Opinion
President Trump Leveraging Economic Security to Shape Global Security
Published
6 months agoon
By
Eric
By Magnus Onyibe
This piece was inspired by a remark from the U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent- America First Does Not Mean America Alone – during his address to corporate America, where he sought to explain President Donald Trump’s sweeping tariff policies—what many now call “Trump’s tariff war.”
In many ways, Bessent has become the “good cop” of the Trump administration. While critics often cast Trump as the “bad cop,” Bessent plays the role of a diplomatic interpreter, presenting the president’s tough and disruptive trade measures in a friendlier, more accessible way. His approach helps soften the impact of policies that have shaken the old world trade order and are now shaping a new one—an order President Trump is crafting through aggressive tariff strategies that have placed nearly every nation on alert.
Despite the controversy, Trump is increasingly proving himself one of America’s most effective dealmakers—perhaps even the most consequential statesman. This shouldn’t come as a surprise. After all, he co-authored The Art of the Deal in 1987, a book still regarded as a classic in salesmanship and negotiation.
In his second term, beginning January 20, Trump has elevated his approach by wielding tariffs not only as an economic tool but also as a lever of global security. Declaring his intention to end wars rather than start them, he has helped broker ceasefires in conflicts such as the India–Pakistan dispute and the Democratic Republic of Congo–Rwanda standoff involving the M23 militia.
Such efforts have earned him international recognition. Last month, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—during a visit to Washington—personally recommended Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize, citing his role in seeking to end the Israel–Gaza war. Netanyahu even submitted a formal letter to the Nobel Committee.
Israel is not alone. Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Manet has echoed the nomination, praising Trump for mediating a ceasefire between Cambodia and Thailand after a territorial dispute displaced over 300,000 people. According to both sides, Trump’s phone call on July 26 broke the stalemate, leading to a Malaysia-brokered ceasefire two days later. Cambodia’s letter to the Nobel Committee lauded Trump’s “extraordinary statesmanship” and “visionary diplomacy.”
Azerbaijan and Armenia—longtime adversaries locked in intermittent conflict since the early 20th century—have also jointly nominated Trump. Their feud, rooted in territorial disputes and the tragic Armenian genocide of 1915, has persisted for over a century. In a historic development, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan signed a peace agreement at the White House, crediting Trump’s mediation for the breakthrough. Aliyev asked pointedly, “Who, if not President Trump, deserves a Nobel Peace Prize?”
Even Pakistan has joined the chorus. In April, tensions with India flared once again in Kashmir after militants killed 25 Indian tourists. The four-day conflict threatened to spiral out of control between two nuclear-armed states. Trump stepped in, warning both nations of increased trade tariffs if they failed to de-escalate. His intervention helped bring about a ceasefire, averting a potentially devastating escalation.
Through these actions, Trump is redefining “America First.” Far from signaling isolationism, his strategy uses economic leverage to influence global security—demonstrating that the pursuit of national interest can foster peace beyond America’s borders.
Azerbaijan–Armenia Joint Nomination Strengthens Global Push for Trump’s Nobel Peace Prize
The joint nomination of President Donald Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize by Azerbaijan and Armenia marks a pivotal moment in the growing wave of international endorsements for his recognition as a global peacemaker. This development underscores Trump’s active role in mediating conflicts and promoting stability across multiple regions.
As it stands, at least half a dozen nations are formally backing Trump’s candidacy for the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize. While his campaign mantra remains “America First,” Trump has demonstrated that his foreign policy is not synonymous with isolationism. Beyond advancing U.S. interests—such as halting foreign aid under USAID to reduce what critics called America’s “Santa Claus” role—he has consistently engaged in conflict mediation worldwide.
His involvement spans attempts to end the ongoing Russia–Ukraine war, now in its third year, and the Israel–Gaza conflict, approaching its second. In an unprecedented move, Trump sanctioned India with a 50% trade tariff for violating global sanctions against Russia by purchasing Russian oil. Although China also imports oil from Russia, it has avoided similar punitive measures by entering negotiations after facing a steep 145% tariff during trade tensions earlier this year.
This tariff policy reflects Trump’s “reciprocal trade” approach—matching other nations’ barriers with equivalent U.S. measures. In April, he extended a 90-day grace period for friendly nations adjusting their tariffs on American goods, later pushing the deadline twice more to allow broader compliance. The willingness to extend deadlines, even for rivals like China, signals a pragmatic flexibility. However, critics have mockingly labeled this TACO—“Trump Always Chickens Out”—a play on the popular Mexican dish. However, from a negotiation standpoint, this flexibility is strategic: it enables partners to consult, adapt, and reach mutually beneficial agreements rather than forcing compliance through rigidity.
This philosophy aligns with established negotiation principles, such as those outlined in Roger Fisher and William Ury’s landmark book “Getting to Yes,” which emphasizes win–win outcomes where no party feels exploited. Trump appears to be applying such principles to global trade and diplomacy alike.
Beyond economic tools, Trump has issued direct ultimatums on security matters. When Iran refused to halt its suspected nuclear enrichment program, the U.S. conducted targeted strikes on known nuclear sites using B-22 bombers equipped with bunker-busting munitions. Last week, he also gave Russia a fresh deadline to end its war against Ukraine, following renewed and intense bombardment. Despite criticism for not being “tough enough” on Moscow, Trump has continued to pair sanctions with opportunities for negotiation, such as arranging talks in Turkey—though these have yet to yield lasting results.
Trump’s persistence in seeking to end these wars is not driven solely by humanitarian concerns. The regions affected by war—the Black Sea grain corridor and Middle Eastern energy hubs—are vital to the global supply of food and fossil fuels. Stability in these areas is therefore essential not only for regional peace but also for the functioning of the global economy.
In essence, while “America First” remains his guiding slogan, Trump’s willingness to adjust deadlines, broker ceasefires, and engage in sustained diplomacy illustrates that his vision is not America Alone. Instead, it reflects a calculated balance between protecting the U.S. interests and safeguarding the interconnected stability of the world economy.
Global Trade, Conflict Resolution, and Trump’s ‘America First, Not America Alone’ Doctrine
Russia and Ukraine remain two of the world’s most critical suppliers of wheat and other staple grains, just as the Middle East remains the heart of global fossil fuel production. Economists widely agree that disruptions in the free flow of both resources have contributed significantly to the global economic slowdown and the resulting hardships facing humanity today.
Over the past three years, prolonged wars in these strategic regions have severely undermined global economic stability—an urgency that underpins President Donald Trump’s drive to end them. His strategy blends military support—arming allies such as Israel and Ukraine—with economic measures, including sanctions against Russia and its allies like India.
This approach exemplifies Trump’s America First, not America Alone policy. He has consistently sought to mediate both the Israel–Hamas and Russia–Ukraine conflicts, aiming for global peace as a foundation for shared prosperity. Recently, his administration set a new deadline for Russia, prompting former president and current war chief Dmitry Medvedev to issue a veiled threat of nuclear confrontation. But he has since backed down as Russia has agreed to negotiate a ceasefire in Ukraine with the US.
In the Middle East, a similar ultimatum to Hamas to release hostages taken in 2023 went unheeded, further escalating the humanitarian crisis in Gaza as Israel has increased its tempo of trying to recover Israelis still being held hostage by Hamas. Against the backdrop of famine caused by Israel’s blockade, France, the UK, and—most recently—Canada and Australia have broken with longstanding Western policy by recognizing Palestine. This divergence risks leaving the U.S. isolated if it continues to back a two-state solution. Whether such recognition of Palestine or a much more pragmatic approach will meaningfully halt Israeli bombardments or ease the food blockade remains an open question.
In response to the earlier identified geopolitical shifts, Trump has paired diplomacy with economic leverage. India, accused of breaching sanctions by purchasing Russian oil, has faced steep tariffs. Canada has been penalized for its recognition of Palestine, while the UK—helped by King Charles’s outreach during Trump’s visit—secured a relatively low 10% rate. France’s tariffs are significantly higher, reflecting strained relations.
More broadly, tariffs have been raised to 40% for about 30 countries deemed unwilling to renegotiate trade terms. Yet Trump’s repeated extensions of the 90-day pause on these increases— shifted from July 9 to August 1—and later to August 12th demonstrate a willingness to give partners space to adjust. Even China has just been granted another 90-day pause for her to work out acceptable tariff arrangements in a manner that would not trigger calamitous trade disruptions.
As U.S. Treasury Secretary Bessent explained that America First means the U.S. will trade with the world, but on reciprocal terms that replace decades of self-imposed disadvantage under “big brother” diplomacy.
Unfair trade, however, is not unique to the U.S. Africa, too, has endured centuries of economic exploitation—from the Berlin Conference of 1884–85 to modern debt traps—locked into a role as supplier of raw materials and consumer of finished goods. Trump’s overhaul of the 80-year-old trade order offers Africa an opportunity to negotiate fairer terms. By joining his push for reciprocal tariffs, African leaders could break the cycle of dependency and address structural poverty. Failure to act would make them complicit in their continent’s ongoing economic marginalization.
With friendlier tariffs and a bold decision to invest in infrastructure in Africa, President Trump can open up a new frontier in Africa as President Jimmy Carter of blessed memory did when he visited China 25 years after the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki to end World War II and the Vietnam War. That visit was subsequently followed by his successor Richard Nixon in 1972, thus opening up China to the US and, by extension, the world for trade via the establishment of diplomatic relations between the US and China in 1979. Owing to that initiative, consolidated by another US president Bill Clinton in the year 2000 by granting China Permanent Trade Relations (NTR) status, today the US and China control 44.2% of global nominal GDP. Because Africa comprises 54 nations, boasts an estimated 1.5 billion people and is home to over 30% of the world’s natural resources, it makes a compelling case for President Trump to consider doing in Africa what Jimmy Carter started, Richard Nixon actualized and Bill Clinton consolidated leading to the pivotal role that China is playing in the world today. For emphasis, Africa and its humongous resources can similarly be harnessed for the mutual benefit of the continent and the world if President Trump takes the bold leap of faith of offering the continent the lifeline that past US presidents Carter, Nixon, and Clinton gave China in 1972- some 50 years ago.
The logic extends beyond charity for Africa as it makes business sense not just charity to stop seeing Africa as a potential new frontier by executing a plan that can pivot the potential to reality.
Meanwhile, Trump’s early 145% tariffs on China had shocked global markets but were later reduced after high-level negotiations—an example of his tactic of setting extreme initial terms to drive engagement. It is a gesture that Trump has extended as the last pause just expired.
Similar patterns have played out with the EU, which narrowly avoided a major tariff hike by reopening talks. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has since pledged to meet the August 1 deadline, signaling that even reluctant partners recognize the need to adapt. The EU has since struck a deal with the US.
Hopefully, at the end of the new pause for China, a deal would have been struck.
In this context, Trump’s strategy—mixing hard deadlines with room for renegotiation—underscores that America First is not isolationist. Rather, it is a recalibration of global trade and diplomacy that insists on fairness while still seeking cooperative solutions.
The rapprochement between the US and the EU is hardly surprising, given that transatlantic trade currently stands at an impressive $606 billion—larger than the combined value of US trade with its northern neighbors, Mexico and Canada, and even greater than the total of US trade with China and Japan combined.
This immense trade volume gives the EU significant leverage in negotiations with Washington. However, with President Trump poised to take a harder line—convinced that the EU has long taken advantage of the US, resulting in a persistent trade deficit in Europe’s favor—European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen determined to prevent Trump’s metaphorical axe from falling on the continent, closed the deal before the deadline.
So far, nine countries have signed new agreements. The UK, in a gesture of goodwill from Trump to the King of England, was granted a 10% tariff rate. Brazil, however, faces a 50% tariff, South Korea 15%, and India 25%—the latter two penalized for continuing to buy oil from Russia despite international sanctions over its invasion of Ukraine.
Ahead of Trump’s trade deadlines, several nations—including EU members, South Korea, and India—renegotiated their tariff terms with Washington, resulting in rates rising from a uniform 10% to between 15% and 50%. These are the highest levels since the Great Depression.
Many critics initially believed Trump’s tariff war would backfire, harming the US economy. Yet, despite fears, GDP growth has risen to 3%. Skeptics who had argued that Trump’s sweeping trade tariffs would plunge the US economy into recession are now projecting that the real economic pain has been delayed because manufacturers and retailers have yet to fully pass on higher costs to consumers.
One thing is certain: Trump has profoundly reshaped the global trade landscape, wielding economic policy as a tool of national security. He has even threatened higher tariffs on Canada for its plans to recognize Palestine—following the example of France, the UK, Canada, and most recently, Australia.
Clearly, the whole world is now metaphorically dancing to the tune being dictated by President Trump leveraging economic security to achieve global security.
Undeniably, Trump is turning out to be one of the world’s greatest reformers. Irrespective of the fact that his reforms were initially derided and rejected by Americans and indeed critics across the world who felt that his reforms were capable of disrupting the old world order and would spell doom for humankind.
As things currently stand, if Trump ends the Russia-Ukraine war and brings peace to the Middle East by resolving the Israeli-Hamas horrific bloodshed leveraging his unconventional method of using economic security to achieve global security,
As Christina Aguilera, a US.song writer, noted: “The roughest road often leads to the top.”
What the statement above suggests is that meaningful reform often requires difficult choices and hard work but ultimately leads to a more prosperous and resilient nation.
According to Kofi Annan, former UN Secretary General, “Reform is a process, and not an event.” That wise admonition underscores the idea that reform is an ongoing process that requires effort and dedication, rather than a single event or decision.
Furthermore, the perspective offered by Catherine the Great, empress of Russia from 1762-1796, known for her impressive reign and cultural achievements: “It is better to inspire a reform than to enforce it.” is quite instructive in the current circumstances. It suggests that inspiring reform can be more effective than forcing it, highlighting the importance of leadership and vision in driving positive change.
Circling back to Nigeria, and drawing a parallel between reformist President Trump of the US and President Bola Tinubu who has engaged in reforms since he took office on May 29, 2023, is a little over two years ago, reformers always face resistance humans often fear the unknown are always happy to remain in their comfort zones.
Hence, it is unsurprising that Tinubu’s reforms were greeted with cynicism by some Nigerians weary of a period of failed government promises of a better life by previous administrations.
Ending over four decades long fuel and subsidy, boosting the foreign exchange reserve in the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN from $34 billion in 2023 to $40 billion this year and increasing the funds going to the states for the development of the rural areas by governors sometimes as much as threefold, and the boost in non-oil exports by as much as $3.225 billion are some positive outcomes of Tinubu’s reforms. All of these have resulted in the stabilization of the naira enhanced by the boost in crude oil production which has climbed from a low of roughly 1.3 million barrels per day in 2023 to about 1.8 million this year not forgetting the stability of the naira which cures business uncertainty.
But, as encouraging as these outlined developments are, due to skepticism arising from the hardship associated with the reforms, Tinubu is not being given the flowers that he should have been receiving.
The question is: By the time he completes his reforms and term in office, would President Donald J Trump be the new President George Washington of America in terms of positive and consequential impact?
And would President Bola Tinubu leave a type of positive legacy in the manner that Nelson Mandela left huge positive imprints in the sands of time in South Africa?
Given the rainbow forming on the horizon in the US, the world, and Nigeria through the reform efforts of Trump regarding the US and the world through sweeping trade tariff changes, and Tinubu in Nigeria who has ended entrenched obnoxious policies respectfully, one can not help but be optimistic about a better lease of life awaiting the world, Americans and Nigerians.
Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, and alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, is a Commonwealth Institute scholar and a former commissioner in the Delta State government. He sent this piece from Lagos.
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Opinion
The Extraordinary Educational Legacy of the Fani-Kayode Family
Published
20 hours agoon
February 11, 2026By
Eric
By Emmanuel Owabor
There is no other family in the history of Africa in which there are five generations of graduates from Oxbridge-level universities.
From 1893 when Rev. Emmanuel Adelabi Kayode (Chief Femi Fani-Kayode’s great grandfather) graduated with honors with a Master of Arts degree in theology from Durham University, to 1922 when Justice Victor Adedapo Kayode (Chief Femi Fani-Kayode’s grandfather) graduated from Cambridge University with a law degree, to 1943 when Chief Remi Fani-Kayode (Chief Femi Fani-Kayode’s father) graduated from Cambridge University with a law degree, to 1984 when Chief Femi Fani-Kayode himself graduated from Cambridge University with a law degree, no family in Nigeria or indeed Africa and few in the world have had four generations of graduates from these elite institutions from such an early age.
The fifth generation of Oxbridge-level graduates was led by Chief Femi Fani-Kayode’s eldest daughter, Miss Folake Fani-Kayode, who graduated with a degree from Durham University in 2009 (like her great, great grandfather, Rev. Emmanuel Adelabi Kayode had done, 116 years earlier.
Since then numerous other children of Chief Femi Fani-Kayode have graduated from top British and western Universities.
This represents an extraordinary legacy of first class education from the best Universities the world for five uninterrupted generations.
No other Nigerian or African family has achieved this and very few even in the Western world.
Emmanuel Owabor is a Director of Content Service, a Public Policy Expert and a Public Affairs commentator of many years. He can be reached via owabor.e@gmail.com.
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Opinion
A Holistic Framework for Addressing Leadership Deficiencies in Nigeria, Others
Published
6 days agoon
February 6, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD
“Effective leadership is not a singular attribute but a systemic outcome. It is forged by institutions stronger than individuals, upheld by accountability with enforceable consequences, and sustained by a society that demands integrity as the non-negotiable price of power. The path to renewal—from national to global—requires us to architect systems that make ethical and competent leadership not an exception, but an inevitable product of the structure itself” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
Introduction: Understanding the Leadership Deficit
Leadership deficiencies in the modern era represent a critical impediment to sustainable development, social cohesion, and global stability. These shortcomings—characterized by eroded public trust, systemic corruption, short-term policymaking, and a lack of inclusive vision—are not isolated failures but symptoms of deeper structural and ethical flaws within governance systems. Crafting effective solutions requires a clear-eyed, unbiased analysis that moves beyond regional stereotypes to address universal challenges while respecting specific contextual realities. This document presents a comprehensive, actionable framework designed to rebuild effective leadership at the national, continental, and global levels, adhering strictly to principles of meritocracy, accountability, and transparency.
I. Foundational Pillars for Systemic Reform
Any lasting solution must be built upon a bedrock of core principles. These pillars are universal prerequisites for ethical and effective governance.
1. Institutional Integrity Over Personality: Systems must be stronger than individuals. Governance should rely on robust, transparent, and rules-based institutions that function predictably regardless of incumbents, thereby minimizing personal discretion and its attendant risks of abuse.
2. Uncompromising Accountability with Enforceable Sanctions: Accountability cannot be theoretical. It requires independent oversight bodies with real investigative and prosecutorial powers, a judiciary insulated from political interference, and clear consequences for misconduct, including loss of position and legal prosecution.
3. Meritocracy as the Primary Selection Criterion: Leadership selection must transition from patronage, nepotism, and identity politics to demonstrable competence, proven performance, and relevant expertise. This necessitates transparent recruitment and promotion processes based on objective criteria.
4. Participatory and Deliberative Governance: Effective leaders leverage the collective intelligence of their populace. This demands institutionalized channels for continuous citizen engagement—beyond periodic elections—such as citizen assemblies, participatory budgeting, and formal consultation processes with civil society.
II. Context-Specific Strategies and Interventions
A. For Nigeria: Catalyzing National Rebirth Through Institutional Reconstruction
Nigeria’s path requires a dual focus: dismantling obstructive legacies while constructing resilient, citizen-centric institutions.
· Constitutional and Electoral Overhaul: Reform must address foundational structures. This includes a credible review of the federal system to optimize the balance of power, the introduction of enforceable campaign finance laws to limit monetized politics, and the implementation of fully electronic, transparent electoral processes with real-time result transmission audited by civil society. Strengthening the independence of key bodies like INEC, the judiciary, and anti-corruption agencies through sustainable funding and insulated appointments is non-negotiable.
· Genuine Fiscal Federalism and Subnational Empowerment: The current over-centralization stifles innovation. Empowering states and local governments with greater fiscal autonomy and responsibility for service delivery would foster healthy competition, allow policy experimentation tailored to local contexts, and reduce the intense, often violent, competition for federal resources.
· Holistic Security Sector Reform: Addressing insecurity requires more than hardware. A comprehensive strategy must include community-policing models, merit-based reform of promotion structures, significant investment in intelligence capabilities, and, crucially, parallel programs to address the root causes: youth unemployment, economic inequality, and environmental degradation.
· Investing in the Civic Infrastructure: A functioning democracy requires an informed and engaged citizenry. This mandates a national, non-partisan civic education curriculum and robust support for a free, responsible, and financially sustainable press. Protecting journalists and whistleblowers is essential for maintaining transparency.
B. For Africa: Leveraging Continental Solidarity for Governance Enhancement
Africa’s prospects are tied to its ability to act collectively, using regional and continental frameworks to elevate governance standards.
· Operationalizing the African Governance Architecture: The African Union’s mechanisms, particularly the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), must transition from voluntary review to a system with meaningful incentives and consequences. Compliance with APRM recommendations could be linked to preferential access to continental infrastructure funding or trade benefits under the AfCFTA.
· The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a Governance Catalyst: Beyond economics, the AfCFTA can drive better governance. By creating powerful cross-border commercial interests, it builds domestic constituencies that demand policy predictability, dispute resolution mechanisms, and regulatory transparency—all hallmarks of sound leadership.
· Pan-African Human Capital Development: Strategic investment in continental human capital is paramount. This includes expanding regional centers of excellence in STEM and public administration, fostering academic and professional mobility, and deliberately cultivating a new generation of technocrats and leaders through programs like the African Leadership University.
· Consistent Application of Democratic Norms: Regional Economic Communities (RECs) must enforce their own democratic charters uniformly. This requires establishing clear, automatic protocols for responding to unconstitutional changes of government, including graduated sanctions, rather than ad-hoc diplomatic responses influenced by political alliances.
C. For the Global System: Rebuilding Equitable and Effective Multilateralism
Global leadership crises often stem from outdated international structures that lack legitimacy and enforceability.
· Reforming Archaic Multilateral Institutions: The reform of the United Nations Security Council to reflect 21st-century geopolitical realities is essential for its legitimacy. Similarly, the governance structures of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank must be updated to give emerging economies a greater voice in decision-making.
· Combating Transnational Corruption and Illicit Finance: Leadership deficiencies are often funded from abroad. A binding international legal framework is needed to enhance financial transparency, harmonize anti-money laundering laws, and expedite the repatriation of stolen assets. This requires wealthy nations to rigorously police their own financial centers and professional enablers.
· Fostering Climate Justice and Leadership: Effective global climate action demands leadership rooted in equity. Developed nations must fulfill and be held accountable for commitments on climate finance, technology transfer, and adaptation support. Leadership here means honoring historical responsibilities.
· Establishing Norms for the Digital Age: The technological frontier requires new governance. A global digital compact is needed to establish norms against cyber-attacks on civilian infrastructure, the use of surveillance for political repression, and the cross-border spread of algorithmic disinformation that undermines democratic processes.
III. Universal Enablers for Transformative Leadership
Certain interventions are universally applicable and critical for cultivating a new leadership ethos across all contexts.
· Strategic Leadership Development Pipelines: Nations and institutions should invest in non-partisan, advanced leadership academies. These would equip promising individuals from diverse sectors with skills in ethical decision-making, complex systems management, strategic foresight, and collaborative governance, creating a reservoir of prepared talent.
· Redefining Success Metrics: Moving beyond Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as the primary scorecard, governments should adopt and be assessed on holistic indices that measure human development, environmental sustainability, inequality gaps, and citizen satisfaction. International incentives, like preferential financing, could be aligned with performance on these multidimensional metrics.
· Creating a Protective Ecosystem for Accountability: Robust, legally enforced protections for whistleblowers, investigative journalists, and anti-corruption officials are fundamental. This may include secure reporting channels, legal aid, and, where necessary, international relocation support for those under threat.
· Harnessing Technology for Inclusive Governance: Digital tools should be leveraged to deepen democracy. This includes secure platforms for citizen feedback on legislation, open-data portals for public spending, and digital civic assemblies that allow for informed deliberation on key national issues, complementing representative institutions.
Conclusion: The Collective Imperative for Renewal
Addressing leadership deficiencies is not a passive exercise but an active, continuous project of societal commitment. It requires the deliberate construction of systems that incentivize integrity and penalize malfeasance. For Nigeria, it is the arduous task of rebuilding a social contract through impartial institutions. For Africa, it is the strategic use of collective action to elevate governance standards continent-wide. For the world, it is the courageous redesign of international systems to foster genuine cooperation and justice. Ultimately, the quality of leadership is a direct reflection of the standards a society upholds and enforces. By implementing this multilayered framework—demanding accountability, rewarding merit, and empowering citizens—a new paradigm of leadership can emerge, transforming it from a recurrent source of crisis into the most reliable engine for human progress and shared prosperity.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, and resilient nation-building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
Tali Shani vs Mike Ozekhome: How a Legal Mole-Hill Was Turned into a Mountain
Published
6 days agoon
February 6, 2026By
Eric
By Abubakar D. Sani, Esq
INTRODUCTION
News of the decision of a British Tribunal in respect of a property situate in London, the UK’s capital, whose ownership was disputed has gained much publicity since it was delivered in the second week of September 2025. For legal reasons, the charges brought against prominent lawyer, Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, based on same is the most that can be said of it as no arraignment was made before Hon. Justice Kekemeke of the High court of the FCT, Abuja, sitting in Maitama.
Accordingly, this intervention will be limited to interrogating the common, but false belief (even in legal circles), that the Tribunal somehow indicted him with conclusive ‘guilt’. I intend to argue that this belief is not correct; and that, on the contrary, nothing could be further from the truth. For the sake of context, therefore, it is necessary to refer to relevant portions of the decision of Judge Paton (the name of the Tribunal’s presiding officer), which completely exonerated Chief Ozekhome, but which his detractors have always conveniently suppressed.
WHAT DID THE TRIBUNAL SAY?
Not a few naysayers, smart-alecs, emergency analysts and self-appointed pundits have been quick to latch on to some passages in the judgement of the Tribunal which disagreed with Ozekhome’s testimony to justify their crucifixion of Chief Ozekhome – even without hearing his side of the story or his version of events. This is a pity, of course, especially for the supposedly learned senior lawyers among them who, by ignoring the age-old principle of fair hearing famously captured as audi alterem partem (hear the other side) have unwittingly betrayed patent bias, malice, malevolence and utter lack of bona fides as the major, if not exclusive, motivator of their view-points and opinions. I have particularly watched about five of such senior lawyers shop from one platform to another, with malicious analysis to achieve nothing, but reputational damage. They know themselves.
Before proceeding to those portions, it is important to acknowledge that the Tribunal conducted a review of the evidence placed before it. The proceedings afforded all parties the opportunity to present their respective cases. The learned Judge carefully evaluated the testimonies, documentary exhibits and surrounding circumstances and rendered a reasoned decision based on the materials before the Tribunal.
It is also not in doubt that the Tribunal made certain critical observations in the course of assessing the credibility of the witnesses and the plausibility of their explanations. Such evaluative comments are a normal and inevitable feature of judicial fact-finding, particularly in property tribunals in contested proceedings involving complex transactions and disputed narratives. They do not amount to indictment.
It is precisely the improper isolation and mischaracterization of some of these observations that have given rise to the present misconception that the Tribunal somehow pronounced a verdict of guilt on Chief Ozekhome. It is therefore necessary to place the relevant excerpts in their proper legal and factual context, so as to demonstrate how the self-same tribunal exonerated Ozekhome.
“Paragraph 98: Once one steps back from that material, and considers the Respondent’s own direct personal knowledge of relevant matters relating to this property, this only commences in 2019. That is, he confirmed, when he was first introduced to Mr. Tali Shani – he thought in about January of that year. He did not therefore know him in 1993, or at any time before January 2019. He could not therefore have any direct knowledge of the circumstances of the purchase of this property, or its management prior to 2019. He had, however, known the late General Useni for over 20 years prior to his death, as both his lawyer and friend.
“Paragraph 103: Such of the Respondent’s written evidence had been about the very recent management of the property, and in particular his dispute over its management (and collection of rents) with one Nicholas Ekhorutowen, who provided no evidence in this case. The Respondent confirmed in oral evidence that it was upon the execution of the powers of attorney that he came into possession of the various pre registration title and conveyancing documents which formed part of his disclosure. These had been handed over to him by the next witness who gave evidence, Mr. Akeem Johnson.
“Paragraph 168: Unlike the fictitious “Ms. Tali Shani”, a man going by the name of Mr. Tali Shani exists and gave evidence before me in that name. A certified copy of an official Nigerian passport was produced both to the Land Registry and this Tribunal, stating that Mr. Tali Shani was born on 2nd April 1973. I do not have the evidence, or any sufficient basis, to find that this document – unlike the various poor and pitiful forgeries on the side of the “Applicant” – is forged, and I do not do so.
“Paragraph 200: First, I find that General Useni, since he was in truth the sole legal and beneficial owner of this property (albeit registered in a false name), must in some way have been connected to this transfer, and to have directed it. He was clearly close to, and on good terms with, the Respondent. There is no question of this being some sort of attempt by the Respondent to steal the general’s property without his knowledge.
“Paragraph 201: As to precisely why General Useni chose to direct this transfer to the Respondent, I do not need to (and indeed cannot) make detailed findings. I consider that it is highly possible that it was in satisfaction of some debt or favour owed. The Respondent initially angrily denied the allegation (made in the various statements filed on behalf of the “Applicant”) that this was a form of repayment of a loan of 54 million Naira made during the general’s unsuccessful election campaign. In his oral evidence, both he and his son then appeared to accept that the general had owed the Respondent some money, but that it had been fully paid off. The general himself, when asked about this, said that he “did not know how much money he owed” the Respondent.
“Paragraph 202: I do not, however, need to find precisely whether (and if so, how much) money was owed. The transfer may have been made out of friendship and generosity, or in recognition of some other service or favour. The one finding I do make, however, is that it was the decision of General Useni to transfer the property to the Respondent.”
It must be emphasised that even where a court finds that a witness has given inconsistent, fluctuating, or implausible testimony, as some have latched on, such a finding does not, without more, translate into civil or criminal liability. At best, it affects the weight and credibility to be attached to such evidence. It does not constitute proof of fraud, conspiracy, or criminal intent. See MANU v. STATE (2025) LPELR-81120(CA) and IKENNE vs. THE STATE (2018) LPELR-44695 (SC)
Notwithstanding the Tribunal’s engagement with the evidence, certain passages had been selectively extracted and sensationalised by critics. On the ipssisima verba (precise wordings) of the Tribunal, only the above paragraphs which are always suppressed clearly stand out in support of Chief Ozekhome’s case, as the others were more like opinions.
Some paragraphs in the judgement in particular, appear to have been carefully selected as “weapons” in Chief Ozekhome’s enemies’ armoury, as they are most bandied about in the public space. The assumption appears to be that such findings are conclusive of his guilt in a civil property dispute. This is unfortunate, as the presumption of innocence is the bedrock of our adversarial criminal jurisprudence. It is a fundamental right guaranteed under section 36 of the Constitution and Article 7 of the African Charter which, regrettably, appear to have been more observed in the breach in his case.
More fundamentally, the selective reliance on few passages that disagreed with his evidence or testimony and that of Mr. Tali Shani, ignore the above wider and more decisive findings of the Tribunal itself. A holistic reading of the judgment reveals that the Tribunal was far more concerned with exposing an elaborate scheme of impersonation, forgery, and deception orchestrated in the name of a fictitious Applicant, Ms Tali Shani, and not Mr. Tali Shani (Ozekhome’s witness), who is a living human being. These findings, which have been largely ignored in public discourse, demonstrate that the gravamen of the Tribunal’s decision lay not in any indictment of Chief Ozekhome, but in the collapse of a fraudulent claim against him, which was founded on false identity and fabricated documents.
The Tribunal carefully distinguished a fake “Ms” Tali Shani (the Applicant), who said she was General Useni’s mistress and owner of the property, and the real owner, Mr Tali Shani, who was Chief Ozekhome’s witness before the Tribunal. It was the Tribunal’s finding that she was nothing but a phantom creation and therefore rejected her false claim to the property (par. 123). It also rejected the evidence of her so called cousin (Anakwe Obasi) and purported son (Ayodele Obasi) (par. 124).
The Tribunal further found that it was the Applicant and her cohorts that engaged in diverse fraud with documents such as a fraudulent witness statement purportedly from General Useni; all alleged identity documents; fabricated medical correspondence; the statement of case and witness statements; a fake death certificate; and a purported burial notice. (Paragraph 125). Why are these people not concerned with Barrister Mohammed Edewor, Nicholas Ekhoromtomwen, Ayodele Damola, and Anakwe Obasi? Why mob-lynching Chief Ozekhome?
The Tribunal found that the proceedings amounted to an abuse of process and a deliberate attempt to pervert the course of justice. It therefore struck out the Applicant’s claim (Paragraphs 130–165). The Tribunal significantly found that Mr Tali Shani exists as a human being and had testified before it in June, 2024. It accepted a certified Nigerian passport he produced, and accepted its authenticity and validity (Paragraph 168). Can any objective person hold that Ozekhome forged any passport as widely reported by his haters when the maker exists?
Having examined the factual findings of the Tribunal and their proper context, the next critical issue is the legal status and probative value of such findings. The central question, therefore, is whether the observations and conclusions of a foreign tribunal, made in the course of civil proceedings, are sufficient in law to establish civil or criminal liability against a person in subsequent proceedings.
STATUS OF JUDGEMENTS UNDER THE LAW
The relevant statutory provisions in Nigeria are sections 59, 60, 61, 173 and 174 of the Evidence Act 2011, provide as follows, respectively:
Section 59: “The existence of any judgment, order or decree which by law prevents any court from taking cognisance of a suit or holding a trial, is a relevant fact, evidence of which is admissible when the question is whether such court ought to take cognisance of such suit or to hold such trial”;
Section 60(I): “A final judgment, order or decree of a competent court, in the exercise of probate. Matrimonial, admiralty or insolvency jurisdiction, which confers upon or takes away from any person any legal character. or which declares any person to be entitled to any such character or to be entitled to any specific thing, not as against any specified person but absolutely, is admissible when the existence of any such legal character, or the title of any such legal persons to an) such thing, is relevant (2) Such judgment, order or decree is conclusive proof (a)that any legal character which it confers accrued at the time when such judgment, order or decree came into operation; (b) that any legal character. to which it declares any such person to be entitled. accrued to that person at the time when such judgment order or decree declares it to have accrued to that person; (c) that any legal character which it takes away from any such person ceased at the time from which such judgment, order or decree declared that it had ceased or should cease; and (d) that anything to which it declares any person to be so entitled was the property of that person at the time from which such judgment. order or decree declares that it had been or should be his property”;
Section 61: “Judgments, orders or decrees other than those mentioned in section 60 are admissible if they relate to matters of a public nature relevant to the inquiry; but such judgments, orders or decrees are not conclusive proof of that which they state”
Section 173: “Every judgment is conclusive proof, as against parties and privies. of facts directly in issue in the case, actually decided by the court. and appearing from the judgment itself to be the ground on which it was based; unless evidence was admitted in the action in which the judgment was delivered which is excluded in the action in which that judgment is intended to be proved”.;
Section 174(1): “If a judgment is not pleaded by way of estoppel it is as between parties and privies deemed to be a relevant fact, whenever any matter, which was or might have been decided in the action in which it was given, is in issue, or is deemed to be relevant to the issue in any subsequent proceeding”;
(2):”Such judgment is conclusive proof of the facts which it decides, or might have decided, if the party who gives evidence of it had no opportunity of pleading it as an estoppel”.
It can be seen that the decision of the Tribunal falls under the purview of section 61 of the Evidence Act, as the provisions of sections 59 and 60 and of sections 173 and 174 thereof, are clearly inapplicable to it. In other words, even though some Judge Paton’s findings in respect of Chief Ozekhome’s testimony at the Tribunal relate to matters of public nature (i.e., the provenance and status of No. 79 Randall Avenue, Neasden, London, U.K and the validity of his application for its transfer to him) none of those comments or even findings is in any way conclusive of whatever they may assert or state (to use the language of section 60 of the Evidence Act).
In this regard, see the case of DIKE V NZEKA (1986) 4 NWLR pt.34 pg. 144 @ 159 where the Supreme Court construed similar provisions in section 51 of the old Evidence Act, 1948. I agree with Tar Hon, SAN (S. T. Hon’s Law of Evidence in Nigeria, 3rd edition, page 1041) that the phrase ‘public nature’ in the provision is satisfied where the judgement is clearly one in rem as opposed to in personam. It is pertinent to say a few words about both concepts, as they differ widely in terms of scope. The former determines the legal status of property, a person, a particular subject matter, or object, against the whole world, and is binding on all persons, whether they were parties to the suit or not. See OGBORU V IBORI (2005) 13 NWLR pt. 942 pg. 319 @407-408 per I. T. Muhammed, JCA (as he then was).
This was amplified by the apex court in OGBORU V UDUAGHAN (2012) LLJR -SC, where it held, per Adekeye, JSC that: “A judgment in rem maybe defined as the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction determining the status of a person or thing as distinct from the particular interest of a party to the litigation. Apart from the application of the term to persons, it must affect the “res” in the way of condemnation forfeiture, declaration, status or title”.
By contrast, “Judgments ‘in personam’ or ‘inter partes’, as the name suggests, are those which determine the rights of parties as between one another to or in the subject matter in dispute, whether it be corporeal property of any kind whatever or a liquidated or unliquidated demand but which do not affect the status of either things or persons or make any disposition of property or declare or determine any interest in it except as between the parties (to the litigation). See HOYSTEAD V TAXATION COMMISSIONERS (1926) A. C. 155. These include all judgments which are not judgments in rem. None of such judgments at all affects any interest which third parties may have in the subject matter. As judgment inter partes, though binding between the parties and their privies, they do not affect the rights of third parties. See CASTRIQUE V IMRIE 141 E. R. 1062; (1870) L. R. 4H. L. 414”.
Suffice it to say that the decision of the London Property Tribunal was, in substance, one affecting proprietary rights in rem, in the sense that it determined the status and registrability of the property in dispute. However, it did not determine any civil or criminal liability, nor did it pronounce on the personal culpability of any party. The implication of this is that, even though the decision was in respect of a matter of a public nature, it was, nonetheless, not conclusive as far as proof of the status of the property, or – more importantly – Chief Ozekhome’s role in relation to it. Indeed, the property involved was not held to have been traced to the owner (General Useni) as having ever tried or convicted for owning same. I submit that the foregoing is the best case scenario in terms of the value of Judge Paton’s said decision, because under section 62 of the Evidence Act, (depending, of course, on its construction), it will fare even worse, as it provides that judgments “other than those mentioned in sections 59. 60 and 61 are inadmissible unless the judgment, etc is a fact in issue or is admissible under some other provision of this or any other Act”.
CONCLUSION
Some people’s usual proclivity to rush to judgment and condemn unheard any person (especially a high profile figure like Chief Ozekhome), has exposed him to the worst kind of unfair pedestrian analysis, malice, mud-slinging and outright name-calling especially by those who, by virtue of their training, ought to know better, and, therefore, be more circumspect, restrained and guarded in their utterances. This is all the more so because, no court of competent jurisdiction has tried or pronounced him guilty. It is quite unfortunate how some select lawyers are baying for his blood.
The decision of the London Tribunal remains what it is: a civil determination on attempted transfer of a property based on the evidence before it. It is not, and cannot be, a substitute for civil or criminal adjudication by a competent court. The presumption of innocence under Nigerian laws remains inviolable. Any attempt by commentators to usurp that judicial function through premature verdicts is not only improper, but inimical to the fair administration of justice.
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