Opinion
The Travails of Akinwumi Adesina by Hon Femi Kehinde
Published
6 years agoon
By
Eric
After rain comes sunshine; after darkness comes the glorious dawn. There is no sorrow without its alloy of joy; there is no joy without its admixture of sorrow. Behind the ugly terrible mask of misfortune lies the beautiful soothing countenance of prosperity. So, tear the mask! Apologies to late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. This is one of his memorable quotations.
Life is full of labyrinths, challenges and exciting moments, but however deep the sunshines, there is always a little glimpse of dark spots.
Akinwumi Adesina’s chequered life, certainly could not be different from life’s alloyed fundamental principles.
There is however, no gain saying the fact, that Akin Adesina has a sweet destiny, and a date with history.
A brief chronicle of his life tells the story: Akin, as he is fondly called, was born to a Nigerian farmer, in Ibadan, Oyo State, on February 6, 1960. He attended a village primary school, and also attended Baptist High School Ejigbo, Osun State, after which, he attended the great University of Ife. He graduated from the Department of Agricultural Economics, Faculty of Agriculture, with a first class honours, in 1981. In the history of the faculty, established on September 22, 1962, he was the first student of the faculty to be awarded this distinction.
The University of Ife, established by an Act of Parliament of the Western Region in 1961 under the premiership of Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, admitted its first set of 244 students in September 1962, with five faculties, of which Agriculture faculty was one.
The University took off at the current site of the North Campus of the Ibadan Polytechnic, that was then known as the Nigerian College of Arts, Science and Technology with Professor Oladele Ajose as its first Vice chancellor.
In 1967, the University moved to its permanent site in Ile Ife on the 130,000 Acres of land donated by the people of Ile-Ife and the Ooni of Ife, Oba Titus Martins Tadeniawo Adesoji Aderemi, then Governor of the Western Region.
The Ife Campus adjudged as the most beautiful campus in Africa, was designed by an Israeli Architect, Arieh Sharon and a team of Nigerian Architects, including Lagos based Architect, A. A Egbor, between the 1960s and 1980s. They gave the university the beauty, the elegance and the picturesque sceneries, that made it a great haven for learning and culture.
This is the University that trained Akin Adesina, from where he graduated at an early age of 21 years.
Interestingly, the vice chancellor that moved the University to the Ile-Ife campus in 1967, Professor Hezekiah Adedumola Oluwafemi Oluwasanmi, and was its Vice Chancellor until 1975, was also a Professor of Agricultural Economics, and made the Faculty of Agriculture, Ile-Ife where he also taught, a great citadel of Agricultural Research and Training. He attracted a lot of resourceful Professors to the Faculty of Agriculture.
Hezekiah Oluwasanmi was succeeded by another great Development Economist, Prof Ojetunji Aboyade between 1975 and 1978. Aboyade, who was Vice Chancellor, against his wish and desire, having heard of his appointment, on the radio, on his way to Ibadan from Lagos, taught Economics.
Throughout his tenure as Vice Chancellor, he was always seen, moving from one class to another, teaching, wearing his impeccable suit and bow tie. He was Adesina’s teacher. Akin must have, probably, borrowed his dress sense from Ojetunji Aboyade.
Akin Adesina proceeded to the Purdue University, in Indiana, United States of America for further studies, and obtained his PH. D in Agricultural Economics at the age of 28, in 1988.
In 1984, he had returned briefly to Nigeria to get married to Grace and begat miserly, two children; Rotimi and Segun.
At the age of 24, when he got married, some of his contemporaries, were still enjoying the boisterousness of a youthful age. Back in Indiana, with his wife, he co-founded a Christian Fellowship group with another couple.
In Purdue University, he won the Outstanding Ph.D thesis for his research work. Between 1990 and 1995, Akin served as a senior economist at West African Rice Development Association (WARDA) in Bouake, Ivory Coast.
He also worked at the Rockefeller Foundation, since winning a fellowship from the foundation, as a Senior Scientist. From 1999 to 2003, Akin was the Representative for the Southern African Area. He was also, between 2003 to 2008, an Associate Director, for food security.
A gold fish has no hiding place.
Adesina was the Nigerian Agricultural Minister between 2010 and 2015, and was named Forbes African Man of the Year for his reform of Nigerian Agriculture sector.
He introduced some spectacular innovations that brought transparency to the Agribusiness and supply chain; and made the Ministry farmer friendly. He was almost extinguishing his term as the Nigerian Agriculture Minister, when on the 28th of May 2015, he was elected the President of the African Development Bank (AfDB), and began his term in office on the 1st of September, 2015. The tenure would end in August 2020.
In September 2016, Adesina was appointed by the United Nations’ Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon as a member of the lead group of the scaling up nutrition movement and was also in 2017, awarded the 2017 world food price.
These intimidating credentials are certainly enough to make his life and career enviable and bewildering.
The African Development Bank was founded in 1964 with a major mandate to fight poverty and to improve living conditions on the African continent, through the promotion of investment in public and private capital projects and programmes, that are beneficial to the African Continent.
Although originally meant for African countries, but, non African Countries were allowed to join the board.
The largest shareholder of the bank is Nigeria, with 8.2% and following it, is the United States of America with 6.6% .
All member countries have representatives on the Government Board.
Despite Nigeria’s strength, Akin Adesina became the first Nigerian, to occupy the position of President of the African Development Bank, and the 8th elected President.
In the share structure of the Board, African Nations control 60% while non African Nations, control 40%
Former Nigerian President, Alhaji Shehu Shagari as if a star gazer, fought against the inclusion of non African nations, in the share holding structure of the AfDB and predicted that the AfDB may one day, be thrown into the belly of the Imperialist nations.
The reality of the prediction in 1982 by President Shehu Shagari has now dawn on us, following the unopposed bid of Dr. Akin Adesina to be elected as President, for a second term in office, billed to commence on the 1st of September 2020 and thus the power plays, subterfuges, manipulations, that even bothers on outright gangsterism, to prevent Adesina’s second term bid.
As a build up to the power play, and in an attempt to prevent the 2nd term tenure of Adesina; on the 19th of January, 2020, a group within the bank, constituted itself as whistle-blowers and petitioned the committee headed by Takum Yano, the institution’s Japanese Executive Director, to demand investigations into 16 allegations against Dr. Adesina.
It alleged breaches of the code of conduct of elected officers of the Bank by Dr. Adesina. On February 7, the committee, formally, dispatched a copy of the Petition to Adesina and demanded his response.
On February 10 and March 10 respectively, having responded to these petitions through his legal counsel, the committee refused legal representation, rather asked Adesina, to personally respond.
On April 8, Adesina sent a 260-page memorandum that highlighted his responses to all the allegations.
He said the petition was nebulous, malicious, and made mala fide.
A splinter group of the petitioners had said they were being manipulated by a group of non regional executive directors, especially, Mr. Steven Dowd, the US nominee of the Board, to discredit Adesina’s candidacy for re-election.
Mr. Dowd represents the United States at the Bank. Interestingly, Mr. Steven Dowd is also a personal friend of the President of the World Bank, Mr David Malpass, whose views are certainly not in sync with Adesina’s African development agenda.
Their allegations, were certainly, a truck load of bunkum, according to Akin Adesina’s response.
For example in the allegations, a Nigerian, Mr. Ezeonwa, was allegedly found guilty of sexually harassing a colleague, and this “sin” was visited on Adesina as part of the charges.
The allegations also queried how Victor Oladokun, a colleague of Adesina at the University of Ife, found his way to the African Development Bank.
Adesina had said that the purpose for the allegations were not to report fraud or corruption, but an orchestrated ploy by America, to demolish him, and prevent his second term in office.
The committee that investigated the allegations, found Adesina not guilty of all the allegations.
America was not pleased with the outcome of this investigation, and instead asked for an independent investigation against the Rules of the Bank.
The AfDB is the key institution in the continent for trade and investment. To Steven Dowd, China is out pacing the US in investing in Africa, and this must be curtailed by the United States.
The U.S President, Donald Trump and the US Treasury Secretary, Steven Munchin, are ready allies in these operations to demolish Adesina and also prevent China’s further incursion into Africa’s development strides.
To the US, China is a relentless adversary that has captured a vast territory of Africa in cheap loans. But Adesina said, “if China is present in Africa, why is the U.S. absent?”
President Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria’s former President and statesman, has alerted his fellows in the comity of Africa’s ex presidents to stand up and defend Adesina against subterranean influences and control of the AfDB.
He said: “If we do not rise up and defend the AfDB, this might mean the end of the bank as the governance will be highjacked away from Africa”.
The allure of Africa is certainly it’s natural resources and it’s 1.3 trillion dollars purchasing power.
President Muhammadu Buhari, at a recent meeting with the AfDB President, Adesina, at the Presidential Villa, Abuja on June 2, 2020, promised support for him.
The President, in his statement said: “Nigeria stands solidly behind Akinwunmi Adesina in his re-election bid, as the President of the African Development Bank (AfDB). We would work with all the leaders and stakeholders in AfDB to ensure that he is re-elected on the strength of his achievements during his term.”
He added: “In 2015, when you were to be elected for the first term, I wrote to all African leaders, recommending you for the position, I didn’t say because you were a PDP Minister and I belonged to the APC, so I would withhold my support.”
President Buhari has said it all. This is wishing this great man of the world, Akinwunmi Adesina, a successful re-election.
Hon Femi Kehinde, legal practitioner and former Member, House of Representatives, National Assembly Abuja, represented Ayedire/Iwo/Ola-Oluwa Federal Constituency of Osun State (1999-2003).
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Opinion
Opinion: Big Brother Africa: A Case of Cain and Abel
Published
1 day agoon
May 1, 2026By
Eric
By Modest Ibe
Against the backdrop of the nauseating news of attacks on immigrant Africans in South Africa by our South African brothers, whatever the grievances are. I am painfully constrained to make this plea to our human conscience.
“…While they were in the field, Cain attacked his brother Abel and killed him .” – Genesis 4:8
It is no doubt that South Africa, since her Independence in 1994, having been subjected to the official segregation policy known as Apartheid as enforced by the National Party (NP), from 1948 up to 1994, has been a Big Brother to all peoples of the world, especially those of African descent. Thus earning the most beautiful description as ”Rainbow Nation” – a term coined by Archbishop Desmond Tutu to describe post-apartheid South Africa, after South Africa’s first fully democratic election in 1994.
The country having experienced first hand the monstrosity of man’s inhumanity to man, made the most forgiving and humane declaration through a foremost member of the liberation struggles for Africa and Africans and the country’s first democratic President, Nelson Mandela that:
”Our daily deeds as ordinary South Africans must produce an actual South African reality that will reinforce humanity’s belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all – never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another, and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.” – From Mandela’s inaugural address as President of South Africa (Emphasis mine).
This above quote was a corroboration of Mandela’s belief that “a new society cannot be created by reproducing the repugnant past, however refined or enticingly repackaged.”
Following the death of this great African on December 5, 2013, the whole world converged on the soil of this rainbow Africa nation, in honour of Africa’s uncommon humanity as exemplified in Mandela’s life. His life was a gospel of forgiveness; this message was even stronger at his death, creating an atmosphere of reconciliation and love, even between long-sworn enemies like America and Cuba. For the first time in over fifty years, there was a handshake between both countries, over the remains of Nelson Mandela.
As such, his life was that of a Big Brother, father and king, within whose kingdom all peoples of the world were accommodated and shown the true hospitality, care and love that are intrinsic to and beautifies Africa and Africans, wherever they may find themselves.
Thus this was one legacy that Mandela bequeathed to South Africa and all who live in it, as a man’s true legacy is the life he lived, not the possessions he left behind. His was a legacy of being a Big Brother to all – friends, neighbours, strangers, whatever the relationship definition, so long they are humans, they deserves our humanity and it is wicked to deny them that. Being our brother’s keeper is the finest demonstration of that legacy.
The foregoing eulogy on Mandela is against the backdrop of the recent Afrophobic (not xenophobic, for we are African brothers and sisters and not foreigners or strangers to one another, though distance may separate us) miasma that began to rear its ugly head like an octopus on our African soil, nay Mandela’s South Africa, unleashed by the misguided South African against his brothers and sisters, putting one in a strange paradox of memories – the evil and the desirable.The former being the memories of the dark evil nights of segregation against Africans that bred fear and terror in the minds of all Africans, as painfully articulated by the South African Poet Oswald Mbuyiseinil Mtshali in his quest-for-freedom-and-safety poem:
NIGHT FALL IN SOWETO
Nightfall comes like
a dreaded disease
seeping through the pores
of a healthy body
and ravaging it beyond repair
A murderer’s hand,
lurking in the shadows,
clasping the dagger,
strikes down the helpless victim.
I am the victim.
I am slaughtered
every night in the streets.
I am cornered by the fear
gnawing at my timid heart;
in my helplessness I languish.
Man has ceased to be man
Man has become beast
Man has become prey.
I am the prey;
I am the quarry to be run down
by the marauding beast
let loose by cruel nightfall
from his cage of death.
Where is my refuge?
Where am I safe?
Not in my matchbox house
Where I barricade myself against nightfall.
I tremble at his crunching footsteps,
I quake at his deafening knock at the door.
“Open up!” he barks like a rabid dog
thirsty for my blood.
Nightfall! Nightfall!
You are my mortal enemy.
But why were you ever created?
Why can’t it be daytime?
Daytime forever more?
The latter are the memories of nostalgia and longing of the life of humanity of Mandela and the Africa of his dream and for which he boldly declared at the Rivonia Trial, 20 April 1964:
“During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to see realized. But if needs be, my lord, it is an ideal for which I am ready to die.”
The reality of the recent hate, murder and killing perpetuated by our African brothers against their fellow African brothers and sisters, with their concomitant destruction of property and looting of shops in heaven’s broad day light, as against the ”night fall” of our dear brother Oswald Mtshali, bespeaks of the devilry and callousness that have possessed our hearts like an evil spirit, in place of our grandest and unmatched African humanity, kindness, care, hospitality and sacrifice for our brothers and sisters.
Painfully, as it is today, we seem to have descended from the shinning mountain top of a Big Brother, for which South Africa and indeed indeed Africa has always been known to the dark valley of the Biblical Cain that kills his brother, Abel. Consequently, the society that Africa’s founding fathers dreamt of is giving way to a society that is now reproducing the repugnant past of hate, even among our African family.
This question we must answer, which is a moral one, is: What justification do we Africans have to condemn the White Apartheid regime, if our current thoughts, attitudes and actions after having attained freedom from white oppression, is turning worse than those of the days of white segregation?
The challenge before us is to refute, by the generality of our behaviour, the conclusions of the former White South African dictator,P.W. Botha on the Black Race 27 years ago, as reprinted by David G Mailu for the Sunday Times,a South African newspaper, in 1985.
“We are not obliged even the least to try to prove to anybody and to the blacks that we are superior people. We have demonstrated that to the blacks in 1001 ways. The Republic of South Africa that we know of today has not been created by wishful thinking. We have created it at the expenses of intelligence, sweat and blood……We do not pretend like other whites that we like the blacks. The fact that, blacks look like human beings and act like human beings do not necessarily make them sensible human beings. Hedgehogs are not porcupines and lizards are not crocodiles because they look alike. If God had wanted us to be equal to the blacks, he would have created us all of a uniform colour and intellect. But he created us differently: Whites, Blacks, Yellow, Rulers and the ruled. Intellectually,we are superior to the Blacks; that has been proven beyond any reasonable doubt over the years. I believe that the Afrikaner is honest, God fearing person, who has demonstrated practically the right way of being. By now every one of us has seen it practically that the Blacks cannot rule themselves. Give them guns and they will kill each other . They are good in nothing else but making noise, dancing, marrying many wives and indulging in sex. Let us all accept that the Blackman is a symbol of poverty, mental inferiority, laziness and emotional incompetence. Isn’t it plausible? Therefore that the Whiteman is created to rule the Blackman……And here is a creature (Blackman) that lacks foresight….. The average Black does not plan his life beyond a year”.
Let us all, as Africans reflect on that, and also learn to re-ignite that spirit and culture for which Africa is known, which is being our brother’s keeper and not killer, like Cain who attacked and killed his brother Abel, when he ought to guard and keep him.
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Opinion
Beyond the Present Impasse: Five-Pillar Strategy for Restoring Credibility of ECOWAS
Published
1 week agoon
April 25, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD
PREAMBLE: THE STRATEGIC MOMENT AND ITS IMPERATIVES
The Economic Community of West African States confronts a moment of institutional reckoning without precedent in its fifty-year history. The confluence of democratic recession, the fracturing of regional solidarity, the commodification of the Community’s security space by external actors, and the erosion of popular faith in the tangible benefits of integration has converged to pose a systemic threat to the organization’s foundational relevance. The established toolkit of declaratory diplomacy, automatic suspension, and sanctions escalation has demonstrably exhausted its capacity to compel compliance or to stabilize the regional order.
The way forward, therefore, cannot be a mere intensification of existing methods. It must be a strategic recalibration of ECOWAS’s institutional posture, operational doctrines, and normative architecture. The objective is not the preservation of institutional prestige for its own sake, but the patient, principled, and incentivized reconstruction of a regional political community in which sovereign member states and their citizens perceive membership as a demonstrable enhancement of their national security, economic prosperity, and democratic legitimacy. The following roadmap articulates a sequenced, non-biased, and operationally concrete way forward, structured across five interdependent strategic lines of effort.
STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT I: RECALIBRATE THE NORMATIVE FOUNDATION OF THE COMMUNITY
The prevailing perception that the ECOWAS normative framework on democratic governance is applied with selectivity—penalizing military seizures of power while remaining diplomatically passive in the face of civilian constitutional manipulation—has inflicted severe damage on the institution’s moral authority. Rectifying this asymmetry is an indispensable precondition for the restoration of credible institutional leadership.
Action 1.1: Convene an Extraordinary Authority Summit Dedicated Exclusively to Normative Self-Correction
The Chair of the Authority must convene, within a non-extendable 90-day period, an Extraordinary Summit with a single, undiluted agenda item: the critical review and amendment of the 2001 Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. This Summit must not be subsumed within a broader agenda of security or economic matters. Its singular focus signals institutional seriousness and prevents diplomatic evasion.
Action 1.2: Codify and Adopt a Binding Symmetrical Sanctions Regime
The Summit must adopt a formal Supplementary Protocol that introduces, with legally binding precision, a definition of the “Constitutional Coup” or “Incumbent Entrenchment.” This shall be defined as any action by a sitting elected executive, whether through legislative manipulation, compliant judicial ruling, or tailored constitutional referendum, that modifies the fundamental law of the state for the primary purpose of abrogating or eliminating established presidential term limits in order to extend the incumbent’s tenure. The sanctions prescribed for this defined violation must be identical in their automaticity of trigger, procedural robustness, and severity of consequence to those prescribed for classical military coups d’état. This single act of symmetrical legal self-correction eliminates the charge of institutional bias and re-establishes the Community as a principled, impartial guarantor of democratic integrity.
Action 1.3: Mandate the ECOWAS Council of Ministers to Develop a Compliance Monitoring and Early Warning Matrix
The Council of Ministers must be mandated to develop, within 120 days, a transparent, indicator-based Compliance Monitoring and Early Warning Matrix. This matrix must track, on a continuous and publicly accessible basis, the compliance status of every member state against the full spectrum of democratic governance norms, including term limit provisions, electoral calendar integrity, and civil liberties protections. The matrix serves as an objective, depoliticized early warning mechanism that triggers preventive diplomatic engagement before a crisis crystallizes, removing the element of discretionary political judgment that fuels perceptions of bias.
STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT II: REPOSITION THE SECURITY ARCHITECTURE FROM PUNITIVE POSTURE TO ENABLING PARTNERSHIP
The region’s security space has become an unregulated, competitive marketplace for external military projection. ECOWAS must fundamentally reconceive its security offer to member states, pivoting from a posture associated with kinetic interventionism to one of technical enabling partnership that sovereign states perceive as enhancing, rather than constraining, their national security.
Action 2.1: Adopt and Promulgate a Binding External Security Partner Code of Conduct
The Mediation and Security Council must convene a high-level Strategic De-confliction and Transparency Dialogue with all external state actors conducting unilateral security operations on the territory of ECOWAS member states. The binding, legally codified outcome shall be an ECOWAS External Security Partner Code of Conduct. Its central provision mandates that all bilateral Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs), defense cooperation memoranda, and security-related basing or access pacts between any external state and any individual ECOWAS member state be formally and confidentially deposited with a centralized registry at the ECOWAS Commission within a non-extendable 90-day period. The objective is a non-prejudicial technical audit ensuring that the cumulative effect of multiple, independently negotiated bilateral arrangements does not inadvertently undermine collective regional security.
Action 2.2: Formally Reconceptualize the ECOWAS Standby Force into a Modular Technical Enabling Capability
The Department of Political Affairs, Peace and Security must be directed to present, within 180 days, a comprehensive doctrinal and operational blueprint for the reconceptualization of the ECOWAS Standby Force (ESF) into a new instrument, provisionally designated the “ECOWAS Crisis Response and Resilience Capability” (ECRRC). This new capability must execute a decisive doctrinal pivot away from large-scale conventional combat power projection—a mission type assessed as operationally unviable and politically irrecoverable in the current environment—and towards the provision of high-demand, low-substitutability technical enabling functions. These core modules shall include a multi-source intelligence fusion and strategic warning cell, a specialized digital border security and management task force, and a dedicated regional counter-financing of terrorism unit operating in institutional coordination with GIABA. This recalibrated offer creates a non-coercive incentive for disengaged states to voluntarily resume security cooperation.
Action 2.3: Establish a Specialized Civilian Harm Monitoring and Accountability Mechanism
The Commission must establish, with immediate effect, an operationally independent Civilian Harm Monitoring and Accountability Mechanism (CHMAM). Its personnel shall be sourced from member states with no direct security-material interest in the Sahelian theatre. Its mandate is the impartial, transparent, and universally applied monitoring, verification, and public reporting of civilian harm perpetrated by all armed actors, including state forces and their external partners. This mechanism depoliticizes the protection agenda and positions ECOWAS as a non-partisan guarantor of humanitarian accountability.
STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT III: ENGINEER A CALIBRATED, INCENTIVE-ANCHORED POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT FRAMEWORK
The sterile binary between “immediate unconditional constitutional restoration” and “indefinite unverifiable transition” has produced a protracted diplomatic gridlock. A new engagement framework, grounded in verified deliverables and sequenced incentives, is required.
Action 3.1: Constitute a Permanent, Empowered Panel of Eminent Persons for Silent Mediation
The Chair of the Authority must formally constitute, through a Decision of the Authority, a permanent Panel of Former Heads of State and Eminent Persons. Membership must be curated exclusively from a small cohort of former leaders whose nations possess an unassailable living legacy of peaceful, constitutional, and fully contested democratic alternation of executive power. The Panel’s mandate is to conduct a silent, continuous, indefinitely sustained shuttle diplomacy mission, operating strictly on the methodology of interest-based negotiation. No public statements, no deadlines, and no press releases are to be issued by the Panel. This permanently discontinues the counterproductive practice of “mégaphone diplomacy.”
Action 3.2: Table a Formal, Three-Tiered Transition Compact with Verified Deliverables and Sequenced Incentives
The Commission, under the political guidance of the Mediation and Security Council, must prepare and formally table a comprehensive Three-Tiered Transition Compact as the baseline framework for engagement with member states currently under transitional military administration. The tiers are sequenced as follows:
· Tier 1 (Immediate Confidence Building): Full, unimpeded humanitarian access to all conflict-affected zones, verified by operational humanitarian agencies; and the release of all political detainees not credibly charged with violent criminal offenses, verified by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. Upon successful independent verification, ECOWAS commits to a formal suspension of targeted economic sanctions against the state apparatus.
· Tier 2 (Sequenced Political Roadmap): A binding 24-month, bottom-up electoral sequence—local elections first, constitutional referendum second, presidential and parliamentary elections third—with a guaranteed statutory role for ECOWAS in the technical vetting of the electoral management body. Upon verification of each phase, incremental incentives are released.
· Tier 3 (Structural Guarantee Against Self-Dealing): The constitutional entrenchment, prior to terminal elections, of a non-amendable clause prohibiting any serving member of the transitional government from contesting those elections. Upon verification and peaceful transfer of power, all remaining sanctions are lifted, and ECOWAS proactively sponsors the state’s full reintegration and development financing package.
Action 3.3: Formally Delink Humanitarian Access from Political Negotiation
The Commission must issue a binding institutional directive establishing that humanitarian access and the protection of civilian populations are non-negotiable obligations under international humanitarian law and the ECOWAS Treaty. These shall not be treated as bargaining chips within political negotiations. This directive establishes an impartial humanitarian baseline that protects the vulnerable and starves extremist narratives of their recruitment material.
STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT IV: CONSTRUCT AND DELIVER A TANGIBLE, VISIBLE ECONOMIC COUNTER-OFFER
Economic sanctions, while a legally mandated instrument, have inflicted disproportionate harm on vulnerable populations and have been successfully weaponized by transitional authorities as evidence of ECOWAS hostility. A serious, fully-funded, and rapidly disbursing economic offer that demonstrates the irreplaceable material value of ECOWAS membership is a strategic necessity.
Action 4.1: Capitalize and Launch the ECOWAS Community Livelihood and Border Zone Resilience Facility
The Commission, in partnership with the ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID) and the African Development Bank, must convene a dedicated donor pledging conference within 120 days to capitalize a substantially expanded, fast-disbursing stabilization instrument. The facility’s exclusive investment focus shall be the cross-border communities whose economic fabric has been destroyed by insecurity and political rupture. Priority projects shall include the rehabilitation of transhumance corridors with negotiated local governance structures, the construction of solar-powered border market infrastructure, and the launch of a massive Community-Based Youth Employment and Apprenticeship Program targeted at displaced youth in frontier zones. All projects must be collaboratively and transparently branded as direct dividends of ECOWAS solidarity.
Action 4.2: Adopt a Unified Institutional Position Linking Debt Relief to Verified Governance Progress
The Authority must adopt a formal Common Position directing its collective diplomatic weight towards aggressive advocacy for a comprehensive, non-punitive, and development-sensitive sovereign debt restructuring framework for all severely affected member states. This advocacy shall be executed at the G20 Common Framework, the IMF Executive Board, and the Paris Club. Critically, the ECOWAS Common Position must explicitly and publicly link a pathway to structural debt relief to the affected state’s independently verified, irreversible progress against the Tier 2 and Tier 3 benchmarks of the Transition Compact. This leverages the international financial architecture as a structurally aligned positive incentive for good-faith engagement, offering a sophisticated alternative to blunt unilateral sanctions.
Action 4.3: Reaffirm and Technically Safeguard the Free Movement Protocol as a Non-Negotiable Community Asset
The Commission must urgently establish a dedicated, technically staffed “Free Movement Safeguard and Facilitation Unit.” This unit’s mandate is to work bilaterally and discretely with all member states, including those in withdrawal processes, to identify and implement the minimal, security-justified, and technically proportionate border management procedures that can preserve the residual functional operation of the Free Movement Protocol for ordinary citizens, even during periods of political estrangement. Preserving this tangible, daily-lived benefit of ECOWAS citizenship protects the human constituency for regional integration and prevents the political fracture from metastasizing into permanent inter-community estrangement.
STRATEGIC LINE OF EFFORT V: INSTITUTIONALIZE A TRANSFORMED STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION AND DIPLOMATIC PROTOCOL
All substantive policy interventions will fail if transmitted through the existing, demonstrably counterproductive communication protocols. A binding institutional transformation of ECOWAS’s mode of public engagement is a standalone strategic priority.
Action 5.1: Institute a Mandatory Linguistic and Register Recalibration Across All Official Communications
The Commission must issue a binding editorial protocol mandating a permanent and institution-wide recalibration of the language employed in all communiqués, declarations, and public statements. The default opening frame of “condemnation, suspension, and ultimatum” must be replaced by a primary, consistent language frame that centers the “non-negotiable, legally binding obligation of ECOWAS to the sustained physical security, human dignity, and economic opportunity of the individual West African citizen.” The primary subjects of all public interventions shall be the identifiable human beings whose lives are affected: the farmer, the trader, the displaced child. This reframes the diplomatic confrontation from a contest between elites into a shared responsibility for protection.
Action 5.2: Permanently Discontinue Mégaphone Diplomacy and Institutionalize a Protocol of Public Humility
The ECOWAS Authority must formally resolve to permanently discontinue the practice of issuing public ultimatum deadlines as an instrument of political mediation. The only regular public updates permitted on the political process shall be confined to measured, independently verified progress on humanitarian deliverables. The substantive, consequential work of political resolution is to be conducted exclusively through the confidential, professional channels of the Permanent Panel of Eminent Persons. This protocol deliberately starves the political crisis of the sensationalist, polarizing public media cycle upon which spoilers and external actors depend, relocating the work of resolution to an environment where trust can be painstakingly reconstructed.
Action 5.3: Launch a Sustained, Decentralized Community-Level Public Diplomacy Campaign
The Commission must design and resource a sustained, decentralized public diplomacy campaign that operates below the level of national media and engages directly with local communities, traditional authorities, women’s associations, and youth networks in border regions. The campaign’s message must be non-polemical and focused exclusively on the tangible, practical benefits of ECOWAS citizenship—the right to travel, to trade, to access education and healthcare across borders—documented through the authentic testimonies of real citizens whose lives have been positively impacted. This ground-level, person-to-person diplomacy rebuilds the popular constituency for regional integration from the bottom up, countering the top-down, state-controlled narratives that currently dominate the information space.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Kano Deputy Governorship: Why Murtala Sule Garo is Most Deserving
Published
2 weeks agoon
April 21, 2026By
Eric
By Abdullahi Sa’idu Baba (Hafizi)
One of the defining slogans of the Governor of Kano State is “Kano First,” a principle that emphasizes prioritizing the collective interest, development, and unity of Kano State above all else. In line with this vision, Hon. Murtala Sule Garo stands out as the most suitable candidate for the position of Deputy Governor. His track record reflects a history of diligent and selfless service to Kano State, marked by consistent dedication to grassroots development and people-oriented governance. Over the years, he has demonstrated an unwavering commitment to advancing the welfare of the people, making him a natural fit for a leadership role that demands loyalty, competence, and a deep understanding of Kano’s needs.
Throughout his time in office, Garo distinguished himself through people-oriented policies and impactful empowerment initiatives. He became widely known for implementing large-scale programs that directly improved the livelihoods of youth and women across Kano State. Thousands benefited from his initiatives, which included financial support, business tools, and opportunities for economic independence. These efforts not only reduced poverty at the grassroots level but also demonstrated his belief in inclusive governance ensuring that the dividends of democracy reach even the most remote communities. His approach earned him recognition as a leader who “takes government to the people,” a rare quality that continues to endear him to the masses.
Beyond empowerment, Garo’s leadership style is defined by accessibility, generosity, and responsiveness. He has consistently been described as a “man of the people,” someone who listens, engages, and responds without bias. His political strength lies in his deep-rooted connection with communities across Kano, where he has built trust over the years through direct engagement and consistent support. This grassroots network has become one of his greatest political assets, positioning him as a unifying figure capable of mobilizing support across different demographics and political divides.
In the evolving political landscape of Kano State, Murtala Sule Garo has emerged as a leading and widely endorsed candidate for the position of Deputy Governor. Recent political development shows that he enjoys overwhelming support not only from key stakeholders within the APC, but also from the generality of the grassroots Kano electorate, reflecting not only his political relevance but also the confidence party leaders and stakeholders have in his experience, loyalty, and leadership capacity.
Garo’s suitability for the role of Deputy Governor is further strengthened by his extensive experience in governance and party administration. Having served in multiple strategic positions, including organising roles, advisory capacities, and two consecutive terms as commissioner, he possesses both institutional knowledge and practical governance skills. His ability to navigate complex political structures while maintaining strong grassroots support makes him uniquely positioned to complement executive leadership and ensure stability in governance.
Looking ahead to future elections, Murtala Sule Garo’s political capacity remains one of his strongest advantages. He is widely regarded as a mobilizer who can energize the electorate, increase voter participation, and strengthen party unity. His influence at the ward and local government levels provides a strategic advantage for any administration he is part of, as he can effectively translate political goodwill into electoral success. Observers believe that his inclusion in leadership would not only consolidate party structures but also enhance governance outcomes through effective implementation of policies at the grassroots level.
Moreover, Garo represents a bridge between experience and youthful dynamism. His understanding of both traditional political structures and modern governance demands positions him as a forward-thinking leader capable of contributing meaningfully to Kano’s development agenda. His inclusive approach, engaging traditional rulers, youth groups, and stakeholders, suggests that he can foster a sense of collective ownership in governance, which is essential for sustainable development.
In conclusion, Hon. Murtala Sule Garo embodies the qualities of a competent administrator, a grassroots mobilizer, and a unifying political figure. His track record of service, empowerment, and community engagement presents a compelling case for his emergence as the next Deputy Governor of Kano State. With his proven ability to deliver results and connect with the people, he stands not only as a suitable candidate but as a strategic asset capable of driving progress, stability, and inclusive governance in Kano State’s future.
Abdullahi Sa’idu Baba (Hafizi) writes from Kano, and can be reached via Hafeeezsb@gmail.com
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