Headline
Pendulum: A Prayer for President Buhari and His Ruling Party
Published
7 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, I don’t know about you but I’m truly worried that our dear beloved country may have fallen into the hands of those who do not see unity and nation-building as a priority. Before I go on, let me tell a true life story. In 2014, I was on a bus ride with the current Minister of Transport, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi and a few others. We were on our way to view a suitable office for the Muhammadu Buhari Presidential Campaign office in Abuja. As always, discussions dovetailed from one topic to another. The one I will never forget was when the then Governor of Rivers State, Amaechi, suddenly turned to me and asked my opinion on whether Buhari should drop the title ‘General’ from his name. Amaechi did not say what was behind that thought, but I suspected that many people felt it could be an albatross being a sad reminder of his days as a military dictator. Some young folks in the bus had apparently suggested this to the Governor as brand consultants but I responded by disagreeing vehemently.
“Why would a man drop his greatest achievement in life?” I asked rhetorically, with a straight poker face. There was pin drop silence. I fired on “so what do you now want to call Buhari, Mister, Chief, Dr. or what? I think the title ‘General’ can even be funkified by us by referring to him as “the People’s General…” I humbly suggested. There was general excitement and consensus, thereafter. That day, it was clear that we were all very happy and delighted to be working for the victory of a man we believed had learnt his lessons after being unceremoniously sacked in a military coup 30 years earlier.
For the sake of those who do not know what happened between 1983 and 1985, let me summarise the history and story of that period. On December 31, 1983, a military coup was heralded by a certain Colonel Sani Abacha. I had never heard his name before then, and I’m sure not many Nigerians did. The coup brought an abrupt end to the President Shehu Shagari government and its reckless and profligate ruling party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). A general election held barely months to the coup had been heavily rigged by the NPN and such unheard of adjectives like “landslide and moonslide” were used to describe the outcome. Nigerians were shocked to their marrow, but the government of the day could not be bothered. Therefore, it was not a big surprise when the stern-faced Abacha made his announcement on the last day of 1983 and a Brigadier Muhammadu Buhari was soon declared as the new Military Head of State.
The Buhari regime immediately made a “war against corruption and indiscipline” its signature mantra. Draconian Decrees were promulgated. Military tribunals were set up and pronto, politicians, businessmen and journalists were thrown into detention, summarily prosecuted and convicted. Huge sentences were manufactured and handed out like popcorn or confetti. Many Nigerians initially welcomed this Messiah, Buhari, and his deputy, Angel Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, who had come to rescue Nigeria from political demons and other prodigal children. Everyone screamed “crucify them…” It was such a sweet refrain, but the honeymoon period was soon over, and Nigerians started groaning under the yoke of repressive laws, squalid and degrading detention camps, atrocious sentences, unjustifiable double standards, myopic and visionless economic policies, beggarly supplies, rationing of essential commodities, a mindless clampdown on the Press, and so on. Buhari and his deputy, Idiagbon were on rampage, out of supposed righteous indignation at the way Nigerians and Nigeria had been defiled and desecrated by the political class and businessmen. They studiously ignored all entreaties to temper justice with mercy.
To cut a long story short, Nigerians groaned and moaned and cried for deliverance from this bitter, brash and brutish government. This was the opportunity Ibrahim Babangida and company needed to strike and they took full advantage, sacked the Buhari government almost effortlessly in a palace coup.
Upon learning of the cataclysmic fall of that government, Nigerians spilled into the streets in wild jubilation. History would record many reasons the government failed woefully. Let me briefly mention a few. The discipline it sought to instil was lopsided and discriminatory. In a country that is totally neurotic about ethnicity and religion, President Shagari was placed under house arrest, but his Vice President, Dr Alex Ekwueme, and many other Southern politicians were kept in prison under the most excruciating conditions, in a most bizarre act of man’s inhumanity to man. Many of the prisoners, like Governor Bisi Onabanjo of Ogun State, became human skeletons and walking corpses. Some, such as Governor Ambrose Alli of Bendel State, suffered irreparable or even fatal damages to their health. Laws were made in typical Orwellian fashion, in which all animals were supposed to be equal, but some were more equal than others. The Big Brother kept watch over the animals, but allowed some to enjoy unbelievable privileges, including, allegedly, the Emir of Gwandu, who contrived to bring in 53 suitcases into the country without being searched, contrary to Buhari’s law at the time, because his son was the Aide-de-Camp (ADC) to Buhari. Fela, the legendary musician was jailed under the flimsiest of pretexs. Two journalists, Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor were jailed as warning to other would be troublemakers. The list of atrocities was long and endless.
The government ran a voodoo economic misadventure and the economy nosedived and collapsed with debilitating consequences. It was a policy of “do as I say and not as I do…” Babangida crept in and dismantled the unfriendliness of that government. In fact, Babangida’s attraction was being the opposite of what Buhari represented. Babangida assembled the most cerebral Nigerians and ran a government of intellectuals who could challenge him, policy for policy. Even known critics were attracted to work for their countrt. Back to Buhari, the regime went into oblivion and a sad place in our history, or so it seemed.
Babangida’s government itself ended tragically by overstaying its welcome. Perhaps, had Babangida allowed the 1993 elections to hold in peace, and not in pieces, Nigeria won’t be in this mess today. Over-tinkering with the political process led to endless conflagration.
It is not known at what point Buhari started nursing his ambition to run back to power. He probably suffered from withdrawal syndrome like other Generals who at different times attempted to return to the hallowed corridors of power. For example, Major-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua (died without realising his dream), General Olusegun Obasanjo (returned by the conspiracy of the military Mafiosi and almost bagged a third term, in the kitty), General Ibrahim Babangida (couldn’t muster enough support from Obasanjo, the capo di tutti capi, and others, so quickly beat a hasty retreat), Lt. General Aliyu Gusau (silent power house, highly regarded in intelligence circles). In the event, General Buhari contested a record four times and eventually won in 2015.
It is ironic that a man who was brusquely booted out of power 30 years earlier was brought back in a haze of glory. His triumphant re-entry into the Nigerian political sphere and space will remain one of the most mysterious miracles of this century. The best way to describe it would be that Nigerians were victims of mass hypnotism and “collective amnesia”. Please, let me succinctly explain, again. Today is a day for going down memory lane. The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) handed power on a platter of gold to Buhari. Some of us had written all the English in the lexicon warning of the danger ahead if the ruling party did not reduce its profligacy and pugnacity. Just as the Party went on a binge and wasted resources, it also suffered another calamity by not keeping its house in order. Nigerians got increasingly frustrated and desperately wanted a terminal end to a ruling Party that boasted it would rule eternally. It was this desperation that catapulted Buhari back to power, warts and all.
I remember some of our deliberations after Amaechi and company stormed out of the PDP. That was the beginning of the end. PDP, in its state of cockiness did not envisage the catastrophe that awaited it in the near future. Amaechi and friends tactically aligned with a few other parties like ACN, ANPP and CPC to form APC. I will forever salute the total commitment of two people in particular, Amaechi and Dr Bukola Saraki, the current Senate President. The combination of both was lethal. I was honoured to participate in a few of their meetings. They were responsible for attracting a lot of the younger folk to Buhari. Many of the questions people asked about Buhari included: does he have intellectual capacity to run a modern government?; what business did he run in the last 30 years?; will he discriminate or seek revenge against supposed enemies?; has he purged himself of dictatorial tendencies?; will he be an ethnic bigot?; a religious fanatic coming to Islamise Nigeria?; etc,. We devised a general and standard response to the myriad of thought-provoking queries – “General Buhari is a born-again democrat…” – and we stuck to our guns, even if not totally assured or convinced about the true nature and status of the last saint standing. We were driven by our blind faith and the hope that Baba must have learnt useful lessons in 30 years and had had time to reflect on the things he did wrong in the past and what he plans to do right in the future.
The clincher for many of us was the invitation and inclusion of Professor Yemi Osinbajo, a renowned scholar, legal luminary, seasoned administrator and revered priest of the Christian faith. To every known or imagined defect in Buhari, we found a foil, an antithesis, and counter-solution in Osinbajo. We assumed their relationship was going to pan out like that of the symbiotic relationship of Buhari and Idiagbon, and that Osinbajo would be the guiding spirit and stabilising force of the government. No one reckoned with a hidden cabal while Amaechi, Tinubu, Saraki and others sweated profusely to make Buhari President. Not that we were not warned by those who should know because they were close to him, once upon a time.
Anyway, the rest is now history. Baba realised his ambition and we were all elated. But as in the proverbial death of the elephant, no sooner did Baba assume office than everyone, including strangers to the party, surfaced with knives and plates to cut their portions. I was stunned when, systematically, even Amaechi was being blocked by some of those who used to loiter in his corridor begging for mobilisation. A new power block suddenly emerged. On several occasions, I approached Amaechi and sympathised with his gradual and steady banishment from the inner caucus, but my man had, and still has, incurable faith in Buhari. The President is his hero who could do no wrong, so he ignored all the other distractions. The tragedy of APC was in alienating most of the powerful forces that brought it to fruition. Things fell apart too quickly. Ill-health also slowed Baba down and threw up some over-zealous and ambitious people who seized upon the lacuna to govern by proxy.
I also suspect the existence of a fifth columnist within government who programmed everything to fail. The many fractious and fracticidal wars that broke out were totally unnecessary. Again, the battle against corruption could have been fought differently. Before the election, there was a tacit understanding that the Change government was going to tackle the scourge of corruption differently, that it was not going to be selective and that the priority would be on recovering the loot across board, irrespective of party affiliations. Punitive measures were only going to be unleashed on those who refuse to give back a substantial chunk of their loot.
Baba was going to demonstrate his new avowed embrace of democratic and nationalistic credentials in order to dispel the fears of those who believe a leopard can never change its spots. It is strange and inexplicable how the massive goodwill was frittered away in no time. Today, the President and his Party are merely struggling to put up an appearance. Even his most fastidious supporters admit in private that only a miracle and unprecedented rigging can bring them back to power in 2019. The objective ones agree that those who did not vote for Buhari in 2015 will never vote for him in 2019, while many of those who did will no longer do so next year. The ruling Party has been shattered into smithereens. Not even PDP was this divided in its journey towards Golgotha. I don’t know, since I’m not God, what game plan APC has for the rest of its first-term, but these are perilous times for a Party that willy-nilly blew its humongous chances on the altar of intolerance, vengefulness, selfishness and disregard for the rule of Law, such that very few now seem to care about the giant strides and major achievements of the government.
Nigerians need nationalists, democrats and performers, not ethnic jingoists, vengeful autocrats and struggling performers. It is not impossible for this administration to draw back from the precipice and the Buhari administration still has a few months to woo Nigerians again. Those who can still pray should intercede on its behalf. As for me and my house, we shall offer The Lord’s Prayer…
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Otunba Adekunle Ojora: Farewell to a Good Man
Published
23 hours agoon
February 1, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
The curtain dropped on the elitist life of prominent Lagosian, traditional custodian, boardroom guru, refined journalist and elaborate philanthropist, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, on January 28, 2026, bringing to an over nine decades of spreading good tidings, prosperity, unity and humanity. He was 93 years.
His death was announced via a statement by his daughter, Mrs Toyin Ojora-Saraki, on behalf of the Ojora Family, saying he died early in the morning in full submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT)
“With total submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT), the Ojora family of Lagos hereby announces the passing of our beloved patriarch, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, the Otunba of Lagos and Lisa of Ife, who returned to his creator early this morning.
“We say Alhamdulilahi for a life well lived, and we comply with Allah’s words: ‘Surely, to Allah we belong, and to Him we will all return’ (Q2:156),” the statement reads.
A distinguished businessman, people-oriented-person, the Olori Omo Oba of Lagos and the Lisa of Ife, Adekunle Ojora’s passing came with a much ancipated heartbreak, wailings and regrets, among his hugely extended family members, circle of friends, mentees, colleagues in and across business and traditional terrain, associates and the well impacted general public.
With the announcement of his death came the heavy traffic of personalities, dignitaries and nobles to his Ikoyi palatial home, where his adorable wife, Ojuolape Ojora, and one of his distinguished daughters, Mrs Toyin Saraki, who is the wife of the former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, played significant hosts.
President Bola Tinubu was one of the first mourners with a statement signed by his spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, acknowledging the dimunitive personality of the deceased, noting how he had affected humanity in a positive light.
Tinubu commiserated with the government and people of Lagos State, as well as the Ojora and Adele royal families.
“The passing of Otunba Ojora is a significant loss to the country, the private and public sectors, and traditional institutions,” the President said, describing the late industrialist as a man whose life was defined by humility, perseverance, hard work and generosity. He further noted that his values shaped his long and distinguished career.
“He remained a towering figure whose counsel and experience benefited institutions at both national and subnational levels,” Tinubu added.
In his condolence message, former President Olusegun Obasanjo described Ojora’s death as painful, saying his absence would be difficult to fill, according to a statement released by his Special Assistant on Media, Kehinde Akinyemi.
The ex-president described Ojora as “an amiable and distinguished Nigerian who, during his lifetime, built a remarkable legacy of integrity, wisdom, and unwavering dedication.”
“By his death, the country has lost a notable captain of industry and commerce, but there is no doubt that his memory lingers on through his many landmark contributions to the development of the South-West zone in particular, and the country in general,” Obasanjo added.
He also stated that “He was a remarkable entrepreneur whose vision, determination, and resilience added value to the community and to hundreds of families who depended on his commercial activities. He was a role model and exemplar whose personal life and achievements inspired a generation of entrepreneurs, industrialists, and merchants. Over the years, with his wise counsel, unquestioned strength, and gentle guidance, Otunba Ojora commanded respect and reverence, and took particular pleasure in mentoring younger men and women to succeed in life.”
Also reacting, a former Minister of Communications, Major General Tajudeen Olanrewaju (Rtd) described Ojora as a “veteran journalist and boardroom titan”.
The former General Officer Commanding (GOC) 3 Division Nigerian Army noted that he made positive contributions to the industrial and entrepreneurial sectors of the economy, lightened up the social fabric of his time in Lagos, in particular, and across our nation.
Among dignitaries that called to the home of the Ojora’s to express heartfelt condolences were the Governor of Osun State, Senator Ademola Adeleke and his elder brother, Dr. Deji Adeleke; Africa’s richest man, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Mr. Femi Otedola and former governor of Akwa Ibom State, Udom Emmanuel.
As a revered Muslim, versed in Islamic doctrines, the nonagenarian’s burial followed the very next day, drawing an avalanche of well wishers and mourners to the Central Mosque, on Lagos Island, where the funeral rites or the Janazah, led by the Chief Imam of Lagos, Sheikh Sulaiman Abou-Nolla, and assisted by other prominent Islamic clerics, were conducted, and finally to the Vaults and Garden, Ikoyi, where the remains were committed to mother-earth. The events were a meeting point of some sort, as they drew together prominent Islamic scholars, family members, political bigwigs and other distinguished guests.
A roll call of the elite callers at the events include the deceased’s wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora; his daughter, Toyin Ojora-Saraki, and her husband, former Senate President and Kwara State Governor, Bukola Saraki. Also in attendance were Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosun, former Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly Ali Ahmad, former PDP National Chairman Kawu Baraje, Mufti of Ilorin Sheikh Sulaiman Onikijipa, and National President of Ansar-Ud-Deen Society of Nigeria Prince Adeniji Kazeem.
The burial ceremonies began with a recovery of the remains, which were borne by pallbearers for a burial procession before it was a motorcade bore it to the venue of the Janazah.
The long convoy of dignitaries that accompanied the body to the mosque spoke volumes of the personality of Adekunle Ojora. As the solenm approached, Imam Sulaiman Abou-Nolla led the congregation in prayers, asking for the repose of the siul of the deceased.
At the conclusion of the prayers, the body was conveyed to the Ikoyi Vault, where pallbearers and Muslim Ummah as well selected members of the family and notable dignitaries accompanied the remains, amid chants, to its final resting place.
THE MAN, OTUNBA ADEKUNLE OJORA
The highly principled businessman was born Isiaq Adekunle Ojora on June 13, 1932, into the distinguished Ojora Royal Family of Lagos, where he grew with a deeply-rooted tolerance for the history, culture and traditional governance of the Yoruba race and Lagos in particular.
His lineage placed him among the foremost royal families in the state, a heritage he upheld with dignity throughout his long life. Over several decades, he emerged as one of the most influential figures within Lagos’ traditional institutions, commanding respect across royal, cultural and civic circles.
Ojora was a member of the Ojora and Adele royal families of Lagos and was himself the holder of the chieftaincy of the Otunba of Lagos. He studied journalism at Regent Street Polytechnic, with the intention of developing a career in journalism. He started work as a staffer at the BBC where he rose to become an assistant editor.
In 1955, he switched his services to the Nigerian government as a reporter with the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation. He was soon transferred to Ibadan as an information officer in the office of the regional premier. Ojora’s stint with NBC lasted until 1961 when he took up appointment as the public relations manager at United African Company.
Ojora soon developed interest in the commercial units of enterprises, he became an executive director of UAC in 1962. After a military coup truncated the first republic, Ojora was nominated as a member of Lagos City Council in 1966. A year later, he was given political appointments in two government agencies, in 1967, he was managing director of WEMABOD, a regional property and investment company and also in 1967, he succeeded Kola Balogun as chairman of Nigerian National Shipping Line.
After leaving WEMABOD, he became an investor in various firms including AGIP petroleum marketing and NCR Nigeria. He also founded the private firms Nigerlink Industries, Unital Builders and a holding company Lagos Investments. After the Nigerian Enterprise Promotion Act, he took equity interest in some foreign companies operating in Nigeria such as investments in the Nigerian operations of Bowring Group, Inchape, Schlumberger, Phoenix Assurance, UTC Nigeria, Evans Brothers and Seven-Up. He married Erelu Ojuolape, and among their children is Toyin Saraki.
Beyond royalty, Otunba Ojora was widely regarded as a bridge between tradition and modern governance.
The Otunba Adekunle Ojora would be remembered as a quintessential gentleman, astute businessman, excellent in speech, dignified in conduct, and deeply respected across generations.
For as many as those who know him, Ojora has for decades, remained a familiar and revered presence in elite social and cultural spaces, where his highly sought-after counsel and calm disposition have proved relevant and needful.
He is also known for his refined lifestyle and strong family values, an embodiment of a “brand of old-school nobility that earned him admiration well beyond wealth or status. He was often described as a man of honour whose life reflected discipline, tradition, and unwavering integrity.
Otunba Adekunle Ojora is survived by his wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora, his children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren.
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Incumbency Factor Will Not Determine 2027 Election, Atiku, Obi, Others Talk Tough
Published
4 days agoon
January 29, 2026By
Eric
The 2027 general elections will not be determined by incumbency, control of State power or wave of political defections, opposition leaders have declared.
They argued that voter choice, opposition unity, and the integrity of the electoral process would ultimately decide the outcome.
The opposition leaders made the declaration at the public launch of “The Loyalist,’’ a memoir by National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Bolaji Abdullahi, in Abuja.
The event drew a wide mix of opposition leaders, former public office holders, lawmakers, intellectuals and party stakeholders.
Speakers included former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar; former Anambra State governor, Peter Obi; former Minister of Interior and ADC National Secretary, Rauf Aregbesola; former Senate President and ADC National Chairman, David Mark, and veteran columnist and public intellectual, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, who reviewed the book.
Although convened as a book presentation, the gathering quickly assumed a strong political tone, with speakers repeatedly returning to the issues of opposition unity, leadership responsibility, and the limits of incumbency power, ahead of the next general election.
Addressing what he described as a growing misconception in Nigerian politics, Aregbesola argued that governors and incumbents do not automatically determine election outcomes.
Drawing on the 2023 electoral results, he said the belief that political office guaranteed victory was not supported by evidence.
“The fact that certain governors are defecting to the APC shows that our unity is weakened, but the statistics do not support the belief that governors win elections,” Aregbesola said.
Using the South-West as an example, he said ruling party dominance at the state level had not translated into overwhelming electoral success.
“In the South-West, the APC controlled all the states except one, yet the maximum performance of the party was 55 per cent, with the other parties sharing the rest,” he said.
On his part, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, speaking as special guest of honour, linked the political moment to the theme of the book, describing loyalty as both a moral test and a personal burden in public life.
Atiku, who noted that his participation was informed by his own role in the political history examined in the memoir, said: “I am honoured to be part of this launch because I was also involved in the eventual inauguration of the Bukola Saraki administration, which this book deals with in very great detail.’’
He praised the author for taking on difficult questions about loyalty and conscience, saying “this is a work that dares to question loyalties, illuminate conscience, and broaden our public imagination.’’
Drawing a contrast between military discipline and political life, Atiku said loyalty in politics was rarely absolute and often exacted a heavy price.
“For those of us who come from the military and paramilitary professions, loyalty is non-negotiable; there is only absolute obedience. But in political life, loyalty is not as rigid, and it comes with consequences,” he said.
The former vice president also spoke candidly about his own experiences.
“Many of us have suffered because of loyalty. I have faced exile as a result of loyalty. I have survived assassination attempts as a result of loyalty,” he said.
Atiku warned that loyalty should never become blind allegiance, adding that “loyalty should strengthen the common goal, not narrow the circle of belonging.’’
Similarly, a former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, who arrived late due to flight delays from Lagos, apologised for not observing traditional protocol before addressing the audience.
Obi also signalled political solidarity and regional commitment, saying: “I have been directed to represent the South-East, and I want to assure you that you will not be disappointed.’’
In one of the most direct political moments of the event, the author, Bolaji Abdullahi, appealed to opposition leaders to rise above rivalry and present a united front, ahead of 2027, adding that Nigerians were ready for change, though political leaders were not yet matching that urgency.
“For 2027, Nigerians are ready. But I don’t think we are ready. Nigerians look at us and see different enclaves and different entities. They see competition, rather than cooperation,” Abdullahi said.
Reviewing the book, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed said it initially provoked skepticism but ultimately impressed him.
“I brought to the book some prejudice and heightened curiosity. I expected the author to fall on his face somewhere. I was wrong,” he said.
He described the memoir as revealing and historically significant.
“This book is easily one of the most readable and revealing books I have read in a long while. It captures the essence of our contemporary social and political character,” Baba-Ahmed said.
Former Senate President, David Mark, described the task of rescuing Nigeria as a shared responsibility and praised Abdullahi’s character.
“He is a straightforward person. Even when I disagreed with him, his advice was always adopted,” Mark said.
He also clarified the long-standing controversy around the Doctrine of Necessity, saying “it was the sole responsibility of the Senate and had nothing to do with Kwara State or anyone from Kwara State.’’
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Coup: Investigators Widen Probe Scope to Unmask Civilian Financiers
Published
5 days agoon
January 28, 2026By
Eric
Fresh intelligence details have surfaced on the foiled coup attempt against President Bola Tinubu’s administration, shedding light on how a serving Army Colonel allegedly assembled a covert, cross-service network to undermine the constitutional order before security agencies moved in.
The Defence Headquarters had announced the arrest of 16 officers for acts of indiscipline and breaches of service regulations, following weeks of quiet tension within the Armed Forces.
In October 2025, rumours of an alleged coup plot against President Tinubu’s administration spread across social media. At the time, the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) dismissed the claims as “false and misleading,” yet the sudden cancellation of the Independence Day parade fuelled speculation about deeper security concerns.
However, fresh findings from an interim investigation report, sighted by Punch Newspapers, suggest that the alleged architect of the plot was a Colonel whose repeated failures in promotion examinations reportedly bred resentment and alienation. Rather than nursing his grievances quietly, he is said to have turned them into a recruitment tool, drawing officers from the Army, Navy and Air Force into a loose but coordinated network.
According to the report, members of the group were allegedly assigned to discreetly study sensitive installations, including the Presidential Villa, the Armed Forces Complex, Niger Barracks in Abuja and international airports in Abuja and Lagos, mapping access routes, routines and vulnerabilities. What began as expressions of dissatisfaction soon graduated into early-stage operational planning.
Security sources say searches on the officer’s vehicle uncovered charms and anti-government materials, while a raid on his residence in Lokogoma, Apo, yielded sensitive documents detailing assigned roles and outlining how key national dignitaries were to be handled once the operation commenced.
The plotters are also said to have exploited insider access, infiltrating the Presidential Villa and compromising workers linked to construction firm Julius Berger to obtain security information on the premises. Encrypted communication platforms were allegedly used to coordinate movements, logistics and funding, while discreet vehicle repairs and unusual cash flows pointed to preparations for mobilisation.
Investigators traced financial inducements of between N2 million and N5 million to some principal actors, with intelligence agencies now analysing the money trail through the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit.
One of the suspects, Lt-Col S. Bappah, reportedly turned a critical witness, admitting his role and providing details on recruitment methods, funding channels and communication patterns within the network.
The danger, security officials note, lay in the cross-service reach of the conspiracy, which cut across the Army, Navy and Air Force and involved officers up to the rank of Brigadier-General.
The alleged plan, uncovered ahead of its execution date of October 25, 2025, was described as lethal in scope, with the President, Vice-President Kashim Shettima, ministers, service chiefs and other top officials marked as targets.
Beyond the military hierarchy, investigators are now widening the probe to civilian financiers and political contacts who may have interacted with the core suspects. Communication trails, financial flows and external interfaces are being reviewed as part of efforts to dismantle every layer of the network and secure strategic national assets.
With the investigation concluded and reports forwarded to superior authorities, the Defence Headquarters has confirmed that indicted personnel will face appropriate military judicial panels, as Nigeria’s security establishment moves to ensure that what officials describe as a well-funded, coordinated threat never advances beyond the planning stage.
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