The Nigerian government paid Boko Haram militants a “huge” ransom of millions of dollars to free up to 230 children and staff the jihadists abducted from a Catholic school in November, an AFP investigation revealed Monday.
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Pendulum: Why Nations Fail, The Sad Story of Nigeria
Published
8 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, our dear beloved country is at some dangerous crossroads again. Those who know how to pray should offer supplications to God urgently because, our stubbornly arrogant, and sometimes impetuous, politicians are about to set Nigeria ablaze, igniting a possible conflagration the type of which we have not seen in a long time. For anyone following my column, I have pleaded endlessly for decorum, tolerance, patience and simple common sense at all levels and tiers of government. Somehow, my strident appeals have largely gone unheeded. It is obvious that some powerful forces are hell-bent on having their way by fire, by force, whether they be right or wrong! It is sad that many of our leaders on both sides of the fence have not learnt any useful lessons from even our contemporary history.
Let me break it down to brass tacks. The current imbroglio is as a result of what started in 2015, when Senator Bukola Saraki seemingly outsmarted members of his party, APC, and combined with members of the opposition party, PDP, to fulfil his burning ambition to become the Senate President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Depending on which side of the political divide you belong, members of APC felt totally cheated and accused Saraki of the worst treachery possible, moreso, when, a member of the opposition, Ike Ekweremadu of PDP, emerged Deputy Senate President. In case you have forgotten how it all happened, please permit me to refresh your memory.
On D-Day, members of APC had gathered somewhere else, the International Conference Centre in Abuja, it was said, to deliberate, and strategise, on candidates to back for various offices of the National Assembly, especially that of the President of the Senate and Speaker of the Federal House of Representatives. Obviously clever about how politics works and the various deals that they had sealed with other members of the respective Houses of the National Assembly, Saraki and Yakubu Dogara did not join their party caucus at the meeting because of the realisation that they were not being considered at all, despite the great work they and others did in support of Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retired) becoming President. In the end, they both prevailed comfortably in attaining the positions that they sought in the National legislature to the chagrin of their party caucus and party leaders. There is still argument and debate as to the role of different APC party leaders, including the President (who neither said yes nor no explicitly when Saraki mentioned his interest in Senate Presidency to him), in the emergence of the two men as Senate President and Speaker respectively. What is clear is that there was omission and commission, complicity and aloofness, even maybe indifference in some quarters about the Principal officers of the Senate once the Holy Grail of the Presidency had been secured. I will not belabour you with what I saw as an active participant and eye-witness except to say that all parties played for high stakes and in the end some people won and some lost. However, I must re-emphasise what I said, on this page and in a Vanguard interview at the time, that the APC apparatchik should count their losses, move on and allow peace to reign. In a game, only one team can win, fair or foul.

The reluctance, nay, stoic resistance, of APC to let this matter pass, as I recommended, is now likely to be the albatross of the party. If care is not taken, and APC continues to insist, as they are doing, and have done, for over three wasteful years, that they must enforce regime change at the National Assembly, barely months to critical State and national general elections, the party may be heading towards Golgotha or Waterloo. I will like to make this special appeal to my big Brother and former Governor, Adams Oshiomhole, please, stop the grandstanding, embrace peace and the rule of Law and focus on the long game rather than the short play. You cannot achieve your desire by compulsion or coercion in a democratic political terrain. There is always give and take in all situations. The people you are dealing with are not mere school kids while you are the headmaster.
In the case of Saraki, it is obvious that you can only constitutionally remove him very easily if you have 73 Senators on your side. Nothing short of that number will do. Anything else is a pipe-dream and I do not see you a dreamer, let alone an unrepentant fantasist or somnambulist! Indeed, if you can land a big fish like Akpabio into your net, it shouldn’t be too difficult to ensnare more Senators. It is easier to use EFCC than to use DSS or the police. EFCC seemingly remains the only striker in this big league. If that fails, I will recommend a title of a James Hadley Chase novel, ‘The Whiff of Money’. Some millions of crispy million dollars can perform the magic for you and your party. What have we not seen before in Nigeria? However, you should also note that it is impossible, or unlikely, for politicians to visit the washroom and not leave some tell-tale signs behind.
Only pursue this agenda, I have described above, if that is the way you now envision the Nigeria of your dreams. But remember the integrity and incorruptibility of the President and Vice-President, Muhammadu Buhari and Yemi Osinbajo, that you have been selected to sell when you decide your options. I will suggest that to attempt another round of trying to impeach anyone with less than the number of Constitutionally recommended votes is to bring the roof crashing down.

It should be obvious by now that Nigerian Democracy has advanced beyond where it was years ago when Governors could be impeached inside hotel rooms by fewer than the constitutionally required number. Those days are gone and whosoever wants to return us to those inglorious days should have a rethink. We have our noble judiciary to thank for this because they have stood firm and resolute in the face of intimidation, coercion and even blackmail. Our judiciary is the first to recognise that a few bad eggs lurk within their midst, but they have always found ways of purging themselves and forging ahead. Their defense of our national interest, in the light of some of the determined onslaught they face, is to be commended. This is particularly because their hallowed status sometimes makes it impossible for them to embark on their own defence in the same manner as their traducers have sought to cast them with infamy and shame.
I have no doubt that the present members of the National Assembly are unyielding and ready to do whatever it takes to defend themselves against external and internal aggressors. To date there has been a distinct united front presented by the legislators, save for a few errant members who appear to be pursuing selfish or extraneous interests, which is to be applauded.
No one has said that Saraki, who is the prime target of APC, cannot be removed. All that is being said is that it should be done without all this drama and fuss, and it should be done in line with the Constitution. This charade that we are witnessing has ceased to become tedious but is now sorely irritating because there are a lot more fundamental issues to contend with in the polity than the issue of who is Senate President or Speaker or which party they belong. Even Saraki himself has said publicly that he would bow out gracefully the day two-thirds of his colleagues tell him to go home. That should be a sweet challenge and revenge to APC that wields the power of life and death today. As I have pointed out the party can choose the corrupt way, abusing the several executive offices at its command to achieve this end or they may choose the part of honour and try moral suasion and gentle persuasion.

After the disgraceful invasion of the National Assembly by the DSS last Tuesday, I became assured that APC had reached a dead-end and there was no more card to play. The spurious position of government apologists that Saraki had the head of the Department of State Security, Lawal Daura, in his pocket is too strange, beggars belief and is unbelievably difficult to comprehend or accept. In fact, that line of thought stands logic on its head. The contention that only PDP members were present at the National Assembly and that no APC member was around is not exactly correct. At least, I saw one, my dear friend, Hon. Ehiozuwa Agbonayinma, who was booed by those sympathetic to Saraki and Dogara.
The truth is many journalists were already informed the night before that an attempt would be made to impeach some key members of the National Assembly. It was said that APC members would rush in early in the morning and finish the job pronto. But as always, Saraki, the “Illuminati”, as some guy described him on social media, was ahead of the game. He amassed his team-mates ready to resist and repel any such attempt. If journalists were aware, it is only natural that the legislators directly affected would also be aware. There was nothing sinister in their being present in great numbers. Indeed, this is what makes it plain that APC members were also privy to this invasion and that some of their leaders were probably involved in orchestrating it because they would also have heard about it one way or the other. If they thought it was an attempt by some Senators to impeach the President as is being touted or create some drama as others allege, surely they would have turned up to give a lie to all this scheming and prevent it from being a success. As to why APC members were not around, the answer is easy. APC members were meeting at a different location and probably working on getting sufficient numbers to impeach those they wanted to drive out of the National Assembly leadership.

I watched on television as Senator Ben Murray-Bruce was visibly angry that they were not allowed to enter their offices and was rhapsodising and threatening the wrath of international super powers on those anti-democratic forces plotting to endanger democracy in Nigeria. I also watched the suicidal drama of Hon. Boma Goodhead, of the Federal House of Representatives as she barked orders at a fully-hooded, gun-toting secret agent, asking that she be allowed to go to her office or be shot. She is a member of PDP. Why would she take such a kamikaze risk if the security guys were around to facilitate their entry? The DSS scandal backfired big time and even those opposed to Saraki felt scandalised by the development. “Why resort to self-help?” everyone wondered. There is another serious and potentially more damaging angle to the suggestion Saraki pocketed the DSS and arranged for this invidious debacle. How did our intelligence community and security services not cotton onto what was happening, and prevent it, so that the country would not be a laughing-stock? The troop movement which the invasion entailed could well have heralded a coup, where were the rest of our security services? This leaves a lot to ponder upon. One wonders how many were complicit and whether Daura has not simply become the proverbial fall-guy and scapegoat? The Daura that I interacted with at the Institute of Security Studies, Bwalri, Abuja, last year did not look like someone who would sell his supposed godfather, President Buhari, out.
What seems plain to me is that there is a rogue element (call it the cabal, if you wish) within the present government, which does not feel that it is beholden to any constituted authority or that it needs to consult much less seek the approval of Presidency before it embarks on dastardly raids and incursions like this. Having seemingly succeeded with the invasion of Judges homes, this group felt emboldened enough to go as far as openly breaching the National Assembly and everything it stands for in this democratic dispensation.

I don’t think Nigerians would worry about who the National Assembly removes or decides to replace but it must be done according to the rule of Law. If the masses don’t know better, I can understand. However, the insults heaped on Saraki, the number three citizen of Nigeria, yesterday, by the national Chairman of APC, Adams Oshiomole, was totally uncalled for and unbecoming. It was too personal and demeaning. It can only harden the Saraki camp to fight all the way. Who knows tomorrow? Power is very transient. All these guys were friends, once upon a time.

This battle is not for the emancipation or betterment of Nigeria or the greater well-being and improvement of Nigerians, but about who controls the biggest wealth of Nigeria, and the re-election of a President they want to use as staircase and stepping stone to fame and fortune. For both parties, it appears that governance is no longer a priority. Everyone is fighting for control of power and resources. It is such a monumental tragedy that we, the general public, seem so helpless about the recklessness of our political leaders. I’m currently reading a book titled WHY NATIONS FAIL, THE ORIGINS OF POWER, PROSPERITY AND POVERTY by Daron Acemoglu & James A. Robinson and I can see some symptoms afflicting Nigeria very clearly.
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Opposition Parties Reject 2026 Electoral Act, Demand Fresh Amendment
Published
8 hours agoon
February 26, 2026By
Eric
Opposition political parties have rejected the 2026 Electoral Act recently passed by the National Assembly, which President Bola Tinubu swiftly signed into law.
The parties called on the National Assembly to immediately begin a fresh amendment process to remove what they described as “all obnoxious provisions” in the law.
Their position was made known at a press briefing themed “Urgent Call to Save Nigeria’s Democracy,” held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja on Thursday.
In a communiqué read by the Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) Ahmed Ajuji, the opposition leaders stated:
“We demand that the National Assembly immediately commence a fresh amendment to the Electoral Act 2026, to remove all obnoxious provisions and ensure that the Act reflects only the will and aspiration of Nigerians for free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process in our country. Nothing short of this will be acceptable to Nigerians.”
Some of the opposition leaders present in at the event include former Senate President David Mark; former Governor of Osun State, Rauf Aregbesola; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; former Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi; and former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, all from the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
The National Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Ahmed Ajuji, and other prominent members of the NNPP, notably Buba Galadima, were also in attendance.
The coalition said the amended law, signed by Bola Tinubu, contains “anti-democratic” clauses, which they argue may weaken electoral transparency and public confidence in the voting system.
At the centre of the opposition’s concerns is the amendment to Section 60(3), which allows presiding officers to rely on manual transmission of election results where there is communication failure.
According to the coalition, the provision weakens the mandatory electronic transmission of results and could create loopholes for manipulation.
They argued that Nigeria’s electoral technology infrastructure is sufficient to support nationwide electronic transmission, citing previous assurances by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
The parties also rejected the amendment to Section 84, which restricts political parties to direct primaries and consensus methods for candidate selection.
They described the change as an unconstitutional intrusion into the internal affairs of parties, insisting that indirect primaries remain a legitimate democratic option.
The opposition cited alleged irregularities in the recent Federal Capital Territory local government elections as evidence of what they described as a broader pattern of electoral compromise.
They characterised the polls as a “complete fraud” and said the outcome has deepened their lack of confidence in the ability of the electoral system to deliver credible elections in 2027.
The coalition also condemned reported attacks on leaders of the African Democratic Congress in Edo State, describing the incidents as a serious threat to democratic participation and political tolerance.
They warned that increasing violence against opposition figures could destabilise the political environment if not urgently addressed.
In their joint statement, the opposition parties pledged to pursue “every constitutional means” to challenge the Electoral Act 2026 and safeguard voters’ rights.
“We will not be intimidated,” the leaders said, urging civil society organisations and citizens to support efforts aimed at protecting Nigeria’s democratic system.
On February 18, 2026, President Bola Tinubu signed the Electoral Act (Amendment) 2026 into law following its passage by the National Assembly. The Act introduced several reforms, including statutory recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and revised election timelines.
However, opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi have also called for further amendments, particularly over the manual transmission fallback clause, which critics say leaves room for manipulation.
The president said the law will strengthen democracy and prevent voter disenfranchisement.
Tinubu defended manual collation of results, questioned Nigeria’s readiness for full real-time electronic transmission, and warned against technical glitches and hacking.
The Electoral Act sparked intense debate in the National Assembly over how election results should be transmitted ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Civil society groups under the “Occupy NASS” campaign demanded real-time transmission to curb manipulation.
In the Senate, lawmakers clashed during consideration of Clause 60, which allows manual transmission of results if electronic transmission fails.
Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (ADC, Abia South) demanded a formal vote to remove the proviso permitting manual transmission, arguing against weakening real-time electronic reporting.
The move led to a heated exchange on the floor, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio initially suggesting the demand had been withdrawn.
After procedural disputes and a brief confrontation among senators, a division was conducted. Fifteen opposition senators voted against retaining the manual transmission proviso, while 55 supported it, allowing the clause to stand.
Earlier proceedings had briefly stalled during clause-by-clause review, prompting consultations and a closed-door session.
In the House of Representatives, a similar disagreement came up over a motion to rescind an earlier decision that mandated compulsory real-time electronic transmission of results to IReV.
Although the “nays” were louder during a voice vote, Speaker Tajudeen Abbas ruled in favour of rescinding the decision, triggering protests and an executive session.
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AFP: How Tinubu’s Govt Paid Boko Haram ‘Huge’ Ransom, Released Two Terrorists for Kidnapped Saint Mary’s Pupils
Published
3 days agoon
February 24, 2026By
Eric
Two Boko Haram commanders were also freed as part of the deal, which goes against the country’s own law banning payments to kidnappers. The money was delivered by helicopter to Boko Haram’s Gwoza stronghold in northeastern Borno state on the border with Cameroon, intelligence sources told AFP.
The decision to pay the militants is likely to irritate US President Donald Trump, who ordered air strikes on jihadists in northern Nigeria on Christmas Day and has been sent military trainers to help support Nigerian forces.
Nigerian government officials deny any ransom was paid to the armed gang that snatched close to 300 schoolchildren and staff from St. Mary’s boarding school in Papiri in central Niger state on November 21. At least 50 later managed to escape their captors.
Boko Haram has not been previously linked to the kidnapping, but sources told AFP one of its most feared commanders was behind the mass abduction: the notorious jihadist known as Sadiku.
He infamously held up a train from the capital in 2022 and netted hefty ransoms for the release of government officials and other well-off passengers.
Boko Haram, which has waged a bloody insurgency since 2009, is strongest in northeast Nigeria.
But a cell in central Niger state operates under Sadiku’s leadership. The St. Mary’s pupils and staff were freed after two weeks of negotiations led by Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, with the government insisting no ransom was paid. Nigeria’s State Security Service flatly denied paying any money, saying “government agents don’t pay ransoms”.
However, four intelligence sources familiar with the talks told AFP the government paid a “huge” ransom to get the pupils back. One source put it at 40 million naira per head – around $7 million in total.
Another put the figure lower at two billion naira overall. The money was delivered by chopper to Ali Ngulde, a Boko Haram commander in the northeast, three sources told AFP.
Due to the lack of communications cover in the remote area, Ngulde had to cross into Cameroon to confirm delivery of the ransom before the first group of 100 children were released.
Nigeria has long been plagued by mass abductions, with criminals and jihadist groups sometimes working together to extort millions from hostages’ families, and authorities seemingly powerless to stop them.
Source: Africanews
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Unlawful Invasion: El-Rufai Drags ICPC, IGP, Others to Court, Demands N1bn Damages
Published
3 days agoon
February 23, 2026By
Eric
Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has slammed a ₦1 billion fundamental rights enforcement suit against the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for what he claimed was an unlawful invasion of his Abuja residence.
El-Rufai, in a suit filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, also listed the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT, Abuja Magisterial District; Inspector-General of Police, and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as 2nd to 4th respondents respectively.
According to the suit filed through his lawyers, led by Oluwole Iyamu, El-Rufai prayed the court to declare that the search warrant issued on February 4 by the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT (2nd respondent), authorising the search and seizure at his residence as invalid, null and void.
Security operatives had stormed and searched the former Governor’s residence in the ongoing investigations against him.
However, he argued in the case marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/345/2026, that the search was in violation of Section 37 of the Constitution, and urged the court to declare that the search warrant was “null and void for lack of particularity, material drafting errors, ambiguity in execution parameters, overbreadth, and absence of probable cause thereby constituting an unlawful and unreasonable search.”
In the suit dated and filed February 20 by Iyamu, ex-governor, who is currently under detention, sought seven reliefs.
He prayed the court to declare that the invasion and search of his residence at House 12, Mambilla Street, Aso Drive, Abuja, on Feb. 19 at about 2pm and executed by agents of ICPC and I-G, “under the aforesaid invalid warrant, amounts to a gross violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights to dignity of the human person, personal liberty, fair hearing, and privacy under Sections 34, 35, 36, and 37 of the Constitution.”
He urged the court to declare that “any evidence obtained pursuant to the aforesaid invalid warrant and unlawful search is inadmissible in any proceedings against the applicant, as it was procured in breach of constitutional safeguards.”
El-Rufai, therefore, sought an order of injunction restraining the respondents and their agents from further relying on, using, or tendering any evidence or items seized during the unlawful search in any investigation, prosecution, or proceedings involving him.
“An order directing the Ist and 3rd respondents (ICPC and I-G) to forthwith return all items seized from the applicant’s premises during the unlawful search, together with a detailed inventory thereof.
“An order awarding the sum of N1,000,000,000.00 (One Billion Naira) as general, exemplary, and aggravated damages against the respondents jointly and severally for the violations of the applicant’s fundamental rights, including trespass, unlawful seizure, and the resultant psychological trauma, humiliation, distress, infringement of privacy, and reputational harm.”
The breakdown of the ₦1 billion in damages includes “a N300 million as compensatory damages for psychological trauma, emotional distress, and loss of personal security;
“A ₦400 million as exemplary damages to deter future misconduct by law enforcement agencies and vindicate the applicant’s rights.
“A ₦300 million as aggravated damages for the malicious, high-handed and oppressive nature of the respondents’ actions, including the use of a patently defective warrant procured through misleading representations.”
He equally sought ₦100 million as the cost of filing the suit, including legal fees and associated expenses.
Iyamu argued that the search warrant was fundamentally defective, lacking specificity in the description of items to be seized, containing material typographical errors, ambiguous execution terms, overbroad directives, and no verifiable probable cause.
He added that the warrant violated Sections 143-148 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015; Section 36 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences (ICPC) Act, 2000, and constitutional protections against arbitrary intrusions and several other constitutional provisions.
“Section 146 stipulates that the warrant must be in the prescribed form, free from defects that could mislead, but the document is riddled with errors in the address, date, and district designation;
“Section 147 allows direction to specified persons, but the warrant’s indiscriminate addressing to “all officers is overbroad and unaccountable.
“Section 148 permits execution at reasonable times, but the contradictory language creates ambiguity, undermining procedural clarity,” he submitted.
Iyamu stated that the execution of the invalid warrant on Feb. 19 resulted in an unlawful invasion of his client’s premises, constituting violations of the rights to dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), and privacy (Section 37) of the Constitution.
He further argued that the search was conducted without legal justification and in a manner that inflicted humiliation and distress.
“Evidence obtained without a valid warrant is unlawful and inadmissible, as established in judicial precedents such as C.O.P. v. Omoh (1969) NCLR 137, where the court ruled that evidence procured through improper means contravenes fundamental rights and must be excluded,” he said.
In the affidavit in support of the application, Mohammed Shaba, a Principal Secretary to the former governor, averred that on Feb. 19 at about 2p.m., officers from the ICPC and Nigeria Police Force invaded the residence under a purported search warrant issued on or about Feb. 4.
According to him, the said warrant is invalid due to its lack of specificity, errors, and other defects as outlined in the grounds of this application.
He said the “search warrant did not specify the properties or items being searched for.”
Shaba stated that the officers failed to submit themselves for search as provided by the law before proceeding with the search.
“That the Magistrate did not specify the magisterial district wherein he sits.
“That during the invasion, the officers searched the applicant’s premises without lawful authority, seized personal items including documents and electronic devices, and caused the applicant undue humiliation, psychological trauma, and distress.
“Now shown to me and marked as ‘EXHIBIT B’ Is the list of the items carted away.
“That no items seized have been returned, and the respondents continue to rely on the unlawful evidence.
“That the applicant suffered violations of his constitutional rights as a result, and this application is brought in good faith to enforce same,” Shaba said.
Source: Naijanews.com
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