The Nigerian government paid Boko Haram militants a “huge” ransom of millions of dollars to free up to 230 children and staff the jihadists abducted from a Catholic school in November, an AFP investigation revealed Monday.
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Pendulum: The Reality Nigerian Opposition Must Face Urgently
Published
8 years agoon
By
Eric
By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, we are now back to basics after the euphoria and giddiness of the June 12 reactivation and revalidation by President Muhamadu Buhari. If the Nigerian opposition parties had thought it would be easy to defeat the incumbent in next year’s Presidential election, I’m appealing to them to re-permutate and re-configure their strategies. The political masterstroke by President Buhari demonstrated once again that the power of incumbency rests, not only in manipulating the electoral process and the security surrounding that process, but, also in manipulating policies and acts of government to enable the citizenry enjoy the feel good factor that can make them forget the ills and sorrows of the past.
Please, permit me to speak authoritatively from my personal experience as a former Presidential candidate in 2011. You will read more about the Nigerian reality in my forthcoming book, authored by my Presidential Campaign Manager, Ohimai Godwin Amaize, the youngest man ever to hold such position in Nigeria, and probably in the world. The book titled, FIGHTING LIONS: THE UNTOLD STORY OF DELE MOMODU’S PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, is fashioned after THE AUDACITY TO WIN: THE INSIDE STORY AND LESSONS OF BARACK OBAMA’S HISTORIC VICTORY, written by David Plouffe, Campaign Manager, Obama for America. The difference is that Obama won, I lost. Those who laughed scornfully at my epic effort and passed snide remarks about my supposed “stupidity” for ever thinking I could win are now among those crying wolf, asserting, with all their youthful vigour, that they are not-too-young-to-run.
They said I lacked experience. They actually believed that you must have been a Senator or Governor or both to qualify for their support and vote. Part of that experience should have included stealing sufficient and substantial money from government coffers and blow it on politicians of the same ilk, without principle or ideology. This is neither a joke nor hyperbolic assertion. It is a sound reality. If you think I’m just blabbing, ask our dear President his experience on the three occasions he lost elections. No one was half as popular. He had perceived integrity in abundance. He was as meek as a Monk. He was ascetic and stern. But he lost to weaker brands. His fortune changed when the deep pockets and carpetbaggers got jazzed up and hypnotised into seeing the born-again democrat in Buhari and fell for the spell. I’ve gone through this preamble to tell my friends who are in the race the home truth before it is too late.
Truth is there are just too many youthful aspirants in the race. For them to make any appreciable showing and impact, they must hold a serious and soul-searching meeting to determine those who stand the best chances among them. They should first narrow down to four maximum, two from the North and two from the South. The four should meet further to delete two from among their number, one from the South and one from the North. Those picked and those de-selected should pledge to work together harmoniously for the good of the nation. Not everybody can be the number one or number two citizen in the country. In picking the candidates, the youngsters should endeavour to jettison the zoning nonsense of the two leading and established political parties. This would help destabilise the status quo. A Southern Presidential candidate is likely to create problems for APC and PDP (if PDP still retains that brand) and force the two to scramble for votes largely in the North since both have stuck obstinately to their preposterous zoning rascality.
The third force may end up with a Southern candidate in the hope that this candidate can force a grand coalition of all Southern regions in alliance with the North Central. This may be a perfect foil to anything that the major parties then throw up. As remote as it sounds, it may turn out to be the revolution unforetold. The third force should also do the unusual, form a government of National Unity ahead of the elections by creating a shadow cabinet amongst the brilliant and brightest youths from all parts of Nigeria and reach out to those in the diaspora for good measure. Let me confess that this is likely to be a day-dream or pipe-dream. Knowing my people well and their proclivity for egocentricity, none of them would ever agree to hold the meeting that is desired and, even if they do, none would condescend to step down for another.
What this portends, therefore, is that Nigeria would be stranded irrevocably and irredeemably with the two big parties, APC and PDP. And where would this leave or lead us? The answer is simple and straightforward. APC has no other way to look but towards the incumbent, President Muhammadu Buhari. This is sure banker unless something akin to an earthquake, volcanic eruption or Tsunami occurs and Baba decides not to run, or is forced by circumstances beyond his control not to run. I refuse to believe the rumours making the rounds that President Buhari is secretly and stylishly shopping for a worthy successor.
However, knowing that our country is a nation of rumour-mongering, I’ve decided to analyse and dismiss or disregard the conspiracy theories. For example it has been suggested that the recent validation of June 12, the seeming recognition and acceptance of Chief MKO Abiola as the undisputed winner of the 1993 elections, the National Honours of GCFR and GCON awarded to him and his running mate, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe respectively, was a cunning strategy and tacit way of bringing back Kingibe into mainstream politics in order to prepare him for a possible baton transfer from President Buhari. Others have even gone so far as to theorise conspiratorially that the plot is to declare the June 1993 election results and thus ask Kingibe to step in to fulfil the mandate arising from the declaration of those results. This notion is so far-fetched and constitutionally, legally and politically unsound that it can be dealt with as dead on arrival, before it even begins to take root. Checking on Kingibe’s age, we can see that there is no difference really between the two friends. Ambassador Kingibe is already 73 years old, and he will be 74 next year, by the time of our next elections. Despite the Malaysian experience, it is clear that the world has already moved away from the era of retired and tired geriatrics running governments. Science and technology are fast developing and changing pace, accelerating almost at the speed of light, that it would be unkind and unfair on these individuals to ask them to run modern governments and expect them to succeed when they cannot keep abreast with modern trends and ideas.
This brings me to the fight to finish between PDP and APC. I repeat, the next President of Nigeria will come from the file and rank of either of these two parties. I do not believe that the third force or ADC or whatever they may choose to call themselves is quite ready to take on the mantle of liberator of the Nigerian masses as yet. However, it is beginning to look like the main opposition party, PDP, is beginning to overstretch its luck. The party is facing a government which seems bereft of ideas and looks willing to forfeit its power to the opposition. Yet, instead of taking advantage of this farcical debacle that the government seems to have conjured for itself, PDP seems to be ready to embark on a journey of self-immolation. Consequently, the discussion and conclusion in town is that Buhari does not seem to have serious opposition as we speak right now. And you can’t blame those who feel that way. By now, most people expect PDP to have realised that it needs to rebrand itself and rid itself of the yoke of the past. That way, it becomes easier for those in the ruling party, who are desperately seeking a move and wanting a way, to do so with some modicum of dignity and respect. We are in almost the same scenario that the opposition to President Jonathan was faced with, prior to the 2015 elections. Those elections were won, not simply because the Government of President Goodluck Jonathan was so bad, which indeed, it was, or because the allure of President Buhari was so great, which indeed, it was not. The election was won because the opposition rebranded and came together as a party of national unity, with the disparate elements from all of the major opposition parties uniting for the good of the nation.
Equally as important, as the issue of rebranding, is the failure of PDP to settle, and be seen to be working, for a certain candidate, even if that candidate is not yet formally confirmed. There are too many camps as it were within the ranks of the PDP. Depending on who you ask, there are at least six contenders for the number one slot. They are Atiku Abubakar, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Ibrahim Dankwambo, Sule Lamido, Bukola Saraki, Aminu Tambuwal and Kabiru Tanimu Turaki. Interestingly, three of them, Kwankwaso, Saraki and Tambuwal, are still technically in APC but it is generally believed that their hearts and most of their bodies are no longer in that party. They feel a sense of animosity, antipathy and aversion towards them that is certainly more real than imagined. The result is that this alienation, leading to possible, even, annihilation is such as to make them wounded animals, ready to let rip against a party that they believe they helped to birth and nurture. It is not healthy for PDP that it has not gone through what will be a painful process of picking its candidate, or at least narrowing down its choices, because it means the period for the healing process will be short and possibly insufficient before the elections come. It is certain that there will be a lot of dissatisfaction and disaffection on the part of the losers, because these are strongmen, ironmen in their own individual right. Some will be sore losers. Egos will be bruised. Bad blood will be created. The party must be ready to cope with the fallout, but without time, which is a precious commodity at this moment, it cannot succeed.
PDP would require a rock-solid team to dislodge Buhari. That is why it is imperative for the party to take on the two issues of party rebranding and preferred candidate sooner rather than later. Indeed, the right time is now. Once a preferred candidate is known, that person must be ready to play for broke and if necessary commit political suicide. For now, I see only two people with such lion hearts at the moment, out of these seven potential candidates earlier mentioned. These two have been grilled through the ages. They’ve experienced the vicissitudes of politics and are still standing by the grace of God or whatever stroke of luck, at least so far. I see Atiku Abubakar and Bukola Saraki in that mould. I do not however rule out others. Both Rabiu Kwankwaso and Ibrahim Dankwambo have displayed some steel and courage in the past. My assessment of them at this stage is because they are simply not household names like Atiku and Saraki, but that is not to say that they cannot yet prove to be the joker in the pack. Dankwambo in particular seems to have done a lot of work in Gombe, as has indeed Tambuwal who because of his relative youth may yet appeal to younger voters.
The next election is not going to be as easy to conduct and contest like the 2015 version under President Goodluck Jonathan. The Buhari administration comes with intimidating credentials from a most robust military background. These ones won’t go down without a fight or guns blazing. Only warriors with stupendous war-chests would stand any chance whatsoever of sacking Buhari and his army of fanatical supporters and acolytes. The PDP should make up its mind urgently because time is not anyone’s friend under this circumstance. I think all the potential candidates should meet as soon as possible with some of the party apparatchik and settle for number one and number two, if ever they hope and pray to dismiss Buhari from power.
Time will soon tell!
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Opposition Parties Reject 2026 Electoral Act, Demand Fresh Amendment
Published
8 hours agoon
February 26, 2026By
Eric
Opposition political parties have rejected the 2026 Electoral Act recently passed by the National Assembly, which President Bola Tinubu swiftly signed into law.
The parties called on the National Assembly to immediately begin a fresh amendment process to remove what they described as “all obnoxious provisions” in the law.
Their position was made known at a press briefing themed “Urgent Call to Save Nigeria’s Democracy,” held at the Transcorp Hilton Hotel in Abuja on Thursday.
In a communiqué read by the Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) Ahmed Ajuji, the opposition leaders stated:
“We demand that the National Assembly immediately commence a fresh amendment to the Electoral Act 2026, to remove all obnoxious provisions and ensure that the Act reflects only the will and aspiration of Nigerians for free, fair, transparent and credible electoral process in our country. Nothing short of this will be acceptable to Nigerians.”
Some of the opposition leaders present in at the event include former Senate President David Mark; former Governor of Osun State, Rauf Aregbesola; former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; former Governor of Rivers State, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi; and former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, all from the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
The National Chairman of the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP), Ahmed Ajuji, and other prominent members of the NNPP, notably Buba Galadima, were also in attendance.
The coalition said the amended law, signed by Bola Tinubu, contains “anti-democratic” clauses, which they argue may weaken electoral transparency and public confidence in the voting system.
At the centre of the opposition’s concerns is the amendment to Section 60(3), which allows presiding officers to rely on manual transmission of election results where there is communication failure.
According to the coalition, the provision weakens the mandatory electronic transmission of results and could create loopholes for manipulation.
They argued that Nigeria’s electoral technology infrastructure is sufficient to support nationwide electronic transmission, citing previous assurances by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
The parties also rejected the amendment to Section 84, which restricts political parties to direct primaries and consensus methods for candidate selection.
They described the change as an unconstitutional intrusion into the internal affairs of parties, insisting that indirect primaries remain a legitimate democratic option.
The opposition cited alleged irregularities in the recent Federal Capital Territory local government elections as evidence of what they described as a broader pattern of electoral compromise.
They characterised the polls as a “complete fraud” and said the outcome has deepened their lack of confidence in the ability of the electoral system to deliver credible elections in 2027.
The coalition also condemned reported attacks on leaders of the African Democratic Congress in Edo State, describing the incidents as a serious threat to democratic participation and political tolerance.
They warned that increasing violence against opposition figures could destabilise the political environment if not urgently addressed.
In their joint statement, the opposition parties pledged to pursue “every constitutional means” to challenge the Electoral Act 2026 and safeguard voters’ rights.
“We will not be intimidated,” the leaders said, urging civil society organisations and citizens to support efforts aimed at protecting Nigeria’s democratic system.
On February 18, 2026, President Bola Tinubu signed the Electoral Act (Amendment) 2026 into law following its passage by the National Assembly. The Act introduced several reforms, including statutory recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and revised election timelines.
However, opposition figures such as Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi have also called for further amendments, particularly over the manual transmission fallback clause, which critics say leaves room for manipulation.
The president said the law will strengthen democracy and prevent voter disenfranchisement.
Tinubu defended manual collation of results, questioned Nigeria’s readiness for full real-time electronic transmission, and warned against technical glitches and hacking.
The Electoral Act sparked intense debate in the National Assembly over how election results should be transmitted ahead of the 2027 general elections.
Civil society groups under the “Occupy NASS” campaign demanded real-time transmission to curb manipulation.
In the Senate, lawmakers clashed during consideration of Clause 60, which allows manual transmission of results if electronic transmission fails.
Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe (ADC, Abia South) demanded a formal vote to remove the proviso permitting manual transmission, arguing against weakening real-time electronic reporting.
The move led to a heated exchange on the floor, with Senate President Godswill Akpabio initially suggesting the demand had been withdrawn.
After procedural disputes and a brief confrontation among senators, a division was conducted. Fifteen opposition senators voted against retaining the manual transmission proviso, while 55 supported it, allowing the clause to stand.
Earlier proceedings had briefly stalled during clause-by-clause review, prompting consultations and a closed-door session.
In the House of Representatives, a similar disagreement came up over a motion to rescind an earlier decision that mandated compulsory real-time electronic transmission of results to IReV.
Although the “nays” were louder during a voice vote, Speaker Tajudeen Abbas ruled in favour of rescinding the decision, triggering protests and an executive session.
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AFP: How Tinubu’s Govt Paid Boko Haram ‘Huge’ Ransom, Released Two Terrorists for Kidnapped Saint Mary’s Pupils
Published
3 days agoon
February 24, 2026By
Eric
Two Boko Haram commanders were also freed as part of the deal, which goes against the country’s own law banning payments to kidnappers. The money was delivered by helicopter to Boko Haram’s Gwoza stronghold in northeastern Borno state on the border with Cameroon, intelligence sources told AFP.
The decision to pay the militants is likely to irritate US President Donald Trump, who ordered air strikes on jihadists in northern Nigeria on Christmas Day and has been sent military trainers to help support Nigerian forces.
Nigerian government officials deny any ransom was paid to the armed gang that snatched close to 300 schoolchildren and staff from St. Mary’s boarding school in Papiri in central Niger state on November 21. At least 50 later managed to escape their captors.
Boko Haram has not been previously linked to the kidnapping, but sources told AFP one of its most feared commanders was behind the mass abduction: the notorious jihadist known as Sadiku.
He infamously held up a train from the capital in 2022 and netted hefty ransoms for the release of government officials and other well-off passengers.
Boko Haram, which has waged a bloody insurgency since 2009, is strongest in northeast Nigeria.
But a cell in central Niger state operates under Sadiku’s leadership. The St. Mary’s pupils and staff were freed after two weeks of negotiations led by Nuhu Ribadu, Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, with the government insisting no ransom was paid. Nigeria’s State Security Service flatly denied paying any money, saying “government agents don’t pay ransoms”.
However, four intelligence sources familiar with the talks told AFP the government paid a “huge” ransom to get the pupils back. One source put it at 40 million naira per head – around $7 million in total.
Another put the figure lower at two billion naira overall. The money was delivered by chopper to Ali Ngulde, a Boko Haram commander in the northeast, three sources told AFP.
Due to the lack of communications cover in the remote area, Ngulde had to cross into Cameroon to confirm delivery of the ransom before the first group of 100 children were released.
Nigeria has long been plagued by mass abductions, with criminals and jihadist groups sometimes working together to extort millions from hostages’ families, and authorities seemingly powerless to stop them.
Source: Africanews
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Unlawful Invasion: El-Rufai Drags ICPC, IGP, Others to Court, Demands N1bn Damages
Published
3 days agoon
February 23, 2026By
Eric
Former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, has slammed a ₦1 billion fundamental rights enforcement suit against the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) for what he claimed was an unlawful invasion of his Abuja residence.
El-Rufai, in a suit filed at the Federal High Court in Abuja, also listed the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT, Abuja Magisterial District; Inspector-General of Police, and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) as 2nd to 4th respondents respectively.
According to the suit filed through his lawyers, led by Oluwole Iyamu, El-Rufai prayed the court to declare that the search warrant issued on February 4 by the Chief Magistrate, Magistrate’s Court of the FCT (2nd respondent), authorising the search and seizure at his residence as invalid, null and void.
Security operatives had stormed and searched the former Governor’s residence in the ongoing investigations against him.
However, he argued in the case marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/345/2026, that the search was in violation of Section 37 of the Constitution, and urged the court to declare that the search warrant was “null and void for lack of particularity, material drafting errors, ambiguity in execution parameters, overbreadth, and absence of probable cause thereby constituting an unlawful and unreasonable search.”
In the suit dated and filed February 20 by Iyamu, ex-governor, who is currently under detention, sought seven reliefs.
He prayed the court to declare that the invasion and search of his residence at House 12, Mambilla Street, Aso Drive, Abuja, on Feb. 19 at about 2pm and executed by agents of ICPC and I-G, “under the aforesaid invalid warrant, amounts to a gross violation of the applicant’s fundamental rights to dignity of the human person, personal liberty, fair hearing, and privacy under Sections 34, 35, 36, and 37 of the Constitution.”
He urged the court to declare that “any evidence obtained pursuant to the aforesaid invalid warrant and unlawful search is inadmissible in any proceedings against the applicant, as it was procured in breach of constitutional safeguards.”
El-Rufai, therefore, sought an order of injunction restraining the respondents and their agents from further relying on, using, or tendering any evidence or items seized during the unlawful search in any investigation, prosecution, or proceedings involving him.
“An order directing the Ist and 3rd respondents (ICPC and I-G) to forthwith return all items seized from the applicant’s premises during the unlawful search, together with a detailed inventory thereof.
“An order awarding the sum of N1,000,000,000.00 (One Billion Naira) as general, exemplary, and aggravated damages against the respondents jointly and severally for the violations of the applicant’s fundamental rights, including trespass, unlawful seizure, and the resultant psychological trauma, humiliation, distress, infringement of privacy, and reputational harm.”
The breakdown of the ₦1 billion in damages includes “a N300 million as compensatory damages for psychological trauma, emotional distress, and loss of personal security;
“A ₦400 million as exemplary damages to deter future misconduct by law enforcement agencies and vindicate the applicant’s rights.
“A ₦300 million as aggravated damages for the malicious, high-handed and oppressive nature of the respondents’ actions, including the use of a patently defective warrant procured through misleading representations.”
He equally sought ₦100 million as the cost of filing the suit, including legal fees and associated expenses.
Iyamu argued that the search warrant was fundamentally defective, lacking specificity in the description of items to be seized, containing material typographical errors, ambiguous execution terms, overbroad directives, and no verifiable probable cause.
He added that the warrant violated Sections 143-148 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA), 2015; Section 36 of the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences (ICPC) Act, 2000, and constitutional protections against arbitrary intrusions and several other constitutional provisions.
“Section 146 stipulates that the warrant must be in the prescribed form, free from defects that could mislead, but the document is riddled with errors in the address, date, and district designation;
“Section 147 allows direction to specified persons, but the warrant’s indiscriminate addressing to “all officers is overbroad and unaccountable.
“Section 148 permits execution at reasonable times, but the contradictory language creates ambiguity, undermining procedural clarity,” he submitted.
Iyamu stated that the execution of the invalid warrant on Feb. 19 resulted in an unlawful invasion of his client’s premises, constituting violations of the rights to dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), and privacy (Section 37) of the Constitution.
He further argued that the search was conducted without legal justification and in a manner that inflicted humiliation and distress.
“Evidence obtained without a valid warrant is unlawful and inadmissible, as established in judicial precedents such as C.O.P. v. Omoh (1969) NCLR 137, where the court ruled that evidence procured through improper means contravenes fundamental rights and must be excluded,” he said.
In the affidavit in support of the application, Mohammed Shaba, a Principal Secretary to the former governor, averred that on Feb. 19 at about 2p.m., officers from the ICPC and Nigeria Police Force invaded the residence under a purported search warrant issued on or about Feb. 4.
According to him, the said warrant is invalid due to its lack of specificity, errors, and other defects as outlined in the grounds of this application.
He said the “search warrant did not specify the properties or items being searched for.”
Shaba stated that the officers failed to submit themselves for search as provided by the law before proceeding with the search.
“That the Magistrate did not specify the magisterial district wherein he sits.
“That during the invasion, the officers searched the applicant’s premises without lawful authority, seized personal items including documents and electronic devices, and caused the applicant undue humiliation, psychological trauma, and distress.
“Now shown to me and marked as ‘EXHIBIT B’ Is the list of the items carted away.
“That no items seized have been returned, and the respondents continue to rely on the unlawful evidence.
“That the applicant suffered violations of his constitutional rights as a result, and this application is brought in good faith to enforce same,” Shaba said.
Source: Naijanews.com
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