Opinion
A Book That Stirred a Nation by Femi Fani-Kayode
Published
1 year agoon
By
Eric
Much has been said and written since President Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida’s book, titled ‘A Journey In Service: An Autobiography’ was launched.
As to be expected, the reviews are interesting and the commentary has been in some cases good, in some bad and in some ugly.
This is a healthy development because the worst that one can do to a book or an essay is to ignore it.
Whether you agree with it’s contents or not or whether you like the author or not is not the point: what makes it worth writing is the commentary that follows and the oftentimes divided opinions.
This more than anything else makes the literary contribution a success and as the saying goes: it is better for it to be spoken about, even in negative terms, than for it to be ignored.
There is no doubt in my mind that few can ignore either Babangida or his controversial yet factual book and ever since it’s launching on February 20th 2025 it has been the talk of not just the town but the entire nation.
I welcome and encourage such discourse wholeheartedly because it engenders intellectual debate and it enriches and deepens our knowledge of history.
I do however take objection to those that have gone a little too far and that have characterised Babangida as “a coward” and “a weakling” simply because he spoke the truth about the role General Sani Abacha, his Chief of Defence Staff, played in the annulment of the June 12th election.
In the book Babangida displayed humility and remorse and assumed “full responsibility” for the annulment as Head of State.
He also pointed out the fact that he chose to tread that precarious and regrettable path primarily as a consequence of the immense pressure that he was subjected to by General Sani Abacha.
By bringing these facts to public glare and establishing this narrative he was not, as some have argued, “making excuses” for his actions but rather he was attempting to put them in context and, for historical purposes and the record, enlighten the Nigerian people about precisely which personalities and circumstances caused him to make the decision that he eventually made.
This surely ought to be commended and not condemned as it can only enrich the historical discourse and shed more light on the darkest corners of our journey as a nation.
I say this because I believe that the Nigerian people have a right to know about the real causes of the terrible trauma they were put through as a consequence of the annulment with its attendant loss of liberty and life and the 6 long years of suffering, strife, division and misery that it brought our people.
Sadly as a consequence of his submission about their patriach’s role in the whole sordid affair certain members of General Abacha’s family, some very young and some a little older, took umbrage and offence and publicly described Babangida as “weak” and as “a coward”.
This is not only a false characterisation of a man that has proved his courage on several occasions in our history and has put his life on the line for Nigeria many times but it is also very unkind given the strong friendship and trust that Babangida and Abacha themselves shared over the years and given the close relationship that their respective families have enjoyed ever since the Nigerian civil war.
Outside of that anyone that says IBB is “weak” or “a coward” does not know IBB.
It is better that we do not open up this debate because if we do those that are saying these uncharitable things will be worsted.
It really is advisable for them to sheath their swords at this early stage in order to ensure that their father’s tenure is not subjected to even more public scrutiny than it already is.
As they say sometimes silence is golden.
Some of us lived the experience whilst some of those talking today had not even been conceived let alone born.
Between the father and grandfather of those who are throwing bricks today and calling IBB “weak” and a “coward” we know who the monster and cold-blooded killer was.
Granted that it was under his watch that the June 12th election was annuled but what cannot be denied is that the real reign of terror began after Babangida left office and after Abacha toppled the Ernest Shonekan-led Interim National Government in a coup, took power and turned state-sponsored terror and murder into an art.
For five years the entire nation and particularly the Yoruba people were subjected to the worst form of barbarity and tyranny that our nation had ever known.
Many were falsely accused, persecuted, humiliated, killed, incarcerated, tortured and driven into exile to suffer in some foreign land whilst others, like the former military Head of State and later President, President Olusegun Obasanjo, General Shehu Musa Yar’adua (the second in command to General Obasanjo when he was military Head of State and the older brother to President Umaru Musa Yar’adua) and General Paul Oladipo Diya (General Sani Abacha’s second in command) were imprisoned for no just cause and one of them (Yar’adua) was pinned down and forcefully injected with strange and toxic substances, poisoned and murdered whilst there.
Meanwhile Abiola’s wife, Alhaja Kudirat Abiola, along with many others including a young man by the name of Toyin Onagoruwa who was the son of Dr. Olu Onagoruwa SAN (Abacha’s Attorney General and Minister of Justice who had earlier resigned in protest against all the atrocities that the Government he served were committing), were either gunned down in the streets or, like Bagudu Kaltho, blown up with bombs.
What can one say about a man who, according to Onagoruwa himself, could order the murder of his own Minister of Justices’ son simply because the man gave a press conference, criticised his brutal policies and heinous practices and resigned.
Then there was the judicial murder of the activist and environmentalist Ken Saro-Wiwa.
Even after the international community pleaded with him not to hang this man and implored him to at least allow him to challenge his “conviction” for murder before what was to all intents and purposes a kangaroo court and go to the Court of Appeal, Abacha refused to listen and had the poet and human rights activist hanged in the middle of the night.
Worse of all is the fact that Saro-Wiwa was his close friend. This was singularly one of the most wicked and callous acts that took place under Abacha’s watch.
Saro-Wiwa deserved to at least go on Appeal and exhaust the opportunities that the law and the legal system availed to him.
It was a national tragedy and the Commonwealth nations particularly were so shocked that Nigeria’s membership was suspended.
Yet it didn’t end there and there is so much more to say.
For example brutal psychopaths like Colonel Frank Omenka and his gang of heartless cut throats tortured people, including women and children, with sadistic pleasure in the dungeons of the Directorate of Military Intelligence in Apapa, Lagos.
Few left there alive.
Most of the young people talking and writing on social media today know nothing about these ugly events or this time because they were not born and they know NOTHING about the history of the country.
We lived it, we were part of the struggle, we paid the price, it was hell and all of it happened under Abacha’s watch.
Yet how did we get there, what transpired, who were the major actors and who actually annuled the June 12th election and took us down that hideous path?
This is the million dollar question and Babangida finally answered it in his book.
The truth is that had it not been that IBB sheathed his sword, held his peace and conceded to the dark, sinister and evil forces that coordinated, orchestrated, initiated, effected and announced the annulment without his knowledge and behind his back there would have been a very bloody military coup which would have in turn been violently resisted by the IBB faction and thereby result in a long and protracted civil war.
Those that led these dark and evil pro-annulment forces were General Sani Abacha, Brigadier General David Mark, Lt. General Joshua Dogonyaro, Air Vice Marshal Nurudeen Imam, Colonel Lawan Gwadabe, Major General Alwali Kazir, Lt. General Ishaya Bamaiyi, Major General Jeremiah Useni and many others.
Had Babangida resolved to resist them, renounce the unauthorised announcement and de-annul the election (which he could easily have done) I have no doubt that Abiola, his wives, his children, his key supporters, many of those heroes that were to later become the leaders of NADECO, IBB himself and all his key loyalists including Major General Salihu Ibrahim (the Chief of Army Staff), Brigadier General Haliru Akilu, Major General Aliyu Gusau, Colonel Sambo Dasuki, Colonel Abubakar Umar, General Gado Nasko, Air Vice Marshall Hamza Abdullahi, Colonel Habibu Shuaibu, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, General Garba Duba, General Sani Bello, Colonel Nuhu Bamalli (as he then was), Major General Isola Williams, Admiral Augustus Aikhomu and many others would have been targetted for assassination and our country would have been plunged into a cataclysmic bloodbath given the fact that Babangida’s men would have struck back with equal ferocity and in equal measure.
More likely than not few of the main players on both sides, including Abacha, Abiola and Babangida themselves, would have survived the conflagration and the country would have been at war with itself, brother killing brother, for an indefinate period of time.
Anyone that doubts this or the horrific nature of such conflicts should remember what happened during the Nigeria/Biafra civil war and consider what is happening in Sudan today.
When senior and powerful military officers each with a massive following in the Armed Forces refuse to tread the path of compromise, peace and sanity and take up arms against one another EVERYONE loses and the entire country implodes into ashes and crumbles into dust.
I do not seek to justify the annulment and at the time, along with millions of others, I opposed it with all my heart and every fiber of my being but the reality was that IBB was faced with a very difficult choice.
As he said in his book he was indeed “caught between the devil and the deep blue sea”.
He could have done what some may deem right right by resisting the deceit, betrayal, perfidy, pressure and subterfuge from the Abacha faction of the military, refuse to accept the illegal and unconciable annulment, declare it as “null and void” and consequently spark off a bloody chain of events and a civil war or he could have chosen to do what some may deem wrong by keeping his cool, letting Abacha have his dastardly way, conceeding to the dark forces, accepting the annulment and thereby save lives and maintain a tenuous even though short-lived peace.
He chose the latter, saved MKO Abiola’s life and that of many others and maintained the fragile unity of the military and by extention the country by doing so.
Yet whichever option he opted to take, Babangida was not the villainous usurper, traitor and Kingslayer here: Abacha and his vile power-hungry cohorts were.
This is what IBB has now firmly established in his book and we await sensible literary responses from those that are still alive and that were in the Abacha camp.
They are more than welcome to dispute the facts and tell their side of the story and we are eager to hear them.
However until they do so and provide the necessary evidence to establish the veracity of their claims yours truly along with many others are constrained to accept Babangida’s narrative because, in my view, he remains a respected elderstatesman and a man of integrity and secondly his account appears to credible and plausible.
For the benefit of those that may not have the book I would urge them to get a copy and read from pages 274 to 276 in order to get a clear picture of what actually transpired and the truth is that it is shocking!
Due to space constraints permit me to qoute just a portion of it from page 275 where he wrote,
“On the morning of June 23, I left Abuja for Katsina to commiserate with the Yar’Adua family over the death of their patriarch, Alhaji Musa Yar’Adua.
The funeral had taken place, and as I got ready to leave, a report filtered to me that the June 12 elections had been annulled.
Even more bizarre was the extent of the annulment because it terminated all court proceedings regarding the June 12 elections, repealed all the decrees governing the Transition and even suspended NEC! Equally weird was the shabby way the statement was couched and made.
Admiral Aikhomu’s press secretary, Nduka Irabor, had read out a terse, poorly worded statement from a scrap of paper, which bore neither the presidential seal nor the official letterhead of the government, annulling the June 12 presidential elections. I was alarmed and horrified.
Yes, during the stalemate that followed the termination of the results announcement, the possibility of annulment that could lead to fresh elections was loosely broached in passing but annulment was only a component of a series of other options.
To suddenly have an announcement made without my authority was, to put it mildly, alarming.
I remember saying: ‘These nefarious inside forces opposed to the elections have outflanked me!’
I would later find out that the ‘forces’ led by General Sani Abacha annulled the elections.
There and then, I knew I was caught between the devil and the deep blue sea!
From then on the June 12 elections took on a painful twist for which, as I will show later, I regrettably take responsibility.of its worst political crises ever.
Like many of us in government, the political class was stunned.”
All this yet Babangida still opted to take full responsibility for these troubling events and great injustice and kept his lips sealed about the abominable role that General Sani Abacha and his group played in the annulment of the June 12th election and the rape and usurpation of the mandate that was freely given to Chief MKO Abiola and his running mate Ambassador Babagana Kingibe by the Nigerian people.
To drive home the point about how dangerous the situation was for all and sundry permit me to remind those that were alive at the time about the meeting that Babangida had with Abiola after the annulment in which he told him that “these people” meaning the Abacha group would “kill me, you and all the rest of us” if the election result was “de-annulled” and allowed to stand.
His words were leaked to the media and widely reported at the time yet they were never denied by either Babangida or Abiola.
Again there was the infamous contribution from Colonel David Mark (as he then was) who had hitherto been a Babangida loyalist where he was reported to have said “we will not allow Abiola to be sworn in as President and if NEC swears him in we will shoot him”.
Those that doubt this should read Professor Omo Omoruyi’s book titled ‘The Tale Of June 12th: The Betrayal Of The Democratic Rights Of Nigerians’.
Omoruyi, who was the Director General of the Center For Democratic Studies, was not only an Advisor and insider in the Babangida Government but he was also very close to the Head of State and a strong ally and voice of the pro-democracy and anti-annulment movement within the regime.
He was a formidable intellectual who was credible, humane, decent, cerebral and highly respected and I have no reason to doubt his word.
Ironically after the annulment took place and Babangida “stepped aside” from office Mark fell out with Abacha and fled the country for his life.
Then there was the case of Colonel Lawan Gwadabe who actually told one of Babangida’s children that they would pick up his/her father and “deal with him” if he allowed Abiola to take over.
Ironically the same Gwadabe who at that time was in the Abacha camp was later arrested by Abacha and tortured brutally for planning a coup. He was beaten so badly that he almost lost his life.
Both Mark (who 14 years later was elected Senate President) and Gwadabe were originally IBB boys but they turned their back on their mentor, joined the pro-annulment camp and vehemently opposed the election and mandate of MKO Abiola.
Thankfully not all of IBB’s boys shifted camps at that crucial time and most remained loyal to him.
Brigadier General Haliru Akilu, the clinically efficient Director of National Intelligence and the man who detected and prevented numerous coup attempts, exposed many conspiracies and single-handedly kept Babangida in power for 8 years never faltered or failed and remains loyal to IBB till today.
Colonel Sambo Dasuki, IBB’s erstwhile ADC (who became National Security Advisor to President Goodluck Jonathan 20 years later) was as constant as the Northern star and was loyal till the end.
Thankfully there were many others but worthy of mention for his remarkable courage and gallantry at the time was Colonel Abubakar ‘Dangiwa’ Umar (my erstwhile Polo Captain from Lagos Polo Club and the former Governor of Kaduna state) who was the shining star of the Babangida inner circle.
A former ADC to General Hassan Katsina (the Chief of Army Staff when General Gowon was Head of State), Umar was young, tough, outspoken, courageous, suave, sophisticated, dashing and very good-looking.
He was also very pro-June 12th and was one of IBB’s greatest loyalists in the military hierarchy.
Permit me to share a few words that I extracted from my essay titled ‘President Ibrahim Babangida: An Irrepressible Enigma And Enduring Institution’ which I wrote the day after the launch of President Babangida’s book.
I wrote, inter alia,
“Babangida has explained to us his own side of the story and told us exactly what transpired.
He refused to remain silent, he did not shy away from speaking the truth or refuse to accept responsibility and he did not pass the buck.
Instead he came clean, displayed immense courage and did the right and proper thing.
That is what leaders are meant to do and he did it without fear or favour regardless of whose ox was gored. Kudos to him.
We need to appreciate this gesture, eschew all bitterness, let go of all our pent up anger, forgive him for what many perceive to be his sins and move on.
Equally we need to accord him his rightful place in history as one of the the greats despite his fallibility.
He is after all a mere man, albeit a great one, and not God. Only God is free of fault and is infallible and there is not one man that has ever lived, led or ruled that can claim to be perfect.
All those insulting and abusing him for putting the facts and his experiences on record in his book are malevolent, bitter, twisted souls and unenlightened, ignorant, cowards who have no appreciation of history or what this man actually achieved in his 8 years in office.
Again they cannot fully comprehend or appreciate the complex events that led up to the annulment of June 12th.
They only see things in part and have allowed their emotions rather than their heads to rule them.
I was in the NADECO trenches during that difficult time and like many others paid my dues too but I can boldly say that outside of the June 12th matter IBB did more for Nigeria than virtually any other President or Head of State.
He left power 32 years ago and yet every single living former Nigerian President and Head of State bar President Muhammadu Buhari who he had removed from power in a coup in 1985 attended his book launch in person and despite all Buhari actually sent a representative and a warm message.
It was an extraordinary event and I witnessed it with my own eyes because I had the privilege of being invited.
If the number of leaders that attended, which included President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former Head of State General General Yakubu Gowon, former Head of State General Abdulsalami Abubakar, former President and former Head of State President Olusegun Obasanjo, former President Goodluck Jonathan, former President of Ghana Nana Akufo Addo, former President of Sierra Leone President Koroma, former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, former Vice President Namadi Sambo and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar does not prove to Nigerians the high esteem that the ruling elites have for him then nothing will.
My prayer is that God continues to be with this great and inspiring man who has displayed immense discipline, resilience, dignity, self-respect, courage and humility throughout his distinguished and illustrious life.
I pray he continues to share his vast reserves of experience, knowledge and wisdom and make his contributions to national development for many years to come.
Whether his numerous detractors like it or not IBB remains an enigma, an institution and the most consequential Head of State and President in our history.
No-one can take that away from him and we are very proud of him. I wish both him and his family well”.
I stand by every word.
Permit me to conclude this contribution with a quote from Babangida’s book which many have chosen to ignore or misinterpret.
For posterity’s sake we must put what he has said on record lest the uninformed, ignorant, unlettered and intellectually dishonest amongst us have a field day and misinform future generations about those that were behind the first coup d’etat in our country which took place on January 15th 1966 and which was led by Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Major Chukwuemeka Kaduna Nzeogwu respectively.
On page 39 of the book Babangida wrote the following:
“It was heinously callous for Nzeogwu to have murdered Sir Ahmadu Bello and his wife, Hafsatu, because not only were they eminently adored by many but also because they were said not to have put up a fight. From that moment the putsch was infiltrated by “outsiders” to its supposed original intention and it took on an unmistakable ethnic coloration compounded by the fact that there were no related coup activities in the Eastern Region”.
I hate to burst the bubble of those that are beating their chests like puerile apes and think otherwise but there is NOWHERE in Babangida’s book that he said that the coup of January 15th 1966 was NOT an Igbo one.
In fact he alluded to the contrary when he said the coup had taken on an “unmistakable ethnic coloration”.
That is what he wrote and that is the reality.
The coup was indeed an ethnic one and the ethnic group he was referring to were none other than the Igbo!
Those that have purposely twisted and misinterpreted his words and have said that he wrote that the coup was “not an Igbo coup” are either misguided and misinformed or are being mischievous and patently dishonest.
Most of them have a poor understanding of the English language and have not even read the book and instead are relying on erroneous and nonsensical social media headlines, fake news, fake qoutes and well-crafted propaganda and disinformation.
I suggest that they procure a copy of the book, read it from cover to cover and stop attempting to revise history by misinterpreting the words of the esteemed author.
Babangida, in his characteristic manner, was charitable to the Igbos in his book but that does not give anyone licence to misinterpret his words and conclusions or use them in a self-serving manner in an attempt to revise history.
Whether anyone likes it or not the facts are clear and they are as follows.
99% of the officers that planned and executed the January 15th 1966 coup and that were involved in the execution of the mutiny were Igbo and 99% of those that were murdered by them were non-Igbo military officers and political leaders in some cases including their wives.
We owe it to the memory of those that were so callously slaughtered not to hide, distort or sugar coat the bitter truth, not to revise history and not to tell pernicious lies.
The coup was UNMISTAKEABLY and UNEQUIVOCALLY an Igbo one and Babangida made this very clear when he wrote about its “ethnic coloration”.
I urge all those that have a poor understanding of the English language and that cannot read more than three lines of any book or essay to stop using his words to establish their revisionist and patently dishonest narrative and their futile attempt to perpetuate an age-old mendacity and delusion.
Falsehood, deceit, specious lies and intellectual fraud have no place in a civilised society or the world of the educated and literate.
The truth is that the January 15th 1966 coup WAS an Igbo one and I am glad to say that Babangida has confirmed it.
This is a FACT and as our journalist friends will tell you ‘facts are sacred and opinion is cheap”.
God bless Nigeria!
Chief Femi Fani-Kayode is the Sadaukin Shinkafi, the Wakilin Doka of Potiskum, a former Minister of Culture and Tourism and a former Minister of Aviation
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Opinion
A Vindicating Truth: A Factual Presentation on the Supreme Court’s Intervention in the ADC Leadership Matter
Published
2 days agoon
May 4, 2026By
Eric
By Comrade IG Wala
To All Nigerians, Party Stakeholders, and Lovers of Democracy,
In the life of every great political movement, there comes a moment where the noise of confusion meets the silence of the Law. For the African Democratic Congress (ADC), that moment arrived on April 30, 2026.
For months, the ADC was held in a state of judicial paralysis caused by a lower court order that froze the party’s activities. This order did not just affect a few leaders, it threatened to delete the ADC from the Nigerian political map and disenfranchise millions of supporters ahead of the 2027 General Elections.
Today, we present the facts of the Supreme Court’s intervention to ensure that every Nigerian, from the city centers to the grassroots, understands that Justice has spoken, and the ADC is alive.
The Three Pillars of the Supreme Court’s Ruling:
1. The End of Paralysis (The Status Quo Order)!
The Supreme Court, led by Justice Mohammed Garba, was clear and firm: the Court of Appeal’s order to maintain a “status quo” was improper and unwarranted. The apex court recognized that you cannot freeze a political party indefinitely without a trial. By setting this aside, the Supreme Court rescued the ADC from a leadership vacuum that was being used to justify de-recognition by INEC.
2. The Restoration of Administrative Legitimacy.
By nullifying the appellate court’s freeze, the Supreme Court effectively restored the David Mark-led National Working Committee to its rightful place. This means that for all official, administrative, and electoral purposes, the ADC now has a recognized head. The party is no longer a ship without a captain; the doors of the headquarters are open, and the party’s name remains firmly on the ballot.
3. The Order for a Fresh Trial on Merits.
True to the principles of fair hearing, the Supreme Court did not simply gift the party to one side. Instead, it ordered the case back to the Federal High Court for an accelerated hearing. This is a victory for the Truth. It means the court is not interested in technicalities or stopping the clock, it wants to see the evidence, read the Party Constitution, and deliver a final judgment based on the Right vs. Wrong.
Note: I will drop the 7 prayers made to Supreme Court by ADC in the comment section.
A Message to Our Members and Supporters.
To our members who have felt a sense of fear, apprehension, or a lack of confidence in the Nigerian courts, let your hearts be at peace.
It is a delusion to believe that gross injustice can simply walk through the doors of our highest courts unnoticed. This matter is currently one of the most publicized and people-centric cases in Nigeria. In such a bright spotlight, the Judiciary acts not just as a judge, but as a shield for the common man.
The Law is not a tool for the crafty, it is a searchlight for the Truth.
Inasmuch as they say the Law is blind, it sees with perfect clarity the difference between a lie and the truth, between right and wrong. The Supreme Court’s refusal to let the ADC be strangled by procedural delays is proof that the system works for those who stand on the side of justice.
Our confidence is not in personalities, but in the Process. We are returning to the Federal High Court not with fear, but with the armor of Truth.
The Handshake remains strong, the vision is clear, and our participation in the 2027 elections is now legally anchored.
Stand tall. The ADC has been tested by the fire of the courts, and we have emerged not just intact, but vindicated.
Signed,
Comrade, IG Wala.
02/04/26. — with Shareef Kamba and 14 others.
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Opinion
The Police is Your Friend and Other Lies We No Longer Believe
Published
2 days agoon
May 4, 2026By
Eric
By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)
There was a time in Nigeria when the phrase The Police is Your Friend was not a national joke. It was a civic assurance, a symbolic handshake between the state and its citizens. It represented the ideal of a civil security architecture built on trust, service, and protection. Today, that once reassuring slogan has decayed into a bitter irony. It no longer evokes safety; it provokes fear. It no longer signals partnership; it signals danger. What should have been the soul of Nigerian civil state relations has become a cruel parody of our lived experience at checkpoints, stations, and on the streets.
The Nigerian security apparatus has undergone a transformation so profound that it now resembles a predatory machine rather than a protective institution. The sight of a police patrol vehicle, which should ordinarily bring comfort, now triggers anxiety. Citizens instinctively brace themselves, not for assistance, but for extortion, harassment, or violence. We are not merely witnessing isolated incidents of misconduct. We are watching a pattern of state enabled brutality unfold in real time, a pattern so consistent that it feels like a televised execution of the social contract. In this grim theatre, the Nigerian state often appears not as the protector but as the principal aggressor.
On Sunday, April 26th 2026, the quiet air of Effurun in Delta State was shattered by the crack of a service pistol. What should have been an ordinary Sunday afternoon became the final chapter in the life of twenty-eight year old Mene Ogidi. A viral video, barely two minutes long, captured the horrifying scene. Ogidi sat on the dusty ground, his hands tied behind him with a rope. He was unarmed, exhausted, and pleading in his mother tongue for a chance to explain himself. Standing over him was a man in plain clothes, a man sworn to protect the very life he was about to extinguish. Assistant Superintendent of Police Nuhu Usman raised his pistol and fired two shots at close range into the body of a restrained, helpless citizen.
This was not a confrontation. It was not a crossfire. It was not a struggle for a weapon. It was an execution. A daylight assassination carried out by a state paid officer who felt so insulated by impunity that he performed his violence in front of a digital audience. The collective outrage that followed was not simply about one death. It was the eruption of a nation that has watched this script repeat itself far too many times.
Barely days later, in Dei-Dei Abuja, another life was cut short. A National Youth Service Corps member was shot inside his father’s compound. Authorities described it as a mistake during a crossfire, but the silence that followed spoke louder than any official explanation. These tragedies are not anomalies. They are symptoms of a deep institutional rot, a rot that has turned the badge into a license for violence rather than a symbol of service.
Extrajudicial killings in Nigeria represent a direct assault on the fundamental right to life and the presumption of innocence. When a law enforcement officer assumes the roles of accuser, judge, and executioner, the very foundation of the state begins to crumble. In the case of Mene Ogidi, the Delta State Police Command admitted that the officer acted in gross violation of Force Order 237, the regulation governing the use of firearms. This admission is significant because it reveals that the problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the collapse of discipline, the erosion of accountability, and the entrenchment of a culture of impunity.
Between 2020 and 2025, Nigerian security agencies were implicated in nearly six hundred violent incidents against civilians, resulting in more than eight hundred deaths. The Nigeria Police Force accounted for over half of these fatalities. These numbers paint a disturbing picture. The institutions funded by taxpayers to provide security have become one of the greatest threats to their safety.
The psychology behind this brutality is rooted in the absence of consequences. When officers believe that nothing will happen after they pull the trigger, the threshold for using lethal force drops to zero. In the Effurun case, reports suggest that the suspect was even transported to a station after the initial shooting, only to be shot again. This level of cruelty reflects a complete dehumanization of the citizenry. The victim is no longer seen as a person with rights. He becomes a disposable suspect. This mindset is a legacy of the defunct SARS unit, whose methods and mentality continue to shape policing culture. Rebranding SARS into SWAT or the Rapid Response Squad means nothing if the same men, trained in the same violent ethos, continue to operate with the same predatory instincts.
The Nigerian police system has evolved from a flawed institution into what many citizens now describe as a state sponsored cartel. The Zero Tolerance mantra often repeated by the Inspector General of Police, Olatunji Disu, has become a public relations slogan that evaporates at every checkpoint. The immediate dismissal and recommended prosecution of ASP Usman and his team may satisfy the public’s immediate hunger for justice, but it does not address the deeper institutional vacuum that allowed an officer to believe he could execute a restrained suspect without consequence. If accountability only occurs when a video goes viral, then we are not being policed. We are being hunted by a uniformed gang that is occasionally caught on camera.
This raises critical questions. Where were the superior officers? Where was the Area Commander while this culture of execution was taking root? Command responsibility in Nigeria remains a myth. Until a Commissioner of Police is removed for the actions of their subordinates, there will be no internal incentive to reform. The decay is structural. We are recruiting frustrated individuals, training them in aggression rather than professionalism, and unleashing them on a population they are conditioned to view with suspicion and contempt.
The mistake narrative used in the Abuja NYSC shooting reflects this tactical incompetence. A professional force does not mistake a youth corper in his bedroom for a combatant. Nigerians are effectively subsidising their own endangerment, paying for the bullets that cut down their brightest young citizens. A nation cannot survive this level of uniformed recklessness. The state has lost its monopoly on violence to its own agents. When police officers fear the citizen’s camera more than they respect the citizen’s life, the system has failed.
Five years after the historic 2020 End SARS protests, the systemic reforms promised by government remain largely unfulfilled. Only a handful of states have implemented the recommendations of the judicial panels or compensated victims. The National Human Rights Commission reported in July 2025 that it had received over three hundred thousand complaints of abuses. This staggering figure reflects the scale of the crisis. While the current Inspector General has introduced new regulations to align the Police Act of 2020 with operational realities, the gap between a gazetted document in Abuja and a patrol team in Delta remains vast.
The solution to this bloodletting must be radical and structural. First, police oversight must be decentralised. Relying on Force Headquarters in Abuja to discipline an officer in a remote community is inefficient and ineffective. Each state should have an independent, citizen led oversight board with the authority to recommend immediate suspension and prosecution without interference from the police hierarchy.
Second, Force Order 237 must be overhauled to strictly limit the use of firearms to situations where there is an immediate and verifiable threat to life. Under no circumstances should a restrained or surrendering suspect be shot.
Third, Nigeria must address the mental health and welfare of police officers. Men who live in dilapidated barracks, earn inadequate wages, and operate under constant stress are more likely to lash out at the public. However, poverty cannot be an excuse for murder. Welfare reform must go hand in hand with strict accountability.
Finally, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. The trial of ASP Usman and others like him should be public, transparent, and swift. It must serve as a deterrent that resonates in every police station across the country. The era of secret disciplinary rooms must end. Nigeria must invest in technology driven policing, not only in weapons but in body cameras and digital accountability systems. When officers know they are being recorded, hesitation replaces recklessness.
A NATIONAL CALL TO ACTION
The era of Orderly Room secrecy must end. Nigeria must decentralise police disciplinary trials, moving them from closed sessions in Abuja to open, civilian led inquiries in the states where the abuses occur. A National Firearms Audit is urgently needed. Every officer must account for every round issued, and any missing ammunition should trigger automatic suspension for the entire chain of command.
The National Assembly must fast track the Victims of Police Brutality Trust Fund, ensuring that compensation becomes a legal right funded directly from the budgets of offending commands. Nigeria must stop being a nation of post script outrage. Command responsibility must become law. If an officer under a Commissioner’s watch executes a handcuffed suspect, that Commissioner must lose their job alongside the shooter.
The blood of Mene Ogidi and the NYSC member in Dei Dei is a stain on our national conscience. It is a reminder that as long as one Nigerian can be tied up and shot without trial, no Nigerian is truly safe. Silence is no longer an option. Waiting for the next viral video is no longer acceptable. The time to demand change is now.
Related
Opinion
Kwankwaso-Obi Anti-Coalition Alliance and the Perception of the North
Published
3 days agoon
May 3, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
Let’s not sugarcoat it, what is unfolding is not just political maneuvering for 2027, but a carefully calculated roadmap to 2031. Anyone who believes Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is acting out of patriotism or prioritizing Nigeria above his personal ambition is simply ignoring the pattern before us. His willingness to deputise Peter Obi is not born out of ideological alignment or national interest, it appears to be a strategic move aimed at one target weakening Atiku Abubakar and ensuring he does not emerge as president in 2027.
Kwankwaso’s real calculation seems anchored in 2031. He understands that as long as Atiku remains active and contesting, his own presidential ambition struggles to gain traction, especially in the North where Atiku’s influence remains deeply rooted. By positioning himself in a way that could undermine Atiku now, he potentially clears the path for himself later, when he can conveniently lean on the “it is the turn of the North” narrative with stronger moral leverage. This is not about helping Obi win, it is about ensuring Atiku is completely removed from the equation.
It is also important to state plainly that Kwankwaso is fully aware of his electoral limitations in this arrangement. He knows he cannot significantly attract Northern votes for Obi beyond a few pockets, even within Kano State. And even there, the good people of Kano are far more politically aware and discerning than to be swayed purely by sentiment. This makes the entire proposition even more questionable, if the electoral value is limited, then the intention behind the alliance becomes even clearer. It suggests that even if he joins an Obi ticket, it is not driven by a genuine commitment to Obi, the Igbo, the South-East or Nigeria but by a broader personal calculation.
Northerners must understand that this is a long game, and every move appears deliberately designed. Kwankwaso seems cautious not to overtly confirm growing suspicions that he is working, directly or indirectly, to the advantage of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Yet, many are beginning to connect the dots. The belief that there is an underlying alignment is gaining ground, especially when actions repeatedly result in one outcome, a divided North that weakens its collective electoral strength, a repeatation of 2023 in a different style. The alignment of Kwankwaso’s political godson and the governor of Kano Abba Kabir Yusuf with Tinubu only fuels this perception, suggesting a dual-front approach: one operating directly and visibly, the other indirectly and subtly.
This is not the first time such a pattern is being observed. Many Northerners still recall similar dynamics from 2023, and recent developments have only intensified the conversation. In fact, within just the last 24 hours, the level of criticism and open dissatisfaction directed at Kwankwaso across Northern Nigeria has been unprecedented. What was once dismissed as mere suspicion of a quiet alliance is now, in the eyes of many, being confirmed by actions seen as disruptive to any meaningful coalition.
For Kwankwaso, this moment carries significant weight. The long-circulating “sellout” label, which many had hesitated to firmly attach, now appears to be finding a resting place in public discourse. Should he once again position himself outside a collective Northern arrangement, that perception may become permanently entrenched.
The implications for the North are serious. Voting Obi because of Kwankwaso, which is unlikely, could fracture an already consolidated political base, reduce its bargaining power, and ultimately produce outcomes that do not reflect its true strength. The North has never historically rejected a dominant figure like Atiku in favor of a subordinate position, nor has it embraced a configuration where its most established candidate is sidelined. The idea that the region would choose Kwankwaso as a deputy while overlooking Atiku as a president is not just improbable, it runs contrary to established Northern political behavior.
What is at stake goes beyond individual ambition. The North is fully conscious of the stakes and increasingly resolute in its direction. There is a growing determination to stand firmly behind its own Atiku Abubakar, to protect its collective political strength, and to resist any arrangement that appears designed to divide it. The signals are clear, the North has decided, and it will not fall into what many perceive as calculated traps, whether from Kwankwaso or from forces seen as working against its cohesion and democratic leverage….
Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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