Opinion
Voice of Emancipation: Transformation Through Yoruba Nation (Pt. 3)
Published
4 years agoon
By
Eric
By Kayode Emola
Of the many challenges facing Nigeria today, one causing more severe effects is the high rate of illiteracy. Previously, it was widely believed that the people of southern Nigeria were much better educated than those in the north. However, since Yorubaland relinquished management of their educational system in favour of centralisation, lack of investment in schooling infrastructure in southern Nigeria has now badly affected our literacy rate.
The last time there was significant development of educational infrastructure in Yorubaland was during the tenure of Lateef Jakande as Governor of Lagos State. Jakande ensured many primary and secondary schools were built in Lagos, and then went on to build Lagos State University. The schools were distributed across many rural areas, ensuring that basic education was accessible to the wide majority of the population. Shamefully, the provision of infrastructure has not kept pace with population growth, resulting in the educational need outstripping the ability of these facilities to fulfil it. Consequently, the number of private primary and secondary schools has now surpassed that of public schools in Lagos.
The bottom line is, private school tuition is too exorbitant for an average family to afford, whilst public schools do not have the capacity to educate the number of children requiring it. Therefore, it becomes impossible to access basic education, and so many children are having to grow up without.
This situation is not confined to Lagos, but observable across several states in Nigeria, meaning that the basic necessity of education is being denied to millions of children across Nigeria. According to report published by Statista in April 2022, there is deficit of over 230 thousand classrooms countrywide. The truth is, given the high illiteracy rate, the true extent of classrooms needed may far exceed the quoted data.
Education is the bedrock of any society, so if Yoruba nation seeks to reverse the downward trend in its economy, a substantial amount of our budget must be allocated to education. It is no coincidence that many of the advanced countries, like Finland, Norway, Australia, have literacy rates of 100%, whilst many of the underdeveloped countries, such as Burkina Faso, Niger Republic etc, have literacy rates under 40%.
Rebuilding the Yoruba education system is not as simple as merely increasing the number of classrooms to match the purported need. We need to overhaul the entire system, creating a new, pragmatic system that is assuredly fit for purpose. We must ensure that people are getting value for the time they invest in learning, and that they are completing their educational journeys equipped with the necessary skills to advance their career.
It is worth, therefore, analysing the education system currently practiced in Nigeria, in order to compare with the system proposed for implementation in Yorubaland. The current system takes the form of 6 – 3 – 3 – 4: six years in primary school, three years in junior secondary and three in senior secondary. The remaining four years are ostensibly for completion of a university degree, however this fails to account for extended courses, such as engineering or medicine.
If the system worked as it ought, each child should start class 1 when they are between the age of five and six years old. They spend 16 years in education, and graduate at the age of 22 (barring any unforeseen circumstances). If this model were executed perfectly, it would be on par with many western democracies. However, the road to educational advancement for the Nigerian child is a perilous journey fraught with many unknowns.
Very few students follow a linear route through the Nigerian educational system; such that nearly 90% of students do not complete their first degree by the age of 22 years. Inadequate funding for state-led education institutions means that many children drop out before reaching secondary school as their parents can no longer afford the school fees.
Even those who successfully finish secondary school find it difficult to gain university admission; either due to the barring system set up by the Joint Admission Matriculation Board (JAMB) or the restrictive cut off mark set up by the institution themselves to limit the number of intakes. Furthermore, those who manage to gain admission into university then find that a typical 4-year course actually takes 6-7 years to complete, owing to frequent strikes from either the Academic or non-Academic unions.
It is widely agreed that this system is not fit for purpose. It produces graduates that are ill-equipped to face the challenges of society, rendering a large proportion of graduates unemployable and therefore increasing unemployment rates.
With the rise of private primary and secondary schools all across Yorubaland, we must ensure this Nigerian system is not replicated here. Education is a fundamental human right, so it is the responsibility of the government to provide free and accessible education to every child in Yorubaland.
In order to accomplish this, an appropriate pupil-to-teachers ratio must be established and then the government must ensure they build enough schools that every child is catered for. Where a child has no option but to attend a private school due to a lack of state-funded facilities in their local community, the government will be liable for the fees incurred. This will ensure that the government is suitably incentivised to provide adequate education facilities for every child nationwide.
Once provision is implemented for every child, it will become possible to mandate education to a standard level, and to enforce adherence. This new model will ensure that students are not kept out of education for prolonged periods through circumstances that are no fault of their own.
Tertiary education will also require overhaul. Introduction of colleges will enable those students who have not attained the grades required for university to take an additional year to study for and resit their exams, whilst simultaneously learning a craft. Those that obtain the required results from WAEC (West Africa Examination Council) and university placement will progress to university without the need to sit any further exams for entry.
The duration of a standard course will be reduced to three years, whilst special courses such as engineering and medicine will be reduced to four and five years respectively. This will ensure that the vast majority of students graduate by the age of 22, ready to become productive within the wider society. Those seeking to pursue further education will have the opportunity to study either a Masters or Doctorate degree, with a strict timeline established to ensure that students are not kept longer than the course’s stipulated duration.
To achieve this, the number of institutions will need to be increased: more universities and a college of education to be built in every town or city. In Lagos, for instance, no fewer than 120 colleges will be required to ensure the needs of every local development and local authority area are met. Likewise, rapid construction of universities will be necessary to cater for the number of students graduating secondary education. By my calculation, this needs to be no less than 50 across Yorubaland.
Achieving this would reduce the numbers of students seeking educational advancement in other countries, as they will have access to high-quality education at home. It would also ensure that the resources students would have had to expend on academic pursuits can be channelled into other areas of their lives.
This will result in a richer society at large, as not only will we have stemmed the ‘brain drain’ – the loss of our brightest and best to overseas nations – but we will also be facilitating these youths to invest in local development, instead of diverting resources into other countries’ academia and societies.
Finally, if Yoruba nation can create an education system that is able to contend with those of more developed countries, it will attract enterprising young individuals from other countries. In this manner, our society will be able to grow and flourish abundantly, established on the bedrock of sound education.
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Opinion
When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection
Published
11 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Shakirat Akintola
For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.
Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.
Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.
To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.
A Referendum on Lived Realities
The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.
The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.
Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.
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Opinion
Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet
Published
23 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Michael Abimboye
As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.
Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?
Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.
For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.
That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.
And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.
Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.
One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.
At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.
Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.
Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.
Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.
Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.
Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.
The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.
Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.
Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.
That matters.
In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.
Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.
In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.
Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.
And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.
Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.
A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.
Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.
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Opinion
Dele Momodu: The Bridge Between Politics and the People
Published
1 day agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Adeoye Inioluwa
Across the Nigerian nation today, conversations have become remarkably similar. Whether in the crowded markets of Lagos, the farms of the North, the commercial centres of the East, or the towns and villages of the South-West and South-South, many Nigerians are asking the same questions. When will life become easier? When will the economy improve? When will businesses regain stability? When will citizens begin to feel safer and more secure in their daily lives?
The concerns are understandable.
The cost of living remains one of the most dominant issues confronting ordinary Nigerians. Food prices have become a source of daily anxiety for many families. Small businesses continue to struggle with rising operational costs. Young graduates face uncertainty about employment opportunities. For millions of citizens, conversations about economic indicators and policy reforms often feel distant from the realities they encounter every day.
Alongside these economic concerns are persistent security challenges. While progress may have been recorded in some areas, many communities still desire greater stability and peace. For ordinary citizens, security is not merely a policy issue. It is the ability to travel safely, conduct business confidently, and live without fear.
These realities inevitably shape the nation’s political mood.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office at a time when difficult economic decisions were already looming over the country. His administration has argued that several of its reforms are necessary steps toward long-term economic recovery and sustainability. Supporters maintain that difficult transitions are sometimes required to achieve lasting change.
However, politics rarely rewards intentions alone.
Citizens ultimately judge governments through their lived experiences. They assess leadership not only through policy announcements but through the practical impact of those policies on their everyday lives. As Nigeria gradually moves closer to another election cycle, public perception of the economy, security, and governance will inevitably influence political conversations.
This reality presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the opposition.
Among the leading opposition figures remains former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a politician whose name has become deeply woven into Nigeria’s democratic journey. Over the years, Atiku has built a reputation as one of the country’s most enduring political figures, participating in some of the most consequential electoral contests in modern Nigerian history.
Yet the challenge before Atiku today is different from the challenge he faced in previous elections.
Recognition is not the issue. Nigerians know who Atiku Abubakar is. They are familiar with his political history, his public service record, and his positions on national issues. The real question is whether opposition politics can successfully connect with the frustrations, hopes, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians in a way that feels genuine and convincing.
For many citizens, the next election may not simply be a contest between political parties or personalities. It may become a referendum on who best understands the realities confronting everyday Nigerians.
This is why politics must move beyond publicity.
In a period marked by economic pressure and public anxiety, voters are becoming increasingly resistant to carefully crafted political narratives that appear disconnected from their lived experiences. What they seek are leaders who understand their concerns and individuals capable of translating those concerns into meaningful political engagement.
For Atiku, this may require something more valuable than conventional image management.
It requires access to voices that understand the mood of the nation.
It requires people who can move comfortably between boardrooms and marketplaces, between policy discussions and community conversations, between political strategy and public sentiment.
It requires individuals who possess not only influence but perspective.
This is where Aare Dele Momodu enters the conversation.
Perhaps what makes Aare Momodu’s position unique is that politics was never originally his defining platform. Unlike many public figures who built their reputations entirely within political structures, Momodu’s journey was shaped through journalism, publishing, entrepreneurship, and public engagement.
For decades, he cultivated relationships across various sectors of society. Through his work in the media, he interacted with presidents, governors, business leaders, diplomats, entertainers, academics, professionals, and ordinary citizens. His network was built long before his deeper involvement in political affairs.
That distinction matters.
Because it means his influence extends beyond party structures and political loyalties. It is rooted in years of listening, observing, documenting, and engaging with people from different backgrounds and perspectives.
In many ways, Momodu represents an increasingly rare asset in contemporary politics: someone capable of understanding both elite conversations and grassroots realities.
Perhaps this explains why a man who was never primarily known as a politician now finds himself at the forefront of some of the country’s most important political conversations.
His relevance is not merely a product of political ambition. It is the result of decades spent building relationships, understanding public sentiment, and maintaining connections across different segments of Nigerian society.
As the political landscape begins to evolve ahead of 2027, such qualities may become increasingly important.
The next election will not be won solely through campaign slogans, social media strategies, or political advertising. It will be influenced by trust, credibility, and the ability to connect with citizens who are searching for answers in uncertain times.
For President Tinubu, the challenge is to convince Nigerians that current sacrifices will ultimately lead to meaningful progress.
For Atiku Abubakar and the opposition, the challenge is to persuade Nigerians that they offer a credible and compelling alternative.
And for those who operate around the corridors of political influence, the challenge is to ensure that leaders remain connected to the people whose lives are affected by every policy decision.
Nigeria’s future will not be determined by image management alone. It will be shaped by ideas, solutions, trust, and meaningful engagement with the concerns of ordinary citizens.
In a nation yearning for reassurance, leaders need more than advisers who can polish their public image. They need people who can help them hear the voices that matter most.
Those voices are not found in political echo chambers. They are found in the markets, the classrooms, the farms, the offices, and the communities where Nigerians continue to navigate the realities of everyday life while hoping for a better future.
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