Opinion
Jakande: Farewell to the Architect of Modern Lagos
Published
5 years agoon
By
Eric
By Wale Adebanwi
Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande, the first executive Governor of Lagos State (1979-1983) who died on Thursday, 11 February 2021 at 91, was a rare combination of administrative genius in public governance and humility, even self-effacement, in personal life. He was a remarkable giant in public life who never made anyone feel small in his presence. Without doubt, Jakande was one of the ablest public administrators that the country has ever produced.
An encounter with the man popularly called LKJ by one of the top aides of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu illustrates the profound modesty of the spartan politician. Jakande, as the aide told me a few years ago, was in the governors office to see Tinubu. He had obviously announced his presence to one of the assistants in the governors outer office. Incidentally, he conceived and started the construction of that building. But he never occupied the office before the military seized power in December 1983. Perhaps the governors assistants were either too ignorant about who Jakande was or, because of his humble mien, they didnt think he was important or relevant enough for his presence to be immediately brought to the attention of Tinubu. He was made to wait. The top aide to Tinubu came into the outer office and found Jakande waiting among many others. He was embarrassed. It was apparent to him that the former governor had been waiting for a while. Fortunately, Jakande didnt notice the top aide, who he knew well. The latter quickly dashed in to ask Tinubu if he knew his predecessor was in the waiting room. Tinubu expressed surprise. No one had informed him that Jakande was there. He asked the top aide to usher the former governor in immediately. What other Nigerian politician of Jakandes stature and special connection to that office and the building would suffer such blatant disregard with comparable equanimity?
LKJ whose other popular appellation was Baba Kekere, a salute to his rank within the Chief Obafemi Awolowo political family, was such a man: an accomplished and conscientious administrator and manager of (wo)men and resources whose deep inner peace and ascetic simplicity were never disturbed by either the exuberance of office and public ranking or the difficulties and scorns that the vagaries of public life attracted. He was an incorruptible man who was never incorrigible. For several decades in and out of corporate and public offices, he lived in his Bishop Street, Ilupeju private residence in Lagos. In this, he had learned a crucial lesson from his leader, Awolowo, who resisted the temptations that the transition from home to official residence and vice versa constituted among many other challenges of the passage of power in Africa.
As Governor Tinubu said in his tribute, Whatever we have been able to accomplish in Lagos State is because of the groundwork Jakande set out before us. In so many ways, he is the inspirational father of modern Lagos State. In housing, education, health care, and road construction, he left an indelible imprint. Tinubu should know. He inherited this tradition of efficient and effective governance championed by the likes of Jakande which was based on a progressive ideology that was identified with the Western Region of Nigeria and its succeeding states. However, this is threatening to become the exclusive heritage of Lagos State.
Three of the most notable manifestations of LKJs administrative genius are worth remembering, especially for the younger generation of Nigerians who are unfamiliar with what constitutes a proper political party and what it means to methodically and consistently execute the programmes and policies upon which a political party canvassed for votes. First was in the area of education. The Jakande administration was quick in executing the free primary and secondary education programme of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). Putting all the children of schoo; age in Lagos into school while ending fee-based schooling in all schools within a short period was a massive endeavour. It involved the government take-over of all existing schools, including mission schools, and also the establishment of many more schools to accommodate the explosion in school enrolment. The urgent and massive need for the construction of new classrooms forced Jakande to take a pragmatic approach. His administration built a particular kind of new schools or added new classrooms to existing ones. Critics, particularly opposition elements and members of the upper middle class in Lagos, derided the Jakande schools as some glorified concrete chicken pens or coops because they were built to lintel level with added metal poles that held the roof in place. But, as these classrooms sprang up all over Lagos, those who recognised the transformation that was afoot acknowledged the egalitarian pragmatism that necessitated the choice that was made by the government. Jakande was more concerned with the effectiveness of the free education policy than the aesthetic value of the buildings. He recognised that, in the first iteration of the policy by the predecessor political party in the 1950s, the Action Group (AG), some beneficiaries were even happy to gather under trees before buildings were ready to accommodate the explosion in enrolment for primary education.
As every child in Lagos headed for school with no concern about the cost to their parents and with even school uniforms supplied free along with free meals, it became apparent that the old ethos of leapfrogging the Lugardian contraption to modernity, which was started in 1955 in the Western Region and aborted by military intervention in 1966, had returned with a new vigour. While many spoke to national unity and pretended that they cared more about this, Jakande operationalised it. No other state in Nigeria had a greater representation of the multiple ethnic and religious identities in Nigeria than Lagos. Jakande cared for every child of school age no matter where they came from.
Undoubtedly, there were several problems with the implementation of this policy. Yet, these were understandable challenges of massive social transformation. Though the process of our instruction was affected in part by the some of these challenges, those of us described then as omo Jakande (Jakandes children) later appreciated the massive transformation in the lives of several thousands of kids and their families wrought by the policies and actions of this most able of public administrators.
The second was in the area of housing. Low-cost housing was one of the central programmes of Jakandes administration. Affordable housing was and remains a major challenge in Lagos. In response to this, LKJ started massive low-cost housing projects all over the state. In this too, there were many administrative impediments to the successful implementation of a laudable project. Yet, his administration completed many housing projects from Oke-Afa and Amuwo-Odofin to Surulere and Ikorodu. Again, what this scheme reflected was Jakandes recognition of the critical role of the state in intervening in the social process which, at this moment in Nigerias evolution, constituted an important reflection of the kind of social democracy that he and his political party espoused.
The third was the metroline project. Apart from the free education programme, this potential high-impact project was one of the greatest demonstrations of the modernist and transformative agenda of the Jakande administration. It was designed not only to address the perennial problem of traffic congestion in Lagos, but also as part of the instruments for economic renaissance in the city-state. It was therefore the most critical, most imaginative response to the problem of urban transportation. It was designed to ensure that Lagos joined other global cities in providing true mass transit. If it had been implemented, the metroline would have transformed Lagos forever. Thus, we cannot overemphasise the importance of this project.
Though it was not implemented, the project revealed three things about Jakande and the political camp that produced him. One, it revealed the massive transformative vision, principles, policies that were the signal assets of the Unity Party of Nigeria which made the party, among all others in the Second Republic, a superior instrument for gaining and deploying state power in the service of the common good. While some parties on the right such as the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) were only invested in power and domination and others on the left cared more about ideological purity and discourses than the challenging and messy work of genuine social transformation, the UPN under Awolowos leadership was an ideologically pragmatic instrument of rule that had an unparalleled clarity as to the means, modes and capacities for social transformation in the Nigeria of that age as reflected in its Four Cardinal Programmes. Two, it showed that Jakande, perhaps more than any of his contemporaries, not only understood how the social transformation so conceived was to be achieved in a conurbation such as Lagos, but that he also had the vision to organise the most effective and efficient ways to accomplish the set goals in the context of the specific realities of that era. Three, starting the project confirmed Jakandes place as, administratively speaking, one of the most remarkable strategic thinkers that Nigeria has ever produced. However, the abortion of this project (which eventually cost the state and the country as much money in arbitration as would perhaps have been needed to finish the project) was not only a sign of the myopia and heedlessness of the Major General Mohammadu Buhari regime, it was also a stark reflection of the nature of Nigerias federalism and military rule. That a class of retrograde soldiers who had neither a rudimentary understanding of the progressive principles nor of the developmental values behind this vision could hijack the instruments of federal power and, with fiat, terminate one of the most important means of urban transformation again reminds of the problems of the Nigerian state and Nigerian federalism. We are still living with the consequences of this terrible decision. Almost four decades after the Buhari regime aborted this project, Lagos is still trying to build a similar project – with incalculably higher ratio in cost. Yet, the state has not succeeded. Two quick lessons here. One is the real and multiplier effects of efficient governance that is the tradition of progressive politics in western Nigeria, and two is the devastating and long lasting impact of the atavism called military rule, particularly the most invidious type that was experienced in Nigeria, and its concomitant subversion of federal principles.
Beyond infrastructures, LKJs style of leadership remains part of his legacy. His sartorial simplicity, including the signature horsetail fly whisk, amiable bearing and easy smile will be missed. I still recall vividly the first time I saw him as a student in one of the new schools he created. We lined the street of our school as his convoy drove by. He smiled and waved his fly whisk from inside his personal car (which was also his official car) as we waved back to him.
At the Nigerian Tribune, where I later worked, we heard stories about the era of John West, (his pen name), as editor-in-chief and managing director. Apart from his monumental contribution to the profession of journalism and the institution of the Fourth Estate, his old line-editors and reporters at Tribune often recalled his extraordinary work ethic, unflappability as well as his editorial and personal integrity. Although he later had a particularly unpleasant conflict with his leader, former employer, and co-shareholder in the African Newspapers of Nigeria, publishers of the Tribune, which, it can be argued, exposed a part of the shrewdness of the otherwise unassuming man, this could not erase his monumental contributions to the longest surviving newspaper in Nigeria.
Though Jakande was a social democrat and a man of great conviction, he was no rash ideologue. As the governor of the capital city-state, it was said that he met with President Shehu Shagari weekly and also met his leader, Awolowo, weekly as well. While some members of the party were somewhat dubious about the value of regular meetings with the leader of the ruling party which they believed stole their leaders mandate, Awolowo understood Jakandes outreach.
Like most politicians, Jakande was a man of ambition. He really wanted to be president of Nigeria. He knew he had the capacity, despite his limitations regarding formal education, as his adversaries were often eager to point out. LKJ recognised, correctly, that, apart from his leader, there were few in the country who could claim to have the administrative competences which he possessed in abundance. What LKJ lacked in intellectual finesse, he more than made up for in practical and effective planning and administrative genius; what he lacked in political oratory, he made up for in personal decency. Until he gambled away his pre-eminence in Lagos politics in the course of the June 12 crisis, the politics of Lagos was largely dictated by Jakande. Long before Tinubu, Jakande was the paterfamilias of Lagos progressive political camp. Babagana Kingibe will not quickly forget the lesson that Jakande taught him in the Third Republic about Lagos politics. Kingibe, in his initially subtle but increasingly brazen attempt as National Chairman to hijack the entire machinery of the Social Democratic Party from his patron, Major General Shehu Musa YarAdua, and the other established figures in progressive politics through the imposition of his favoured candidates in the partys governorship races, forced the old political warhorse to show him as they say in LKJs culture that, if an adolescent has as much clothes as the elderly, s/he cannot have as much threadbare clothes. Jakande instructed his supporters to vote for the SDP candidates down the ballot all over Lagos but to reject Kingibes imposed governorship candidate by voting for the candidate of the rival party, Michael Otedola. It was the one and only time that a non-progressive politician would win election as governor of Lagos State.
Perhaps the gravest error of Jakandes political life was his decision to join the Abacha regime as Works and Housing Minister. It was an original error that he had to live with until the end of his days. Partly a result of personal ambition and partly an attempt to leverage the political confusion of that period into a workable political transition that could lead to democratic rule, particularly given the initial lack of clarity by the symbol of that struggle, Moshood Abiola (whether more of the later than the former is still in dispute), LKJ joined the regime of the man who turned out to be the most vicious ruler in Nigerias history. Even as it became apparent that Abacha was a power monger who saw Nigeria as a lootable resource, LKJ refused to relinquish the illusion that the ignoble regime was a path to national political reconstitution. Some of his old comrades saw this as yet another manifestation of the same ambition to upstage his leader and run for the presidency in the Second Republic which led him to stand trial at the UPN NEC meeting in Yola in 1982 and which almost led to his expulsion from the party, as explained in my book on the political movement, Yoruba Elites and Ethnic Politics in Nigeria: Obafemi Awolowo and Corporate Agency.
By the time he was removed from office by Abacha, Baba Kekere could no longer claim his place among the progressive political clan to which he properly belonged one which he was also qualified to lead. He was ostracised by his old comrades. In his inimitable way, Jakande accepted his fate and stayed out of the fratricidal battle among the Awoists in the lead up to the Fourth Republic. Yet, his ostracisation was a damning verdict on a moment of political indiscretion and a lesson in how the mess of politics can turn an able administrator and excellent political leader into a disabled spectator in the gallery of power politics. Though he seemed to have reconciled himself to this harsh judgement by not even attempting to be reconciled with his old allies, Jakande bore no grudges. You could never find him giving interviews steeped in rancour and accusations against his erstwhile fellow political travellers. He was a forgiving man, though one who was hardly ever forgiven. As Nigeria produced one incompetent president after another and as the fratricidal battle induced by the Nigerian tragedy consumed the progressive political camp to which he legitimately belonged, and of which he remained a great advertisement in public governance, LKJ could only watch from the side lines, humbled by age and the apparent loss of political traction.
Indeed, such was the fatal nature of this error that a revisionist history began to bubble about LKJs place in the history of progressive politics, public governance and the modernist project in Nigeria. The fact is that, despite his political errors, Jakandes place in this history remains solid. His errors will be noted and can still be chastised, but above all else, his contributions will continue to be honoured and celebrated. It was as if Providence kept him alive longer than all of his contemporaries to give us all enough time not only to forgive his political transgressions but also to reflect on his administrative genius, especially as that genius even bore more fruits in the Lagos of the Fourth Republic the state which has, arguably, been a consistently better governed state than all the others in the current Republic. As undoubtedly his latter successors, particularly Governors Bola Tinubu and Babatunde Fashola would readily admit, it was Jakande who laid the foundations for the building of modern Lagos. Thus, contemporary Lagos is a testament to LKJs vision, administrative brilliance and personal austerity.
Jakande was a devout Muslim who was at peace with other forms of devotion. Like his leader, he was a faithful husband and noble father. Apart from his commitment to egalitarian politics, nothing delighted him more than his union with his devoted wife, Sikirat Abimbola Jakande, who also mirrored Hannah Idowu Dideolu Awolowos own devotion to her husband. Jakandes personal and political life could not have been the success that it was without the self-effacing but steadfastly warm Abimbola. If you ever visited their home and witnessed the way Abimbola treated Jakande, you would know that she was partly the reason why he enjoyed life for as long as he did.
As we bid Jakande farewell, it is important to note that there goes one of the ablest administrators in our national history.
Good night, LKJ.
Adebanwi, author of Yoruba Elites and Ethnic Politics in Nigeria: Obafemi Awolowo and Corporate Agency, is the Rhodes Professor of Race Relations, University of Oxford, UK.
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Opinion
2027: Why Nigeria Can’t Afford to Lose Atiku’s Experience and Expertise
Published
20 hours agoon
April 18, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
To be candid and straightforward, this article is written to sensitize Nigerians to the growing smear campaign against Atiku Abubakar, a campaign of calumny that appears less about national interest and more about political anxiety. The persistence and intensity of these attacks suggest one thing: there are powerful interests who see him not merely as a contender, but as a genuine threat. Yet, Nigerians are no longer easily distracted. The electorate is becoming more discerning, more interested in good governance.
Closely tied to this is the urgency of the 2027 presidential election. This is not just another electoral cycle, it may well represent a turning point in Nigeria’s history. Although Atiku Abubakar has confirmed 2027 to be his last presidential outing. That reality alone elevates the stakes. It presents Nigeria with a stark choice: to either harness a reservoir of experience at a critical moment or risk drifting further into uncertainty. In clear terms, 2027 is not just about political succession, it is about whether Nigeria recalibrates its direction or continues along a path of deepening national challenges.
The fundamental truth is that, experience and effective leadership are positively correlated, independent of age. Leadership in a complex state like Nigeria requires far more than youthful enthusiasm. It demands institutional memory, policy depth, negotiation skills, and the ability to manage crises with precision. It is therefore misguided to reduce leadership capability to age alone. Age neither guarantees competence nor invalidates it. Across the world, both young and elderly leaders have failed when they lacked the depth of experience required for governance. In Nigeria itself, recent experience with president Tinubu shows that leadership failure cannot be attributed to age alone. This underscores a critical point: the true dividing line between success and failure in leadership is not age, it is experience, particularly practical and relevant experience, which is too often overlooked.
Global political trends reinforce this reality. In the United States, voters returned Donald Trump to power over Kamala Harris, reflecting a preference for perceived experience over age. Figures such as Bernie Sanders remain influential well into their later years, shaping national discourse. Similarly, in Brazil, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva was elected again at an advanced age because voters trusted his tested capacity to lead during difficult times. A similar pattern recently played out in West Africa. In Liberia, the younger incumbent George Weah was defeated by the significantly older Joseph Boakai. That outcome was widely interpreted as a preference by Liberians for experience and not youthful appeal. These examples are not coincidences. They illustrate a consistent global pattern that when nations face uncertainty, they turn to experience. Nigeria must not waste the experience of Atiku Abubakar like it happened with remarkable figures like Obafemi Awolowo, Chief MKO Abiola and Malam Aminu Kano in the past.
Beyond the question of age lies another critical issue: political strategy. The debate over who should carry the opposition banner in 2027 must be guided by political reality. Nigeria’s recent history makes this abundantly clear. When Goodluck Jonathan sought re-election, the opposition were less influenced by sentiment. Instead, they made a strategic calculation, searching for a candidate with national reach and electoral strength, an idea that birthed Muhammadu Buhari as the opposition candidate, despite his previous electoral defeats.
It is therefore difficult to sustain the argument that Atiku Abubakar should be excluded on the basis that he has contested before. By that same reasoning, Buhari would never have emerged as a viable candidate. Political persistence is not a weakness; it is often a reflection of conviction, resilience, and determination. Elections are not won by novelty alone, they are won by structure, experience, and the ability to connect with a broad electorate.
Equally unconvincing is the argument that 2027 should be determined by zoning or that it is “still the turn of the South.” If the opposition is serious about unseating president Tinubu, it must prioritize a candidate with the experience, national appeal, and political structure required to achieve that goal. Atiku Abubakar is therefore the “asset” of the today. His eight years as Vice President under Olusegun Obasanjo provided him with deep exposure to governance, economic reform, and institutional development. Beyond public office, he is widely recognized as a seasoned politician and an established businessman with independent wealth, an important factor in a political environment often clouded by concerns about misuse of public resources.
Interestingly, it’s increasingly clear that Nigerians are moving beyond superficial narratives. The electorate is more focused on outcomes, on who can stabilize the economy, strengthen institutions, and restore confidence in governance. The conversation is shifting from age to ability, from rhetoric to results.
As 2027 approaches, the choice before Nigeria is becoming clearer. This is not a contest of personalities or a debate about generational symbolism. It is a question of capacity, preparedness, and national survival. History, both global and local, points in one direction: when experience is sidelined, nations pay the price.
Nigeria cannot afford that mistake again…
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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Opinion
Leadership As Decisive Force in Regional and Continental Security
Published
1 day agoon
April 18, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
“Security is not built by arms alone, but by the quality of leadership that turns shared vulnerability into collective strength, and divergent interests into common purpose.” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
Abstract
In an era of complex transnational threats, effective regional and continental security hinges less on military capabilities or institutional frameworks and more on the quality of leadership. This article explores how visionary, adaptive, ethical, and inclusive leadership serves as the critical catalyst for transforming shared vulnerabilities into collective strength. Through in-depth case studies of ECOWAS in West Africa, the African Union’s African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), and SADC in Southern Africa, alongside comparative insights from the European Union and ASEAN, it demonstrates that leadership determines whether security protocols remain aspirational or deliver tangible protection. The analysis highlights both successes and limitations, identifying key attributes of effective security leadership: strategic foresight, consensus-building, institutional coordination, and accountability. Ultimately, the article argues that investing in high-calibre leadership at every level is essential for building resilient, people-centred security systems capable of addressing contemporary challenges and contributing to a more stable global order.
Introduction
Effective regional and continental security depends far more on leadership than on military hardware, intelligence capabilities, or financial resources alone. Leadership supplies the vision, political will, strategic coherence, ethical foundation, and sustained commitment required to transform fragmented national efforts into unified, sustainable security outcomes. In an era marked by transnational threats — terrorism, organised crime, climate-induced conflicts, cyber vulnerabilities, irregular migration, and hybrid warfare — the quality of leadership at regional and continental levels determines whether security architectures deliver genuine protection or remain aspirational documents on paper.
The Indispensable Role of Leadership in Regional and Continental Security
Leadership in security contexts operates across multiple interconnected layers. At the strategic level, it involves setting a long-term vision that anticipates emerging threats and aligns collective resources before crises escalate. At the operational level, it demands the ability to coordinate institutions, mobilise resources, and execute joint actions efficiently. At the relational level, it requires building and maintaining trust among sovereign states with often competing interests, historical grievances, and differing priorities.
Effective leaders in this domain exhibit several critical attributes. They demonstrate visionary foresight, the capacity to read complex geopolitical and socio-economic trends and translate them into proactive strategies. They exercise adaptive decision-making, adjusting approaches as threats evolve while preserving core principles. They practise inclusive diplomacy, forging consensus without compromising sovereignty. Above all, they uphold ethical integrity and accountability, ensuring that security measures respect human rights and maintain public legitimacy. Without these qualities, even the most sophisticated security protocols risk becoming ineffective or counterproductive.
ECOWAS in West Africa: Leadership-Driven Collective Security
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), established in 1975 primarily as an economic integration body, has evolved into one of Africa’s most sophisticated and tested regional security mechanisms. This transformation was not inevitable but resulted from deliberate, courageous, and often pragmatic leadership in response to existential threats that threatened to engulf the entire sub-region.
The pivotal moment came in the early 1990s when Liberia descended into a devastating civil war. Faced with the risk of regional contagion, ECOWAS leaders, particularly Nigeria’s General Ibrahim Babangida and Ghana’s Jerry Rawlings, took the unprecedented step of creating the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in 1990 — Africa’s first sub-regional peacekeeping force. This was a bold departure from the Organisation of African Unity’s strict non-interference policy. ECOMOG’s interventions in Liberia (1990–1997) and Sierra Leone (1997–2000) prevented state collapse, contained the spread of conflict, and created political space for negotiated settlements and eventual democratic transitions.
Leadership played a pivotal role in these outcomes. Nigerian leadership provided the bulk of troops and financial resources, while Ghanaian President Jerry Rawlings offered critical diplomatic backing. The willingness of several heads of state to commit substantial national resources despite domestic criticism demonstrated a rare form of collective political will. These interventions also led to important institutional developments, including the 1999 Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security, and later the 2008 ECOWAS Conflict Prevention Framework (ECPF).
In more recent years, ECOWAS leadership has continued to evolve. During the 2010–2011 post-election crisis in Côte d’Ivoire, ECOWAS applied sustained diplomatic pressure backed by the threat of military force, contributing significantly to the eventual restoration of constitutional order. In response to the rise of Boko Haram in the Lake Chad Basin and jihadist insurgencies in the Sahel, ECOWAS has strengthened intelligence sharing, supported the Multinational Joint Task Force, and promoted greater coordination among affected states. The organisation has also demonstrated its preventive diplomacy capacity in The Gambia (2016–2017), where firm but measured leadership helped resolve a dangerous post-election standoff without large-scale violence, and in Guinea (2021), where it applied sanctions and mediation to encourage return to constitutional rule.
Yet ECOWAS leadership has also encountered significant limitations. Divergent national interests, chronic funding shortfalls, and occasional leadership vacuums have sometimes slowed or complicated responses. The recent wave of military coups and political transitions in Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Niger (2021–2023) tested the organisation’s cohesion and exposed the challenge of enforcing normative standards when powerful member states resist collective decisions. These episodes underscore a recurring truth: regional security leadership is only as strong as the political commitment and institutional capacity behind it.
Despite these challenges, ECOWAS remains one of the most advanced regional security mechanisms on the continent. Its evolution from an economic community to a security actor demonstrates how visionary leadership, combined with institutional innovation and political will, can enable a regional organisation to respond effectively to complex security threats. The ECOWAS experience offers enduring lessons: effective regional security leadership must be proactive rather than reactive, adaptive to new threats, inclusive of multiple stakeholders, and continuously reinforced through institutional reform and sustained political will.
African Union’s Continental Leadership: The African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA)
At the continental level, the African Union (AU) has emerged as a central actor in shaping Africa’s security landscape through the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). Established following the transition from the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 2002, APSA represents a fundamental shift in African leadership philosophy — moving from the OAU’s rigid doctrine of non-interference to the AU’s principle of “non-indifference” when grave circumstances threaten peace and stability.
The architecture comprises five key pillars: the Peace and Security Council (PSC), the Continental Early Warning System, the Panel of the Wise, the African Standby Force, and the Peace Fund. This comprehensive framework was designed to enable Africa to take primary responsibility for its own peace and security rather than relying predominantly on external actors.
Leadership has been the critical variable in APSA’s performance. The decision by African heads of state to create the Peace and Security Council marked a bold act of continental leadership, giving the AU authority to authorise interventions in cases of war crimes, genocide, or crimes against humanity. One of the most visible demonstrations of this leadership was the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), launched in 2007. Despite enormous challenges, AMISOM — later reconfigured as the African Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) — helped degrade Al-Shabaab’s control over large parts of the country and created space for political processes and state-building. This mission showcased the AU’s willingness to deploy troops and sustain long-term engagement where international partners were initially hesitant.
Another significant example is the AU’s mediation and peacekeeping efforts in Darfur (Sudan), South Sudan, the Central African Republic, and the Lake Chad Basin. In each case, the effectiveness of AU leadership depended heavily on the political will and diplomatic skill of key member states, the AU Commission Chairperson, and the Peace and Security Council. The AU’s successful facilitation of the 2019 political transition in Sudan and its ongoing mediation efforts in multiple conflict zones further illustrate how continental leadership can create pathways for dialogue when national institutions falter.
However, the AU’s leadership has also encountered notable limitations. Funding shortages, logistical constraints, and sometimes divergent interests among member states have hampered rapid and decisive action. The 2011 Libya intervention exposed deep divisions within the AU, while recent political transitions and coups in the Sahel (Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Guinea) have tested the Union’s ability to enforce its normative frameworks consistently. These experiences reveal that continental leadership remains vulnerable to the sovereignty concerns of member states and the challenge of translating political consensus into operational effectiveness.
Despite these constraints, the AU has made important strides in institutionalising leadership for peace and security. The adoption of the African Union Master Roadmap for Silencing the Guns by 2030 and the ongoing efforts to fully operationalise the African Standby Force reflect a long-term strategic vision. The Union has also strengthened its partnership with Regional Economic Communities (RECs) such as ECOWAS, IGAD, and SADC, recognising that effective continental security requires layered leadership — with RECs often acting as first responders and the AU providing strategic oversight and legitimacy.
The African Union’s journey demonstrates both the immense potential and the inherent difficulties of continental leadership in security matters. When leadership is bold, united, and well-resourced, the AU can play a transformative role in preventing conflict, managing crises, and supporting post-conflict reconstruction. When leadership is fragmented or under-resourced, progress slows and opportunities for timely intervention are lost.
SADC Regional Interventions: Leadership, Solidarity, and the Limits of Collective Action
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) offers a distinct model of regional security leadership shaped by its historical struggle against apartheid and a strong emphasis on sovereignty and consensus. Originally formed in 1980 to reduce economic dependence on apartheid South Africa, SADC has gradually expanded its security role through the 2001 Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation and the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security.
SADC’s most prominent military intervention occurred in 1998 in Lesotho. Following a disputed election and political violence, South Africa and Botswana, acting under SADC authority, launched Operation Boleas to restore order and facilitate new elections. While the intervention achieved its immediate objectives, it was criticised for limited consultation with other SADC members and for being perceived as South African dominance rather than genuine collective action. This episode highlighted both the potential and the sensitivities of SADC leadership in security matters.
A more sustained and complex engagement has been SADC’s involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Since 2013, SADC has supported the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) within the UN Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO). Comprising troops from South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi, the FIB was mandated to conduct offensive operations against armed groups. South African leadership was instrumental in pushing for the creation of the FIB, reflecting Pretoria’s strategic interest in stabilising the Great Lakes region. The intervention has had mixed results: it helped degrade some armed groups but has struggled with the sheer complexity of conflict dynamics, resource constraints, and the challenge of addressing root causes such as governance failures and illicit resource exploitation.
More recently, in 2021, SADC deployed the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) to address the escalating insurgency in Cabo Delgado province. The mission, led by South African forces with contributions from several member states, aimed to support the Mozambican government in restoring security and protecting civilians. Leadership from South Africa, Botswana, and Tanzania was critical in mobilising rapid deployment. While SAMIM has contributed to the degradation of insurgent capabilities and the protection of key economic installations, challenges remain, including coordination with Rwandan forces operating in the same theatre and the need for a stronger focus on addressing underlying socio-economic grievances.
SADC’s security interventions reveal a distinct leadership pattern dominated by a few influential member states, particularly South Africa. This “hegemonic leadership” model has enabled action when consensus is difficult to achieve but has also generated resentment among smaller states wary of South African dominance. Zimbabwe and Angola have also played significant roles in specific contexts, while smaller states have contributed troops and political legitimacy.
The consensus-based decision-making culture within SADC has been both a strength and a limitation. It ensures broad buy-in when agreement is reached, but it can lead to slow or diluted responses when member states have divergent interests. The principle of “quiet diplomacy” has often prioritised political dialogue over forceful intervention, sometimes delaying decisive action.
SADC interventions have achieved notable successes. They have prevented state collapse in Lesotho, contributed to stabilisation efforts in the DRC, and helped contain the Cabo Delgado insurgency. The organisation has also developed important normative frameworks, including the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO) and mechanisms for electoral observation and conflict prevention.
However, limitations are equally evident. Funding remains chronically inadequate, often forcing reliance on external partners or lead nations. Logistical challenges, interoperability issues among national forces, and uneven political commitment have constrained operational effectiveness. Critics argue that SADC’s responses have sometimes prioritised regime security over human security, particularly in cases involving member states’ internal political crises.
The SADC experience underscores several important lessons about regional security leadership. First, hegemonic leadership can enable rapid action but risks undermining legitimacy and long-term cohesion. Second, consensus-based systems require strong mediation and facilitation skills to convert agreement into effective implementation. Third, sustainable security leadership must address both immediate threats and underlying structural drivers such as poverty, inequality, and governance deficits. Finally, SADC’s trajectory shows that regional organisations can play meaningful security roles even without a single dominant power, provided there is sufficient political will and institutional adaptability.
Comparative Insights from Other Regions
Global experiences reinforce these lessons. The European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has succeeded largely because of consistent institutional leadership and shared norms among member states, enabling joint missions and rapid response capabilities. In Southeast Asia, ASEAN’s consensus-based leadership model has helped maintain stability amid complex geopolitical tensions, although it has occasionally been criticised for slower decision-making. These cases confirm that effective regional security leadership requires a delicate balance between respect for sovereignty and the courage to pursue collective action.
Persistent Challenges and Pathways Forward
Leadership in regional and continental security faces recurring obstacles: divergent national interests, resource constraints, weak institutional capacity, and external interference. Political transitions and electoral cycles can disrupt continuity, while hybrid threats demand leaders capable of integrating diverse tools and actors.
To build more effective security leadership, regional and continental organisations must invest deliberately in leadership development. This includes targeted programmes that cultivate strategic foresight, ethical governance, collaborative skills, and crisis management capabilities. Institutional mechanisms should be designed to ensure policy continuity beyond changes in individual leaders. Greater inclusion of civil society, youth, and women in security decision-making can enhance legitimacy and broaden perspectives. Finally, partnerships with global actors should be pursued in ways that preserve African agency and ownership.
Conclusion
Leadership remains the single most decisive factor in regional and continental security. It is the invisible bridge that transforms fragile agreements into enduring peace, turns shared vulnerability into collective strength, and converts divergent national interests into a common purpose. The experiences of ECOWAS in West Africa, the African Union across the continent, and SADC in Southern Africa, alongside valuable lessons from Europe and Southeast Asia, consistently demonstrate one fundamental truth: even the most sophisticated security architectures will falter without visionary, ethical, and collaborative leadership.
In an increasingly interconnected and volatile world, where threats respect no borders, the quality of leadership at every level — from heads of state to technical experts within regional commissions — will ultimately determine whether Africa and other regions merely survive successive crises or rise to build lasting stability and prosperity.
The challenge before current and future leaders is clear: to move beyond rhetoric and embrace the difficult work of forging unity, exercising foresight, upholding accountability, and investing in people-centred security solutions. Those who answer this call will not only secure their nations and regions but will also leave a legacy of peace that benefits generations yet unborn and contributes meaningfully to a more stable global order.
True security is not built by arms alone. It is built by leadership that dares to imagine, unite, and act for the common good.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
Nation Building Reimagined: Integrated Principles and Strategies for Sustainable Growth
Published
1 week agoon
April 11, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
“True nation building is not the work of the state alone, but a harmonious convergence where empowered peoples provide the foundation, innovative corporates generate the momentum, and visionary institutions ensure direction — together forging sustainable prosperity, social cohesion, and enduring national strength for current and future generations” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
Nation building is a deliberate and continuous process of constructing cohesive, resilient, and prosperous societies capable of realising their full potential. It extends far beyond political structures or state institutions to encompass three interdependent spheres: peoples (individuals and communities), corporates (businesses and private-sector organisations), and nations (governance institutions and the state). When these spheres are strategically aligned through sound principles and practical strategies, they generate all-round exploits — inclusive economic growth, social cohesion, innovation, human flourishing, and global competitiveness.
This comprehensive framework offers actionable guidance for sustaining productive and progressive development. It is grounded in universal principles validated by international development experience, economic history, and governance studies, making it relevant for scholars, policymakers, business leaders, and development practitioners worldwide.
Foundational Principles of Effective Nation Building
Successful nation building rests on six core principles that transcend cultural, geographical, and ideological differences:
Inclusive Human Dignity and Agency — Recognising every citizen as both beneficiary and active architect of national progress through equal opportunity and rights protection.
Institutional Integrity and Rule of Law — Building transparent, accountable institutions that foster trust and predictability.
Economic Dynamism and Shared Prosperity — Promoting broad-based growth that benefits individuals, businesses, and the state simultaneously.
Social Cohesion and Cultural Resilience — Forging unity while respecting diversity to create a shared national identity and purpose.
Adaptive Leadership and Long-Term Vision — Combining strategic foresight with the flexibility to learn and adjust.
Sustainable Resource Stewardship — Balancing present needs with intergenerational equity in environmental and fiscal matters.
These principles provide a universal compass for development, as evidenced by cross-national data from the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators and the UNDP Human Development Reports.
Core Strategies Across the Three Spheres
For Peoples (Individuals and Communities): Nation building begins with empowering citizens. Key strategies include universal access to quality education and skills development, robust health and social protection systems, community-driven development programmes, and targeted initiatives for youth and women empowerment. These efforts enhance social mobility, reduce vulnerability, and foster active civic participation.
For Corporates (Businesses and Private Sector): Corporates serve as the primary engine of wealth creation and innovation. Effective strategies involve creating an enabling business environment, promoting public-private partnerships, enforcing strong corporate governance and ethical standards, and implementing talent development and local content policies. When supported appropriately, the private sector generates jobs, technological advancement, and tax revenues that fuel broader development.
For Nations (State Institutions and Governance): The state provides the overarching framework for progress. Strategies include institutional reform and capacity building, decentralisation for better responsiveness, evidence-based policy making, and strategic regional and global integration. Strong institutions ensure equitable rules, policy continuity, and effective service delivery.
Sustaining Progressive Growth in Nigeria
In Nigeria, this integrated framework offers a practical pathway to convert demographic and natural endowments into sustained prosperity. At the peoples’ level, investments in education, health, and skills development can transform the large youth population into a productive demographic dividend. For corporates, policy predictability, infrastructure development, and public-private partnerships can drive diversification beyond oil into agriculture, manufacturing, and digital services. At the national level, institutional reforms, anti-corruption measures, and evidence-based governance would reduce policy inconsistency and enhance public trust.
When these elements reinforce one another, Nigeria can achieve higher productivity, reduced poverty, greater social cohesion, and improved global competitiveness — creating a virtuous cycle of inclusive growth.
Advancing Development in West Africa
Within the ECOWAS region, the framework supports deeper integration and collective resilience. Strategies for social cohesion help address cross-border challenges such as irregular migration, climate impacts, and youth unemployment. Corporate-focused approaches encourage intra-regional trade and industrialisation through harmonised policies and stronger value chains. Institutional strategies promote policy coordination, joint humanitarian response, and shared security mechanisms.
By applying this model, West African countries can move from fragmented national efforts toward coordinated regional progress, enhancing food security, energy access, and economic competitiveness while building resilience against external shocks.
Driving Continental Transformation in Africa
Across Africa, the principles and strategies align closely with the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Sustainable resource stewardship helps convert natural wealth into long-term human and infrastructure investments. The corporate strategies support regional value chains and industrialisation, while institutional reforms strengthen governance and reduce trade barriers.
When implemented continent-wide, this approach fosters inclusive industrialisation, technological advancement, and reduced external dependency — positioning Africa as a major driver of global growth in the 21st century.
Global Relevance and Contribution
On the global stage, the framework provides timely lessons for both developed and developing nations navigating technological disruption, climate change, and rising inequality. The emphasis on shared prosperity and social cohesion offers pathways to mitigate polarisation. The integration of corporates as development partners demonstrates how private-sector innovation can serve public goals. Institutional strategies of adaptive leadership and evidence-based policy making are universally applicable in managing complex transnational challenges.
Nations adopting this model contribute to global stability by reducing conflict drivers, enhancing food and energy security, and participating constructively in multilateral systems. In this way, the framework supports the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals and helps build a more equitable and resilient world order.
Conclusion: A Practical Pathway to Enduring Progress
The principles and strategies of nation building presented here constitute a balanced, interconnected discipline capable of sustaining productive and progressive growth across multiple scales. For Nigeria, they chart a course from potential to performance. For West Africa, they strengthen regional solidarity. For Africa, they accelerate continental transformation. And for the global community, they offer practical wisdom for building fairer, more stable societies.
True nation building succeeds when peoples, corporates, and state institutions reinforce one another in a virtuous cycle. Its greatest strength lies in this holistic integration — recognising that sustainable development requires empowered citizens, innovative enterprises, and effective governance working in harmony.
In an increasingly interdependent world, embracing these principles with consistency, courage, and collective ownership is not merely beneficial but essential. Nations and regions that do so will unlock enduring prosperity, resilience, and a respected place in the global community. The framework provides both the vision and the practical tools needed to turn potential into lasting achievement for current and future generations.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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