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Pendulum: A Prayer for President Buhari and His Ruling Party
Published
7 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, I don’t know about you but I’m truly worried that our dear beloved country may have fallen into the hands of those who do not see unity and nation-building as a priority. Before I go on, let me tell a true life story. In 2014, I was on a bus ride with the current Minister of Transport, Rt. Hon. Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi and a few others. We were on our way to view a suitable office for the Muhammadu Buhari Presidential Campaign office in Abuja. As always, discussions dovetailed from one topic to another. The one I will never forget was when the then Governor of Rivers State, Amaechi, suddenly turned to me and asked my opinion on whether Buhari should drop the title ‘General’ from his name. Amaechi did not say what was behind that thought, but I suspected that many people felt it could be an albatross being a sad reminder of his days as a military dictator. Some young folks in the bus had apparently suggested this to the Governor as brand consultants but I responded by disagreeing vehemently.
“Why would a man drop his greatest achievement in life?” I asked rhetorically, with a straight poker face. There was pin drop silence. I fired on “so what do you now want to call Buhari, Mister, Chief, Dr. or what? I think the title ‘General’ can even be funkified by us by referring to him as “the People’s General…” I humbly suggested. There was general excitement and consensus, thereafter. That day, it was clear that we were all very happy and delighted to be working for the victory of a man we believed had learnt his lessons after being unceremoniously sacked in a military coup 30 years earlier.
For the sake of those who do not know what happened between 1983 and 1985, let me summarise the history and story of that period. On December 31, 1983, a military coup was heralded by a certain Colonel Sani Abacha. I had never heard his name before then, and I’m sure not many Nigerians did. The coup brought an abrupt end to the President Shehu Shagari government and its reckless and profligate ruling party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). A general election held barely months to the coup had been heavily rigged by the NPN and such unheard of adjectives like “landslide and moonslide” were used to describe the outcome. Nigerians were shocked to their marrow, but the government of the day could not be bothered. Therefore, it was not a big surprise when the stern-faced Abacha made his announcement on the last day of 1983 and a Brigadier Muhammadu Buhari was soon declared as the new Military Head of State.
The Buhari regime immediately made a “war against corruption and indiscipline” its signature mantra. Draconian Decrees were promulgated. Military tribunals were set up and pronto, politicians, businessmen and journalists were thrown into detention, summarily prosecuted and convicted. Huge sentences were manufactured and handed out like popcorn or confetti. Many Nigerians initially welcomed this Messiah, Buhari, and his deputy, Angel Brigadier Tunde Idiagbon, who had come to rescue Nigeria from political demons and other prodigal children. Everyone screamed “crucify them…” It was such a sweet refrain, but the honeymoon period was soon over, and Nigerians started groaning under the yoke of repressive laws, squalid and degrading detention camps, atrocious sentences, unjustifiable double standards, myopic and visionless economic policies, beggarly supplies, rationing of essential commodities, a mindless clampdown on the Press, and so on. Buhari and his deputy, Idiagbon were on rampage, out of supposed righteous indignation at the way Nigerians and Nigeria had been defiled and desecrated by the political class and businessmen. They studiously ignored all entreaties to temper justice with mercy.
To cut a long story short, Nigerians groaned and moaned and cried for deliverance from this bitter, brash and brutish government. This was the opportunity Ibrahim Babangida and company needed to strike and they took full advantage, sacked the Buhari government almost effortlessly in a palace coup.
Upon learning of the cataclysmic fall of that government, Nigerians spilled into the streets in wild jubilation. History would record many reasons the government failed woefully. Let me briefly mention a few. The discipline it sought to instil was lopsided and discriminatory. In a country that is totally neurotic about ethnicity and religion, President Shagari was placed under house arrest, but his Vice President, Dr Alex Ekwueme, and many other Southern politicians were kept in prison under the most excruciating conditions, in a most bizarre act of man’s inhumanity to man. Many of the prisoners, like Governor Bisi Onabanjo of Ogun State, became human skeletons and walking corpses. Some, such as Governor Ambrose Alli of Bendel State, suffered irreparable or even fatal damages to their health. Laws were made in typical Orwellian fashion, in which all animals were supposed to be equal, but some were more equal than others. The Big Brother kept watch over the animals, but allowed some to enjoy unbelievable privileges, including, allegedly, the Emir of Gwandu, who contrived to bring in 53 suitcases into the country without being searched, contrary to Buhari’s law at the time, because his son was the Aide-de-Camp (ADC) to Buhari. Fela, the legendary musician was jailed under the flimsiest of pretexs. Two journalists, Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor were jailed as warning to other would be troublemakers. The list of atrocities was long and endless.
The government ran a voodoo economic misadventure and the economy nosedived and collapsed with debilitating consequences. It was a policy of “do as I say and not as I do…” Babangida crept in and dismantled the unfriendliness of that government. In fact, Babangida’s attraction was being the opposite of what Buhari represented. Babangida assembled the most cerebral Nigerians and ran a government of intellectuals who could challenge him, policy for policy. Even known critics were attracted to work for their countrt. Back to Buhari, the regime went into oblivion and a sad place in our history, or so it seemed.
Babangida’s government itself ended tragically by overstaying its welcome. Perhaps, had Babangida allowed the 1993 elections to hold in peace, and not in pieces, Nigeria won’t be in this mess today. Over-tinkering with the political process led to endless conflagration.
It is not known at what point Buhari started nursing his ambition to run back to power. He probably suffered from withdrawal syndrome like other Generals who at different times attempted to return to the hallowed corridors of power. For example, Major-General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua (died without realising his dream), General Olusegun Obasanjo (returned by the conspiracy of the military Mafiosi and almost bagged a third term, in the kitty), General Ibrahim Babangida (couldn’t muster enough support from Obasanjo, the capo di tutti capi, and others, so quickly beat a hasty retreat), Lt. General Aliyu Gusau (silent power house, highly regarded in intelligence circles). In the event, General Buhari contested a record four times and eventually won in 2015.
It is ironic that a man who was brusquely booted out of power 30 years earlier was brought back in a haze of glory. His triumphant re-entry into the Nigerian political sphere and space will remain one of the most mysterious miracles of this century. The best way to describe it would be that Nigerians were victims of mass hypnotism and “collective amnesia”. Please, let me succinctly explain, again. Today is a day for going down memory lane. The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) handed power on a platter of gold to Buhari. Some of us had written all the English in the lexicon warning of the danger ahead if the ruling party did not reduce its profligacy and pugnacity. Just as the Party went on a binge and wasted resources, it also suffered another calamity by not keeping its house in order. Nigerians got increasingly frustrated and desperately wanted a terminal end to a ruling Party that boasted it would rule eternally. It was this desperation that catapulted Buhari back to power, warts and all.
I remember some of our deliberations after Amaechi and company stormed out of the PDP. That was the beginning of the end. PDP, in its state of cockiness did not envisage the catastrophe that awaited it in the near future. Amaechi and friends tactically aligned with a few other parties like ACN, ANPP and CPC to form APC. I will forever salute the total commitment of two people in particular, Amaechi and Dr Bukola Saraki, the current Senate President. The combination of both was lethal. I was honoured to participate in a few of their meetings. They were responsible for attracting a lot of the younger folk to Buhari. Many of the questions people asked about Buhari included: does he have intellectual capacity to run a modern government?; what business did he run in the last 30 years?; will he discriminate or seek revenge against supposed enemies?; has he purged himself of dictatorial tendencies?; will he be an ethnic bigot?; a religious fanatic coming to Islamise Nigeria?; etc,. We devised a general and standard response to the myriad of thought-provoking queries – “General Buhari is a born-again democrat…” – and we stuck to our guns, even if not totally assured or convinced about the true nature and status of the last saint standing. We were driven by our blind faith and the hope that Baba must have learnt useful lessons in 30 years and had had time to reflect on the things he did wrong in the past and what he plans to do right in the future.
The clincher for many of us was the invitation and inclusion of Professor Yemi Osinbajo, a renowned scholar, legal luminary, seasoned administrator and revered priest of the Christian faith. To every known or imagined defect in Buhari, we found a foil, an antithesis, and counter-solution in Osinbajo. We assumed their relationship was going to pan out like that of the symbiotic relationship of Buhari and Idiagbon, and that Osinbajo would be the guiding spirit and stabilising force of the government. No one reckoned with a hidden cabal while Amaechi, Tinubu, Saraki and others sweated profusely to make Buhari President. Not that we were not warned by those who should know because they were close to him, once upon a time.
Anyway, the rest is now history. Baba realised his ambition and we were all elated. But as in the proverbial death of the elephant, no sooner did Baba assume office than everyone, including strangers to the party, surfaced with knives and plates to cut their portions. I was stunned when, systematically, even Amaechi was being blocked by some of those who used to loiter in his corridor begging for mobilisation. A new power block suddenly emerged. On several occasions, I approached Amaechi and sympathised with his gradual and steady banishment from the inner caucus, but my man had, and still has, incurable faith in Buhari. The President is his hero who could do no wrong, so he ignored all the other distractions. The tragedy of APC was in alienating most of the powerful forces that brought it to fruition. Things fell apart too quickly. Ill-health also slowed Baba down and threw up some over-zealous and ambitious people who seized upon the lacuna to govern by proxy.
I also suspect the existence of a fifth columnist within government who programmed everything to fail. The many fractious and fracticidal wars that broke out were totally unnecessary. Again, the battle against corruption could have been fought differently. Before the election, there was a tacit understanding that the Change government was going to tackle the scourge of corruption differently, that it was not going to be selective and that the priority would be on recovering the loot across board, irrespective of party affiliations. Punitive measures were only going to be unleashed on those who refuse to give back a substantial chunk of their loot.
Baba was going to demonstrate his new avowed embrace of democratic and nationalistic credentials in order to dispel the fears of those who believe a leopard can never change its spots. It is strange and inexplicable how the massive goodwill was frittered away in no time. Today, the President and his Party are merely struggling to put up an appearance. Even his most fastidious supporters admit in private that only a miracle and unprecedented rigging can bring them back to power in 2019. The objective ones agree that those who did not vote for Buhari in 2015 will never vote for him in 2019, while many of those who did will no longer do so next year. The ruling Party has been shattered into smithereens. Not even PDP was this divided in its journey towards Golgotha. I don’t know, since I’m not God, what game plan APC has for the rest of its first-term, but these are perilous times for a Party that willy-nilly blew its humongous chances on the altar of intolerance, vengefulness, selfishness and disregard for the rule of Law, such that very few now seem to care about the giant strides and major achievements of the government.
Nigerians need nationalists, democrats and performers, not ethnic jingoists, vengeful autocrats and struggling performers. It is not impossible for this administration to draw back from the precipice and the Buhari administration still has a few months to woo Nigerians again. Those who can still pray should intercede on its behalf. As for me and my house, we shall offer The Lord’s Prayer…
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Rivers Impeachment Brouhaha: Wike, Fubara ‘Run’ Abroad to Meet Tinubu
Published
1 day agoon
January 11, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
The fragile peace that sprout out in Rivers State after the six months Emergency Rule declared by President Bola Tinubu, has suddenly collapsed as the two major gladiators; the Federal Capital Territory Minister, Nyesom Wike and Rivers State governor, Siminalayi Fubara, have returned to the war front.
This is as the 26 legislators loyal to the FCT minister have initiated an impeachment proceedings against the sitting governor, Fubara, accusing him of gross misconduct roped in 8-count charges.
The lawmakers during a session on Thursday, presided over by Speaker of the House, Martin Amaewhule, are accusing Fubara and his deputy, Dr. Ngozi Oduh, of gross misconduct.
Observers have said that the day’s proceedings bear the imprimatur of renewed hostilities between Fubara and his predecessor Nyesom Wike, minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
Rrcall that onn December 5, 2025, a horde of the Rivers assembly lawmakers led by the speaker, announced their defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), and days later, Fubara formalised his own switch from the PDP to the APC.
By the renewed hostilities, the two feuding personalities are seeking the support of the president, who it is believed can quench the rising tension, to either impeach the Chief Executive or survive the impeachment process.
A report monitored on Businessday Newspaper noted therfore, that President Bola Tinubu has once again intervened in the lingering political crisis between Fubara, and Wike.
According to the paper, quoting credible sources, the President summoned Wike for a crucial meeting abroad over the renewed face-off, which has reignited tensions in the oil-rich state, even as the president is still holidaying abroad.
The paper also The Punch, said a top presidential source disclosed on Saturday that the meeting is expected to be held in Dubai, United Arab Emirates (UAE), where Tinubu will be heading after a brief stay in France.
“The President must see the danger in what Wike is doing. I am aware he has summoned him to a meeting in Dubai. Barring any last-minute change, they are expected to meet abroad. Wike cannot impeach Fubara; the President will call him to order,” the source said.
The source added that Wike’s recent actions constituted an affront to the President and could potentially trigger unrest in the Niger Delta.
“If you say you want to sack the first Ijaw man to be governor, are you not sending the Ijaw people back to the creeks? That will have attendant effects on the economy, and the President will not allow that to happen,” he warned.
According to reports, tension heightened on Thursday after 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly, loyal to Wike, initiated fresh impeachment proceedings against Governor Fubara and his deputy, Prof. Ngozi Odu.
The impeachment notice, read by Majority Leader, Major Jack, during plenary presided over by Speaker Martins Amaewhule, contained seven allegations of gross misconduct against the governor.
These include the demolition of the Assembly complex, extra-budgetary spending, and refusal to comply with a Supreme Court ruling on legislative financial autonomy.
Deputy Governor Odu was accused of “reckless and unconstitutional spending of public funds” and “obstructing the Assembly from performing its duties.”
Speaker Amaewhule described the impeachment move as “good and in the interest of Rivers State,” accusing Fubara of undermining the Assembly by failing to present the 2026 budget.
The latest move mirrors the earlier impeachment crisis that led to the declaration of a state of emergency in Rivers in March 2025.
Despite Tinubu’s earlier mediation, the fragile peace between Wike and Fubara collapsed just months after the end of the six-month emergency rule.
Wike accused Fubara of reneging on their post-truce agreements, while Fubara fired subtle jabs at his predecessor.
A senior aide to the President told reporters that Tinubu was aware of the escalating situation but declined to confirm any planned meeting with Wike.
“Only Wike or his aides can say if there is any scheduled meeting between him and the President,” the official said.
However, a senior APC official confirmed that national leaders of the party planned to meet Tinubu when he returns to Nigeria to discuss the growing discontent over Wike’s conduct.
“Some of our leaders believe Wike should have respected the President and the party because Fubara is now one of our governors,” the official said. “Even if he won’t get a second term, he should be allowed to complete his tenure.”
Meanwhile, Wike has been touring Rivers local councils, soliciting and accepting approvals from loyalists just as Fubara has asked for calm from members while they wait on the president.
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Atiku Will Not Withdraw for Anyone, ADC Ticket Must Be Earned in Open Contest – Paul Ibe
Published
4 days agoon
January 8, 2026By
Eric
Media Adviser to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Paul Ibe, has insisted that neither Atiku nor any other aspirant in the African Democratic Congress (ADC) opposition coalition will step aside, stressing that the party’s presidential ticket must be earned through a transparent and competitive process.
Speaking in an interview with ARISE News on Wednesday, Ibe said calls for Atiku to withdraw from the race undermine democratic principles and play into what he described as the ruling All Progressives Congress’ alleged plan to weaken opposition politics.
“Inclusiveness is the essence of democracy. The ADC remains committed to an open, transparent and competitive process for choosing its flag bearer. Any call for Atiku Abubakar to step aside is a betrayal of the Nigerian people,” he said.
Ibe accused the administration of President Bola Tinubu of interfering in the internal affairs of opposition parties, alleging an agenda to impose a one-party state on Nigeria.
“The Tinubu-led administration should be focused on governance — security, the economy, the welfare of Nigerians — but instead, they are dabbling into opposition politics. That is dangerous for democracy,” he said.
He dismissed claims that Atiku dominates the ADC, describing such narratives as “mischief.”
“Atiku Abubakar is just a member of the ADC. Yes, he is a leader, a former vice president, but he is not the only leader. There are leaders across the country, and he is working with them to build party structures,” Ibe said.
According to him, the party’s current priority is grassroots mobilisation, not ticket permutations.
“Talking about who gets the ticket now is putting the cart before the horse. A house without pillars will collapse. The ADC is building structures — ward, local government, state — and that is where the focus should be.”
On speculation about possible compromises with other aspirants such as Peter Obi and Rotimi Amaechi, Ibe said no discussion has taken place regarding relinquishing the presidential ticket.
“There has been no conversation whatsoever about stepping down for anyone. Their preoccupation is building a robust alternative platform capable of giving the APC a run for its money.”
Addressing reports of alliances involving figures outside the ADC, including Rabiu Kwankwaso and former President Olusegun Obasanjo, Ibe said such talks were external to the party.
“Rabiu Kwankwaso is not a member of the ADC. Whatever discussions are happening are outside the party. But the ADC is expanding, reaching out, and more people will come on board.”
He maintained that the ADC leadership has ruled out automatic tickets, insisting the process will not be dictated by external forces.
“The party has made it clear: no automatic tickets. The outcome of the primaries will be determined by party members, not outside influence.”
Responding to questions about Atiku’s age and repeated presidential bids, Ibe rejected suggestions that the former vice president should step aside to mentor successors.
“Age has nothing to do with leadership. Atiku has mentored governors, lawmakers and public servants over the years. He is patriotic, passionate, and deeply committed to Nigeria.”
He added:
“If you analyse his blood, you will find Nigeria in it. Nobody has been more prepared to govern than Atiku Abubakar.”
Ibe also alleged that Nigeria’s last two presidential elections were rigged, arguing that Atiku’s defeats were not a reflection of public trust.
“The elections of 2019 and 2023 were rigged. This is not about trust; it is about institutions failing Nigerians.”
On fears that opposition divisions could again hand victory to the ruling party in 2027, Ibe said opposition leaders had learned from past mistakes.
“This is not about personal ambition. It is a call to national duty. Leaders understand what is at stake and have learned from 2023.”
He further alleged attempts by the ruling party to infiltrate and destabilise the ADC.
“The Tinubu camp does not want an opposition. They are funding court cases and using state resources to undermine the ADC, but the party is taking steps to ensure they fail.”
However, Ibe said some details could not be disclosed publicly.
“There are things I cannot share on camera, but the leadership and stakeholders are fully aware.”
Asked what would happen if Atiku loses the ADC primary, Ibe said his principal would accept the outcome.
“Atiku Abubakar will submit himself to the process and support whoever emerges as the presidential candidate of the ADC.”
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2027: Dele Momodu Warns Against Introduction of ‘Aggression and Rambunctiousness’ into ADC
Published
5 days agoon
January 8, 2026By
Eric
Veteran Journalist and chieftain of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) Chief Dele Momodu, has cautioned the party against repeating internal conflicts similar to those experienced in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), stressing that some groups are introducing ‘aggression and rambunctiousness into a fledgling cooperation’.
In a post on X, Momodu recalled the 2025 gathering in Abuja, where opposition parties coalesced around ADC to challenge the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).
He wrote: “I was most elated hearing these beautiful words. I was happy to see an Army veteran and General David Mark as Chairman, knowing he would brook no nonsense. But in recent time, some groups have introduced aggression and rambunctiousness into a fledgling cooperation. How can a coalition work if some groups insist they must produce the top ticket by donation and coronation, without election or persuasion?”
Momodu warned that ADC must enforce discipline before internal disagreements escalate, citing how former Governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, consolidated power within the PDP.
“ADC should be a party of love and not a Fuji house of commotion,” he said.
The warning coincides with renewed clarifications from the Obidient Movement Worldwide, which has emphasised that former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, who recently defected from the Labour Party to the ADC, will not serve as a vice-presidential candidate to any politician, asserting that its support is exclusively for his emergence as Nigeria’s president in 2027.
“Everybody that was in that particular coalition contributed to that particular coalition with their hard-earned money. Nobody owns that political party, please, and please, don’t get it wrong,” Yunusa said.
He described Obi as a candidate capable of delivering what the Obidient Movement calls a “moral solution” to Nigeria’s leadership challenges, highlighting policy priorities including economic discipline, national security, and sustainable fuel subsidies. Yunusa also outlined Obi’s approach to foreign relations, saying, “The people of Nigeria are the ones that Mr Peter Obi will interface with as a gentleman. And then he will also link up with the international community to ensure that they’ve got that particular respect they desire.”
Addressing criticisms over Obi’s political mobility, Yunusa said structural challenges within the Labour Party necessitated his defection to ADC. “Forces in power deliberately undermined the party’s functionality. If your house is being deliberately set on fire, would you remain inside it? There was a calculated attempt to destroy what was being built,” he said.
Yunusa said that Obi’s decision to join ADC followed consultations with a broad coalition of groups seeking national reform. “Ordinarily, Peter Obi would flow with the people who are calling for him,” he said, noting that young Nigerians involved in the process are “the deciders” of his political trajectory.
The Obidient Movement has committed to following a transparent ADC presidential primary and stated it will act collectively with Obi should the process be compromised, signalling continued vigilance over party discipline and coalition cohesion.
As Nigeria approaches the 2027 elections, Obi’s positioning within ADC, alongside warnings from figures like Momodu, underscores the ongoing tension between coalition building, party discipline, and the ambitions of influential political actors in the opposition landscape.
Additional info: The Guardian
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