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The Oracle

The Oracle: Evaluation of Nigeria’s Political Leadership Since 1960 and Rhythms of Corruption (Pt. 1)

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By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN

INTRODUCTION

This paper provides a comprehensive evaluation of Nigeria’s political leadership from independence in 1960 to the present, with a focus on the persistent challenge of corruption. Nigeria’s journey from colonial rule to self-governance has been marked by cycles of hope, instability, and economic mismanagement, much of which has been driven by corrupt practices entrenched in both military and civilian governments. The study explores key periods in Nigeria’s political history, including the First Republic, military rule, and the Fourth Republic, highlighting how corruption has consistently undermined the country’s potential for sustainable development and effective governance. By examining the leadership approaches of key figures such as Olusegun Obasanjo, Muhammadu Buhari, and Ahmed Bola Tinubu, the paper traces the evolution of corruption in the Nigerian state and the various reform efforts that have been attempted. It concludes with recommendations for strengthening institutions, fostering electoral reforms, engaging youth, and promoting economic diversification as critical steps toward breaking the cycle of corruption and building a transparent and accountable governance system in Nigeria.

THE NEXUS OF LEADERSHIP AND CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA’S POLITICAL EVOLUTION

Since gaining independence in 1960, Nigeria’s political trajectory has been characterized by a mix of hope, turmoil, and persistent challenges, with leadership and corruption standing at the forefront of its journey. The dawn of independence was met with widespread optimism, as Nigerians believed that self-governance would pave the way for unity, prosperity, and equitable development. However, the newly independent nation was also deeply divided along ethnic, regional, and religious lines, fault lines that would complicate governance and the exercise of power from the very beginning. As Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Nigeria’s first Prime Minister, remarked, “I am convinced, and I want you also to be convinced, that the future of this vast country must depend, in the main, on the efforts of ourselves to help ourselves. This we cannot do if we do not work together in unity. Indeed, unity today is our greatest concern, and it is the duty off every one of us to work so that we may strengthen it.” (BlackPast. (n.d.). 1957: Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, first speech as Prime Minister. BlackPast. <https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/1957-abubakar-tafawa-balewa-first-speech-prime-minister/>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). Yet, this optimism would soon be overshadowed by political instability, ethnic divide and rising corruption.

Nigeria’s political history, from its independence to the present day, can be viewed as a series of cycles each marked by the rise of leaders, the accompanying hope for reform, and the eventual disappointment as corruption became deeply entrenched in the fabric of governance. Military coups and civilian governments alike have struggled to combat corruption, which has repeatedly hindered Nigeria’s ability to achieve sustained economic development and political stability. From the First Republic’s collapse under the weight of ethnic tensions and corruption to the military’s authoritarian grip during the 1980s and 1990s, Nigeria’s political leadership has often been marred by self-interest, mismanagement, and the prioritization of regional over national interests.

At the heart of Nigeria’s political crises lies the problem of corruption, a theme that has become an inseparable part of the country’s political narrative. Whether under military dictatorships or civilian rule, corruption has remained pervasive, affecting every level of government and public life. Leaders have come and gone, each promising to root out graft and restore accountability, but few have succeeded in achieving meaningful reform. The oil boom of the 1970s, which should have catapulted Nigeria into a new era of prosperity, instead deepened the corruption problem, as political elites siphoned off the country’s wealth for personal gain (Yakub, M. U. (2007). Financing small and medium enterprises in Nigeria: The small and medium industries equity investment scheme experience. Central Bank of Nigeria. <http://library.cbn.gov.ng:8092/jspui/bitstream/123456789/248/1/Pages%20from%20Vol%2032%20No%202%20April-June%202007-6%20Maaji%20Umar%20Yakub.pdf>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). The phrase “Nigeria is not suffering from poverty; it is suffering from the mismanagement of wealth” succinctly captures the frustration many Nigerians have felt over the years.

As Nigeria transitioned into the Fourth Republic in 1999, following years of military rule, hopes were rekindled that democratic governance would bring with it transparency, accountability, and an end to the endemic corruption that had crippled the nation. However, even in the democratic era, corruption scandals, such as the Halliburton bribery case and the mismanagement of oil revenues, continued to undermine public trust. Successive leaders like, Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Goodluck Jonathan, and Muhammadu Buhari came to power with anti-corruption platforms, but each faced significant challenges in overcoming the deep-rooted patronage networks and institutionalized graft that characterized Nigeria’s political system.

Today, as Nigeria moves further into the 21st century, the country remains at a critical juncture. The election of Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2023 was seen by some as an opportunity for renewal, but his rise to power was also clouded by long standing allegations of corruption, raising questions about whether true reform can ever be achieved. The challenges Nigeria faces economic inequality, insecurity, and the enduring grip of corruption are as pressing as ever. The struggle for good governance continues, and the path forward is fraught with obstacles. Yet, as the Nigerian proverb wisely notes, “No matter how long the night, the day is sure to come.” The hope for a better future remains, but the journey toward that brighter day is far from certain.

POST-INDEPENDENCE DAWN: FOUNDATIONS OF POLITICAL LEADERSHIP (1960-1979)

THE BIRTH OF A NEW NATION: SETTING THE STAGE

In 1960, Nigeria stood at the cusp of a monumental shift, shaking off the shackles of British colonial rule to embark on a journey of self-governance. The elation of independence echoed across the vast expanse of the country, from the arid north to the humid coasts in the south. Nigerians, filled with hope, believed that their newfound freedom would usher in an era of prosperity, unity, and justice. The iconic words of Nigeria’s first Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, echoed this optimism: “This is a wonderful day, and it is all the more wonderful because we have awaited it with increasing impatience, compelled to watch one country after another overtaking us on the road when we had so nearly reached our goal.” (Premium Times. (2020). Nigeria@60: What Tafawa Balewa said in his Independence speech. Premium Times. <https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/more-news/417848-nigeria60-what-tafawa-balewa-said-in-his-independence-speech.html?tztc=1>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.)

However, as the Nigerian flag was hoisted on October 1, 1960, the country was already grappling with its own set of complexities. The euphoria of independence masked deeper issues. Nigeria was a nation deeply divided along ethnic, religious, and regional lines (Nigerian Studies Association. (n.d.). Political leadership and corruption in Nigeria since 1960: A socio-economic analysis. Nigerian Studies Association.< https://unh.edu/nigerianstudies/articles/Issue2/Political_leadership.pdf>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.) While its leaders preached unity, it was clear that managing the diversity of over 250 ethnic groups would be a daunting task (Mba, P. O. (2013). On ethnicity and ethnic conflict management in Nigeria. African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 13(1). <https://www.accord.org.za/ajcr-issues/on-ethnicity-and-ethnic-conflict-management-in-nigeria/>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). Each group had its aspirations, and the seeds of political discord were already germinating.

COLONIAL LEGACIES: THE INHERITED POLITICAL LANDSCAPE

Nigeria’s political landscape, in its infancy, bore the deep imprints of British colonialism. The colonial masters had governed the country through a policy of indirect rule, particularly in the north, where they co-opted traditional leaders to maintain order (Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). Indirect rule. Wikipedia.< https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indirect_rule>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). In the more “modern” southern regions, however, a growing educated elite comprising professionals, activists, and intellectuals began to demand more political participation(ibid). These regional differences, crafted and cemented during the colonial era, laid the foundation for the political crises that would soon follow.

As the British handed over power, they left behind a federal structure that grouped Nigeria into three regions: the Northern Region, dominated by the Hausa-Fulani; the Western Region, primarily populated by the Yoruba; and the Eastern Region, home to the Igbo (Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). Colonial Nigeria. Wikipedia. <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colonial_Nigeria>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). This arrangement, while seemingly representative, only exacerbated the existing divisions. The new government inherited a state where regionalism had become the central organizing principle of political life. Ethnic identities, rather than national unity, took precedence, and each region vied for dominance in the post-colonial government.

THE FIRST REPUBLIC: PROMISE AND BETRAYAL

The First Republic (1960-1966) began with high hopes. Nnamdi Azikiwe, an Igbo and a prominent nationalist leader, became Nigeria’s first president, a largely ceremonial role under the Westminster system of government (Wikipedia contributors. (n.d.). Nnamdi Azikiwe. Wikipedia. <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nnamdi_Azikiwe>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). Tafawa Balewa, a northern Muslim, took on the more powerful position of prime minister (Encyclopaedia Britannica. (n.d.). Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. Encyclopaedia Britannica. <https://www.britannica.com/biography/Abubakar-Tafawa-Balewa>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). Their partnership was seen as symbolic of Nigeria’s diversity and unity. But beneath this veneer of collaboration, cracks were already beginning to show.

The first major challenge of the Balewa government was managing the power dynamics among the regions (Academic Journals. (2013). Leadership crisis and political instability in Nigeria: Interrogating the nexus. African Journal of Political Science and International Relations, 7(2), 65-74. <https://academicjournals.org/journal/AJPSIR/article-full-text-pdf/8F1BD3064785>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). Each region had its own political party. The Northern People’s Congress (NPC) in the north, the Action Group (AG) in the west, and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) in the east (Joseph, R. A. (1983). Class, state, and prebendal politics in Nigeria. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, 21(3), 21-38. <https://www.jstor.org/stable/2784073>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). These parties, rather than promoting national interests, sought to advance regional and ethnic concerns. As the Yoruba adage goes, “Ile ni a ti n ko eso r’ode,” which means “Charity begins at home.” The politicians of the First Republic took this maxim to heart only their “homes” were not Nigeria as a whole but their respective regions.

The 1964 federal elections were a turning point. The elections were marred by widespread allegations of electoral fraud, violence, and voter intimidation, particularly in the Western Region (Sarma, A. (2023). Impact of leadership on organizational performance: A critical review. International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Analysis, 6(1), 25-34. <https://ijmra.in/v6i1/Doc/4.pdf>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). The political unrest that followed the controversial results gave rise to what became known as the “Wild Wild West.” (Vanguard News. (2013). Olunloyo and the Wild Wild West. Vanguard. <https://www.vanguardngr.com/2013/12/olunloyo-wild-wild-west/>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). The Western Region descended into chaos, with political thugs, or “agberos,” clashing violently in the streets. The rule of law crumbled, and the situation became a powder keg ready to explode.

Balewa, despite his personal reputation for honesty and integrity, struggled to hold the country together. The political instability was exacerbated by economic challenges. Nigeria’s economic policies, inherited from the colonial government, were designed to benefit the British economy more than the newly independent nation (ibid). Agriculture, the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, was regionally specialized, the north produced groundnuts, the west produced cocoa, and the east was known for palm oil (Okeke, M. (2017). The Nigerian economy before the discovery of crude oil. ResearchGate. <https://www.researchgate.net/publication/322184134_The_Nigerian_Economy_Before_the_Discovery_of_Crude_Oil>. Assessed on the 19th of September, 2024.). While these crops generated revenue, they also deepened regionalism, as each region became economically dependent on its own cash crops rather than fostering national economic integration. (To be continued).

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“Leadership is diving for a loose ball, getting the crowd involved, getting other players involved. It’s being able to take it as well as dish it out. That’s the only way you’re going to get respect from the players). – Larry Bird.

LAST LINE

God bless my numerous global readers for always keeping faith with the Sunday Sermon on the Mount of the Nigerian Project, by humble me, Prof Mike Ozekhome, SAN, CON, OFR, FCIArb., LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt, D.Sc, DHL, DA. Kindly come with me to next week’s exciting dissertation.

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The Oracle

The Oracle: Understanding the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of Nigerians (Pt. 3)

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By Prof Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

For the past two weeks, we have dealt extensively on this treatise. We discussed the following themes:
i. Assault on economic rights in Nigeria under the military juntas;
ii. Social rights;
iii. Cultural rights and
iv. Justiceability or otherwise of economic, social and cultural rights.

This concluding part of the treatise will examine human rights under other relevant international/universal instruments such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. Please read on.

OTHER INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSAL INSTRUMENTS

There are various International Instruments that recognize economic, social and cultural rights of people. Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, declares that:

“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and right. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood”.

THE POSITION OF AFRICAN CHARTER ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES RIGHTS

The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, 1981, also recognizes the position of human rights severally among others, and thus provide for the right to peace, development, satisfactory environment and the right to respect the common heritage of mankind. This is as provided for in Article 20 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples rights, which guarantees:

“Freedom, equity, justice and legitimate aspirations of African peoples”

To give effect to these rights, the leaders of the then Organization of African Unity (OAU), now African Union (AU). also reaffirmed the pledge solemnly made in Article 2 of the said Charter, to eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa, to co-ordinate and intensify their co-operation and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa and to promote international co-operation having due regard to the Charter of the United Nations and the Declaration of Human Rights and taking into cognizance, the virtues of their historical tradition and the values of African Civilization, which should inspire and characterized their reflection in the concept of human and people’s rights.

They are also recognized on the one hand, that Fundamental Human Rights stem from attributes of human beings, which justify their international protection; and on the other hand, that the reality and respect of people’s rights should necessarily guarantee human rights. To achieve this, it should be borne in mind that the enjoyment of rights and freedoms also implies the performance of duties on the part of every citizen.

The leaders were convinced that it was essential to pay particular attention to the right to development and that civil and political rights cannot be dissociated from economic, social and cultural rights as a guarantee for such civil and political rights. This position is well encapsulated in Article 22 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, which provides that:

i “All peoples shall have the right to their economic, social and cultural development with due regard to their freedom and identity and in the equal enjoyment of the common heritage of mankind”

ii “States shall have the duty, individually or collectively to ensure the exercise of the right to development”

Nevertheless, the duty to achieve the total liberation of Africa, the peoples of which are still struggling for their dignity and genuine independence and undertaking to eliminate colonialism, neocolonialism, apartheid, Zionism and to dismantle aggressive foreign military bases and all forms of discrimination, language, religion or political options, were then the major pre-occupation of African leaders. They were firmly convinced of their duty to promote and protect human and people’s rights and freedoms, taking into account the importance traditionally attached to these rights and freedoms in Africa.

It is therefore submitted with respect, that by the provisions of all the international instruments on human rights, man has been significantly elevated to the echelon of a subject of international law beyond municipal or State

CONCLUSION

It is obvious that the economic, social and cultural rights of Nigerians have been violated severally by various successive governments and such violation is encouraged by their non-justiciability by virtue of the provisions of Chapter II the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as altered. The question thus posed as a result of this ugly trend would be: Does this mean that we should all fold our hands and watch these rights violated? Is there nothing the Nigerian people can do to litigate these rights?

The answer in conscience is that there is much we can do. We must encourage and promote the enforcement of all the fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy as they are meant to enhance the living conditions of man. It is noteworthy however, that all international Human Rights Instruments recognize economic, social and cultural rights of the people. Nigeria not being an island unto itself cannot be cocooned in self-defeatism and haplessness. She must move with the civilized world and render ECOSOC rights justiciable and enforceable. It is the duty of Civil Society and every affected citizen to challenge violation of the provisions of Chapter II of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as altered. (The end).

THOUGHTS FOR THE WEEK

“True freedom requires the rule of law and justice, and a judicial system in which the rights of some are not secured by the denial of rights to others” – Jonathan Sacks.

“The sacred rights of mankind are not to be rummaged for among old parchments or musty records. They are written, as with a sunbeam, in the whole volume of human nature, by the hand of the divinity itself; and can never be erased or obscured by mortal power” – Alexander Hamilton.

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The Oracle

The Oracle: Understanding the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of Nigerians (Pt. 2)

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By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN

INTRODUCTION

The inaugural part of this piece was necessarily foundational: it defined ‘human rights’; ‘economic social and cultural rights’ and also reviewed historical assault on economic rights by military juntas in Nigeria. Today we continue same theme after which we shall delve into social and cultural rights and equally examine their justiciability. Enjoy.

ASSAULT ON ECONOMIC RIGHTS BY MILITARY JUNTAS (continues)

The opaque commercialization and privatization of economic policies that were originally introduced by successive military regimes in Nigeria were later to be fully and absolutely incorporated and implemented in the scheme of things by the Obasanjo administration from 1999-2007. For example, the Obasanjo administration illegally privatized NNPC, NITEL, NEPA, Federal Hotels, strategic public institutions and other public corporations, without necessarily following due process as is required under a constitutional democracy. This privatization and commercialization exercise was done with the ulterior motive of satisfying the whims and caprices of a certain cabal of politicians at the expense of the vast majority of the masses. The commanding heights of our National economy were privatized to friends, relations, school mates, surrogates and lackeys of Government officials and their compradors.

SOCIAL RIGHTS

These include right to quality education, right to security of employment, access to free medical care, right to drink clean pipe-borne water, right to electricity, right to information, right to good roads, right to good shelter and clothing, etc. These are also known as basic social amenities, which are necessarily incidental to decent and reasonable existence. We are already in the 21st century where a serious global campaign is on going for mass literacy. This campaign for good and qualitative education is predicated on the well known truism that education leads to development in all its ramifications.

Has the Nigerian Government done enough in the area of fundamentals of the importance of education? The answer in good conscience is a capital “No”. Since the days of “Ali-must-go protests (1978), education has suffered tremendously as a result of its commercialization, thus making it an exclusive preserve of the rich. The then National union of Nigerian Students (NUNS), under the leadership of late Mr. Segun Oni demonstrated its abhorrence for this and strenuously protested against the commercialization of education by the then Commissioner for Education, Amadu Ali. Unfortunately, however, this noble struggle of Nigeria Students led to indiscriminate shooting, maiming and killing of innocent and harmless students who were essentially the sons and daughters of the poor. All Federal Universities were promptly closed down following the mass protests. These tragedies occurred during the inglorious days of the military dictatorship of Obasanjo. That was perhaps the first time when Nigerian students signposted their determination to assert their inalienable right to education. Till date, education is still in shambles as all successive military and civilian Administrations have done little or nothing to improve it. While the children of the rich and people in Government attend Ivy league schools both locally and in foreign countries, the mass majority of children of the poor receive half-baked education in half completed buildings, without writing or learning materials.

In fact, since the evolution of Nigeria as a country and indeed since the attainment of political independence, no government has sincerely attempted the convocation of an Education Summit where all stakeholders are permitted to contribute intellectually to the production of a blue print for sustainable quality education that will meet our yearnings and aspirations as a rapidly developing African Country. It is an indisputable fact that without quality education, life will be of no avail and consequently, development will be retarded.

Another epochal struggle of the later National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS), for improved living standard and conditions in tertiary institutions was the 1990 agitation for the provision of the most basic needs on campuses, essentials such as pipe – borne water, electricity and laboratory equipment just to enhance quality education. The response of the then Babangida Military Junita was a far cry from the legitimate demands of the students. Between March/April, 1990, the Federal Government decided to take an IMF loan of $120m for the Federal Universities and this unilateral and retrogressive decision triggered off violent protests and agitation from the academic community. The National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) and Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), actively protested against the decision to take loan from the world Bank, essentially because the conditionalities attached thereto would worsen the already crisis – ridden educational situation in the country. Not less than three Federal Universities were closed down following the massive protests that greeted the decision to take the said IMF loan. Some students of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile – Ife, were arrested and arraigned before an Ile – Ife Magistrate Court for charges of conduct likely to cause a breach of the peace. The then Education Minister, Prof. Babs Aliyu Fafunwa, while trying to justify the essence of the loan stated that it was meant for the restoration of the universities, but this explanation was not acceptable to Nigerian Students as well as the Academic Staff Union of Universities, who that knew the loan would further deny Nigerians a right of access to the already collapsed educational system. All these were the by-products of SAP, an anti-people program that was initiated by General Babangida’s Military regime.

CULTURAL RIGHTS

Culture has been defined by Bairamian J. in Lewis vs. Bankole, as a mirror of accepted usage. It is a way of life of people, which has gained acceptance among them over the years. The great sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo of blessed memory, once said that:

“Culture is the tap root of every society and if culture decays, that society will have to develop parasitic features for it to continue to exist”.

Cultural heritage has many aspects. For example, cultural songs and dance, cultural foods, cultural traditional marriage, cultural dresses and festivals. Nigerian’s multi-ethnic groups presuppose the existence of cultural pluralism. This means that as there are many different ethnic groups, so also there are different and diverse cultures in Nigeria. It is therefore necessary to preserve and promote cultural rights among the various ethnic Nationalities in Nigeria, so as to enable Nigerians participate actively in their cultural life. This would also foster our philosophy of national integration and diversity. An examination of the Nigerian Society in the pre-colonial era will reveal how well preserved, promoted and respected our cultural heritage was by all the paramount traditional rulers of the time. For example, the Benin Empire during the reign of Oba Overamwen Nogbaisi earned continental applause as a result of the Oba’s dedication and commitment to the promotion and preservation of the Benin cultural heritage. The Oyo Empire under the Alaafin of Oyo was also feared and respected by all and sundry for its commitment to the preservation of their cultural heritage. The Hausa/Fulani struggled for decades for the preservation and promotion of their cultural heritage. This was copiously acknowledged by all British Colonial Administrators in Nigeria during the colonial era.

JUSTICEABILITY OR OTHERWISE OF ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS

Chapter II of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended made copious provisions for Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy. Sections 13 – 24 of the constitution are basically on such all important issues and matters like fundamental obligations of the Government, the Government and the people, politics, economic, social, educational, foreign policy, environmental objectives, directives on Nigerian culture, obligations of mass media, National ethnic and duties of the citizens. Section 16 (1) – (4) of the constitution deals essentially with economic objectives, while section 17 (1) – (3) deals with social objectives; and section 21 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 as amended provides for directives of Nigerian culture.

A cursory look at the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as altered, quickly reveals that the Government, gave these rights and privileges with the left hand, and took them back with the right hand. This is akin to the proverbial Greek gift. It is submitted with respect that, the non-justificiability of the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy under the 1999 Constitution appears to be a conspiracy by the state and its preferred minions to deny the Nigerian citizens, particularly the masses, the enjoyment of their well deserved wealth by many public officers and Government functionaries. A careful consideration of the diary of looting in Nigeria will reveal how public officers in connivance with elected political office holders have embezzled and mismanaged public funds meant for provision of infrastructural facilities and other developmental projects. But since the 1999 constitution as imposed by themselves and their military collaborators has prohibited any person from challenging or seeking to enforce the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy, the looting or siphoning of public funds will continue with impunity and the perpetrators will always find an escape route. The average Nigerian continues to wallow in abject penury. The recent revelations of looted billions of naira constitute and eye – opener to this tragedy.

We must encourage and promote the enforcement of all the Fundamental Objectives and Directives Principles of State Policy as they are meant to enhance the living standard of all and sundry.

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“True freedom requires the rule of law and justice, and a judicial system in which the rights of some are not secured by the denial of rights to others”. – Jonathan Sacks.

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The Oracle

The Oracle: Understanding the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of Nigerians (Pt. 1)

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By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN

INTRODUCTION

Generally speaking, economic, social and cultural rights are part and parcel of inalienable human rights with which man is naturally endowed upon birth. In a responsible and ideal society, all the human rights including economic, social and cultural rights are recognized, respected, guaranteed, enforced, implemented and even prompted by all and sundry, the state inclusive. These rights which have been universally recognized are otherwise known as ECOSOC RIGHTS.

However, before discussing in detail, economic, social and cultural rights which constitute the gravamen of this write-up, it is pertinent to deal with terminological issues by attempting to know the meaning of a ‘Right’. What is a “Right”?

DEFINITION OF TERMS

“Right” is a versatile term meaning correct, suitable, or morally proper, as well as indicating the direction opposite to left, or a legal/moral entitlement. It signifies accuracy.
According to Osbornes Law Dictionary of current English, a Right is defined as:

“An interest recognized and protected by the law, respect for which is a duty and disregard of which is wrong”

This definition is on all fours with that of Black’s Law Dictionary (8th Edition, page 1347) which defines ‘Right’ as:

“That which is proper under the law, morality or ethics. Right also means to know right from wrong, something that is due to a person by just claim, legal guarantee, or moral principle-the right of liberty. A power, privilege, of immunity secured to a person by law -the right to depose of one’s estate. A legally enforceable claim that another will do or will not do a given act; the violation of which is a wrong-, a breach of duty infringes one’s right. The interest, claim or ownership that one has in tangible or intangible property-a debtor’s rights in collateral-publishing rights. The privilege of corporate shareholders to purchase newly issued securities in amounts proportionate to their holdings. The negotiable certificate granting such a privilege to a corporate shareholder”

A legal scholar, John Chipman Gray, in his book “The Nature and Sources of law, page 8-9 (2d ed. 1921)”, opines that:

“Right is a correlative to duty; where there is no duty there can be no right. But the converse is not necessarily true. There may be duties without rights. In order for a duty to create a right, it must be a duty to act or forbear. Thus, among those duties which have rights, corresponding to them do not come within the duties, if such there be, which call for an inward state of mind, as distinguished from external acts or forbearances. It is only to acts and forbearances that others have a right. It may be our duty to love our neighbor, but he has no right to our love”.

Ordinarily, right means power of free action. It refers, inter alia, to the economic, social and cultural advantages or benefits to which man has a just claim morally, legally and ethically. It is different and distinct from a privilege. From the above definitions only a right recognized and protected by law can be considered as a right; Otherwise, it is just a privilege.

WHAT THEN ARE HUMAN RIGHTS

Human rights strictly speaking are those sets of rights referred to as inalienable, which are also specifically and particularly recognized and protected by law. Every human being is naturally endowed with and is entitled to the enjoyment of such rights except by due process of law. They are human because they are fundamental.

Another legal scholar, M. Cranston in his book titled: “Human Rights: Real and Supposed quoted in D/D, Rapheal (ed) Political Theory and the Rights of man (1967) Bloomington, Indian University Press page 52”. Opined that:

“A human right is something of which no one may be deprived without a great affront to justice. These are certain deeds, which should never be done, certain freedoms, which should never be invaded, something’s which are supremely sacred”.

One of the most distinguished jurists ever produced by Nigeria, Kayode Eso JSC, re-affirmed the importance of human rights in RANSOME KUTI V. A-G OF THE FEDERATION (1985) 2 NWLR (Pt. 6) 211, 230, in the following words:

“it is a right which stands above the ordinary laws of the land and which in fact is antecedent to the political society itself. It is a primary condition to a civilized existence… and what has been done by our constitutions…. is to have these rights enshrined in the constitution so that the rights could be “immutable” to the extent of the “non immutability” of the constitution itself”.

From the above definitions of human rights, it is obvious that those rights that are termed fundamental human rights and which are specifically codified in our statutes particularly Chapter IV of the Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, are not only recognized and protected, but are also enforceable in law courts.

WHAT ARE ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS?

These are simply rights that enable man to have a reasonable and decent standard of living in the society. In accordance with the provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, every citizen in Nigeria shall be afforded the opportunity to develop his full potentials economically, socially and culturally to the utmost of his ability. Unfortunately, however, the contrary is the case as these rights are not in any enforceable in a court of law. This informs the reason why some countries of the world have codified some fundamental laws regarding the implementation and enforcement of economic, social and cultural rights in their grundnorm, the constitution. The right to a decent living is unarguably a corollary to the right to life. To be saddled with less than decent living standard is to demote human beings to the base level of animals.

ECONOMIC RIGHTS

An Economic right is nothing but the right of man to be gainfully employed in order to share a decent and adequate standard of living in the society. The state is enjoined to ensure the provision of job opportunities to all persons without discrimination on grounds of belief, religion, gender, political and ethnic affiliations. In this respect, it is expected that the Government should provide an enabling economic environment to improve on the living conditions of the citizens. Without this, life, as in the Hobbesian state of nature, would be “short, nasty and brutish”.

ASSAULT ON ECONOMIC RIGHTS BY MILITARY JUNTAS

Unfortunately, the economic rights of many Nigerian citizens have been seriously undermined by successive military and civilian Administrations (See Annual Report on Human Rights in Nigeria, 1990-Civil Liberty Organisation (CLO).). In the locust days of the General Ibrahim Babangida administration, the nationally acclaimed maximum dictator, and self-styled “evil genius”, the Nigerian economy was badly managed and terribly crises-ridden, thus subjecting poor Nigerian citizens to squalor and abject penury. It was during the tenure of this military junta that subsidy in petroleum products was removed and left to the vagaries of international market forces. Nigerians were living from hand to mouth; both the employed and unemployed. Inflation geometrically increased and consequently the poor living conditions of Nigerian citizens became aggravated. All the civil liberties organizations, Student Unions and the Nigerian Labour Congress massively mobilized Nigerians to protest against the military Government policy of removing oil subsidy. This did not in any way deter him. In fact, the protests led to the arrest and incarceration of many human rights and pro-democracy activities. Many died in the struggle.

When the Babangida regime eventually responded to the economic crisis in Nigeria with the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), the implementation of which rather aggravated the living conditions of a vast majority of the citizens who were then living below poverty line, he went scot free. The United Nations Development Project (UNDP) Report on Human Development better captured this sorry state to which Nigerians were subjected by the Ibrahim Babangida regime in its report which scored Nigeria 0.322 out of a maximum Human Development Index of (HD10 1.0). That report automatically placed our country last in terms of citizen’s access to resources needed for a decent standard of living, literally levels and average life expectancy in a given country. The value of Naira also experienced a monumental decline or downward slide vis-à-vis the dollar and other international currencies under the Second Tier Foreign Exchange Market (SFEM).

Another negative effect of SAP to Nigerians was the massive loss of employment as many Nigerian workers of various levels were laid off. It was reliably reported that not less than 10, 000 junior workers of Julius Berger Construction Company in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja (FCT), were unlawfully dismissed simply because they embarked on a strike action to demand for better working conditions. This further worsened the alarming abject poverty in the country.

With the advent of Democracy in Nigeria in 1999, (one would have expected an aggressive and radical transformation of the economy in such a way that adequate job opportunities would be created to quickly arrest the alarming hunger and poverty that had ravaged the Nigerian masses). Unfortunately, the civilian administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo did nothing practical to ameliorate the deplorable living conditions in Nigeria. Instead, his administration introduced social and economic policies that were not only strangulating in nature, but exclusively impoverished the Nigerian masses who started living like “walking corpses”, as Ayi Kwei Ama once posited, in his book, “The Beautiful Ones Are Not Yet Born”. (To be continued).

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“Rightful liberty is unobstructed action according to our will within limits drawn around us by the equal rights of others. I do not add ‘within the limits of the law’ because law is often but the tyrant’s will, and always so when it violates the rights of the individual”. (Thomas Jefferson).

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