confided in The Boss.

Only recently, a former Vice President and presidential candidate of the PDP in the 2023 general elections, Atiku Abubakar, accused Tinubu of weaponizing state institutions to target political opponents rather than addressing corruption in his administration. He also alleged that the president was inducing opposition leaders with N50 million to constitute political nuisance to their parties, thereby destabilizing its smooth operations.

Atiku made the claim in a statement shared on social media over the weekend, citing the recent arrest of Professor Usman Yusuf, a prominent social critic, and Omoyele Sowore, as evidence of a politically motivated clampdown on people of diverse views.

“Two days ago, the nation was jolted by the arrest of Professor Usman Yusuf, a fierce and unyielding social critic,” Atiku wrote, suggesting that the charges against Yusuf, though originating from the previous administration, were being used selectively to suppress opposition voices.

The former vice president criticized the Tinubu administration for what he described as a double standard in its approach to fighting corruption. According to Atiku, while the government shields individuals within its fold who are under investigation for corruption, it exploits pending cases to intimidate and silence critics.

“It is absurd that while the administration shelters those under investigation, it continues to exploit state institutions to stifle dissent, all under the false pretence of combating corruption,” he stated.

Atiku further alleged that President Tinubu’s actions are aimed at consolidating political power rather than addressing the nation’s pressing issues, accusing him of manipulating the justice system to his advantage.

“Even to the most inattentive, it has become glaringly clear that Tinubu is not waging a war on corruption — he is waging a war on the opposition, manipulating the system for his own political advantage,” Atiku asserted.

The arrest of Professor Yusuf has sparked widespread reactions from his sympathizers, with many questioning the timing and motive behind the detention.

Yusuf, known for his outspoken criticism of the Tinubu administration, has become a prominent voice in Nigeria’s political discourse.

In another development, the former Vice President, who is also the Waziri Adamawa, decried what he describes as systematic dismantling of the opposition by Tinubu administration.

In a post on his X handle, Atiku said that the recent arrest and “baseless prosecution” of Omoyele Sowore and Usman Yusuf is the latest in the harassment of opposition figures.

“When I made the clarion call that Tinubu and the APC were devoting their energies to the systematic harassment, intimidation, and dismantling of the opposition, all in service of their grand design for a one-party autocracy, I became the target of vicious attacks.

“The arrest and baseless prosecution of @YeleSowore is the latest chapter in this unrelenting campaign. Now, they have seen fit to add Professor Usman Yusuf — an outspoken critic of this administration — into their grim roster. At the pace they are going, it seems they may soon find themselves contending with the incarceration of every one of us.”

Sowore, who is the convener of the #Revolutionnow movement, had honoured the invitation of the police on Monday, January 27, 2025, when he was questioned at the Force Criminal Investigation Department.

He was subsequently granted administrative bail but rejected the conditions of bail and remained in custody.

The police later filed a 16-count charge of cybercrime against him.

On Thursday, the court granted Sowore bail to the tune of ₦10 million and one surety in like sum.

The surety must be a responsible individual with landed property valued in like sum.

The surety is expected to deposit the original documents of landed property and a passport photograph to the registrar of the court.

While ruling on the bail application, the trial judge, Justice Musa Liman, ordered Sowore to deposit his international passport with the registrar of the court.

The judge, however, gave him 24 hours to perfect the bail conditions or be remanded by the police until the bail is perfected.

He was to be arraigned on Friday, but the arraignment was, however, moved to Monday (today) to allow for amendment of the charges, according to a statement by the EFCC spokesperson Dele Oyewale.

Though defence counsel, Isah Dokto Haruna, who held brief for the lead defence counsel, O. I. Habeeb, SAN, made an application for bail, it was turned down  by the court on account of the defendant’s deferred arraignment.

Justice Nwecheonwu adjourned the matter till February 3, 2025, for arraignment and ruled that the defendant be remanded in the custody of the Commission.

On the political party front, all is well with all the opposition political parties.

Stakeholders, observers and a large section of the general public are toeing the Atiku line that Tinubu has a hand in the disunity that has continued to ravage the parties, especially the PDP, which is touted as the party with the capacity to give him a run for his money come 2027.

Far back in 2023, just six months into the Tinubu administration, it became obvious that there is an unholy trend geared towards instigating crisis in parties, and harvest its members. The trend was not taking place via ballot papers or boxes or electoral propriety, but inordinate manipulations, using the instrumentality of the courts, judiciary, coercion and outright intimidation.

Fast forward to the present, the political positions are making dramatic switches to the APC via court rulings inordinate defections and more, giving a cross sections of Nigerian the effontery to believe there is a hidden agenda to welcome a new Nigeria where political positions both elected and appointed are ‘allocated’ to Tinubu’s APC. Only a few days ago, the senator representing Delta South, Ned Nwoko, joined a long list of decampees, who had found solace in the APC amid administrative deficiency, which reduced Nigerians to advocates of hardship, hunger and depravity.

A few instances were visible in 2023 to raise eyebrows as regards the direction and shape Nigeria political landscape was taking. They included the sack of all elected Plateau State PDP elected lawmakers, and replaced with defeated APC candidates, failed attempt to sack Zamfara and Kano states givernors, the victory of Imo and Kogi APC governorship candidates, and followed in 2024 by the victory of Edo APC governorship candidate, Monday Okpebholo. In all instances, public opinion had feared obvious manipulations of the electoral and judicial processes.

Presently, almost all the elected federal lawmakers under the banner of the Labour Party have defected to the APC. The party shame-facely boasts of two national leaders; Julius Abure and Nenadi Esther Usman, creating dissension that that have continually polarized the party.

Everyone, with the interest of the political future of Nigeria, has continued to ask when Tinubu will let go of his grip on the fragile throats of opposition parties.

Meanwhile, the Tinubu camp has denied ever interfering in the politics of the opposition, carpeting yhe former vice president, Obi and host of other accusers.

Tinubu’s administration will be two years in four months, and with his grip on political decisions across board, it is believed that by the time the next electioneering kicks off, a whole lot of political figurehead would have decamped to join the APC.

Time is no longer telling; the reality on ground foretells doom for the political future ofbthe country.

But all in all, time will still tell; 2027 is just around the corner, and Nigerians are watching and waiting to see how the opposition parties will make recovery to free themselves from the Tinubu-grip.

Former Military President, Gen Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), is set to launch his long-awaited autobiography.

Reports said the memoir titled: ‘A Journey In Service’, will be released on February 20, 2025, at the Congress Hall of Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja.

The development is coming 32 years after IBB left office.

The regime of the former Head of State was negatively shaped and defined by the adoption of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) policy, among other regulations, which sparked a nationwide riot by student union and other similar groups.

There was also the unresolved murder of the late journalist, Dele Giwa, and the June 12 annulment, among other controversial issues.

While in office, IBB was popular with the moniker “evil genius” and “Maradona”.

Explaining the nicknames, IBB said they were manufactured by the media because of his “deft political moves”.

“That’s the very good thing about the Nigerian media and Nigerian people. You have to anticipate them.

“If you anticipate them, then you live well with them. They call me ‘evil genius’, I marvel at that. The contradiction, you can’t be evil and then be a genius.”

“The definition of Maradona I got from the media is because of deft political moves. That’s the way the media described it”, he had said.

He succumbed to pressure in August 1993 when he “stepped aside” for the late Ernest Shonekan as the chairman of the Interim Government.

The late General Sanni Abacha would, however, topple the government in 1993 and would subsequently die in office in 1998.

Although IBB granted interviews to local and international media since leaving office, he has somehow found a way around some of these contentious issues that happened during his rule.

About seven years ago, he had expressed doubts about writing an autobiography, saying he was uncertain if Nigerians would “want to read about a dictator”.

He added that the public had a wrong impression of him, citing his role in the June 12 crisis, and some of the policies he unfurled between 1985 and 1993 as head of a junta.

However, he made a U-Turn and wrote the book.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will lead former Nigerian leaders and their counterparts in other parts of Africa to grace the much awaited autobiography.

According to an invite dispatched to dignitaries this week, the board of trustees of the IBB Presidential Library Foundation said the book launch will take place alongside fundraising for a Presidential Library.

The organisers said the event would be chaired by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, with President Bola Tinubu as the Special Guest of Honour.

The keynote address would be delivered by the former president of Ghana, Nana Akufo-Addo, while former vice-president Yemi Osinbajo would review the autobiography.

Other guests billed to attend include ex-presidents Muhammadu Buhari, Yakubu Gowon, Abdulsalami Abubakar, and Goodluck Jonathan.

A former Minister of Defence Gen. Theophilus Danjuma and Chairman of BUA Group; Abdul Samad Rabiu, are named chief launchers.