Connect with us

Opinion

The Oracle: Of Rape, Rapists and False Rape Peddlers (Pt. 2)

Published

on

By Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

There is an upward upsurge of increase of rape case in Nigeria; and there seems to be no end to the menace. There is no day in the country without a reported case of sexual violence, especially rape. Sexual violence victims are also becoming more emboldened in reporting such crimes. We have however seen cases of young ladies attempting to make a career of tagging celebrities and politically exposed persons (PEP) with false rape accusations. Such must be discouraged. Today, we shall continue our discourse of this vexed issue from the angle of the criminal laws governing rape.

THE CRIMINAL CODE ACT (continues)

What the Criminal Code Act insists on is consent between two willing adults, devoid of any fraud, deceit, force or threats. The law contemplates free, express and unequivocal consent from a woman (even if married), before any man can have sexual relations with her. Thus, whenever a man has sexual intercourse with a woman with her consent, but which was obtained fraudulently, deceitfully, or forcefully, or without her consent at all, the crime of rape would be deemed to have occurred.

Section 358 of the Criminal Code imposes the maximum punishment of life imprisonment, with, or without caning, on any person convicted of rape.

Section 359 of the Criminal Code (CC) also criminalizes attempted rape:
“Any person who attempts to commit the offence of rape is guilty of a felony, and is liable to imprisonment for fourteen years, with or without caning.”

Section 360 CC also criminalizes “indecent or unlawful sexual assault” on a woman, thus:
“Any person who unlawfully and indecently assaults a woman or girl is guilty of a misdemeanour, and is liable to imprisonment for two years”.

From the above, it is clear that rape is not only immoral, but also illegal. However, the CC definition of rape is now grossly inadequate in the light of contemporary trends. This is because it does not contemplate spousal rape, or a situation whereby a woman withdraws consent midway through sexual intercourse (post-penetration rape). The CC also fails to contemplate the possibility of men being subject to rape by women. The CC should therefore be amended to accommodate the more recent dimensions to the crime of rape.

RAPE AND THE VIOLENCE AGAINST PERSONS PROHIBITION ACT, 2015 (VAPPA).

Section 1 of the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act, 2015 (VAPPA) provides:
“A person commits rape if:
He or she intentionally penetrates the vagina, anus or mouth of another person with any other part of his body or anything else.
The other person does not consent to the penetration; or
The consent is obtained by force or means of threat or intimidation of any kind or by fear of harm or by means of false or fraudulent representation as to the nature of the act or use of any substance or additive capable of taking away the will of such person or in the case of a married person, by impersonating his or her spouse.”

The above definition of rape is more comprehensive and represents the modern trend. Specifically, the Act for the first time in Nigeria, recognizes the possibility of men being victims of rape, through the “anus or mouth”. With another person’s “part of (his) body or anything”. The VAPPA also widens the scope of rape by going beyond vaginal rape to criminalize anal and oral rape.
Similarly, VAPPA expands the scope of rape beyond penile or penis penetration alone. Other avenues of penetration are now recognized to include vagina, anus or mouth which could be “penetrated” without a man or woman’s consent. This could be done by means of a penis, cucumber, dildo, vibrator, strap on, stick, etc. In such cases, rape would be said to have occurred.

Section 1(2)(c) of VAPPA also criminalizes and punishes the act of “gang rape” for a minimum of 20 years’ imprisonment

Section 1(3) of VAPPA has a novel provision for compensation of rape victims; while section 1(4) provides for the publication of a register of convicted sexual offenders, which shall be open to members of the public. The essence of this provision is to create a culture of shaming convicted rapists, so as to deter intending rapists and warn members of the public to be wary of them.

Despite the novel and revolutionary provisions of the VAPPA, it does not have a nationwide application. In fact, as at 2018, the then Minister of Health, Professor Isaac Adewole, declared that only three states in Nigeria, (Anambra, Ebonyi and Oyo) States had domesticated the Act. This means these are the only states in which these provisions apply.

THE PENAL CODE ACT
The Penal Code is the criminal law that applies to the Northern part of Nigeria, and the FCT, as against the Criminal Code, which operates in the Southern part. Section 282 of the Penal Code (PC) defines the crime of rape thus:
“(I) A man is said to commit rape who, except in the case referred to in subsection (2) of this section, has sexual intercourse with a woman in any of the following circumstances-
(a) without her consent;
(b) against her will;
(c) with her consent, when her consent has been obtained by putting her in fear of death or of hurt;
(d) with her consent, when the man knows that he is not her husband and that her consent is given because she believes that he is another man to whom she is or believes herself to be lawfully married.”

The above provision merely restates the CC position in the with some omissions. The most glaring omission in the definition of rape under the PC as against the CC is that under the PC, unlike the CC, sexual intercourse with an unmarried woman’s consent, but which was fraudulently obtained, is not viewed as rape.

Under the PC, even where the girl is the wife of a person, such person will still be guilty of rape if she has not attained puberty. The case of the former Governor of Zamfara State who allegedly married a 13 year old girl from Egypt comes in here. In such instance, since the girl had not attained puberty and he had carnal knowledge of her, he would have been guilty of rape if he had been charged to court after shedding his gubernatorial immunity under section 308 of the Constitution.

Similarly, just like the CC, the definition of rape under the Penal Code is limited and does not accommodate some more recent global strands of rape and sexual violence. To this end, it is recommended that both the CC and PC should be amended to cater for some of these contemporary trends.
Section 258 of the Criminal Laws of Lagos State has similar provisions.

In all three laws, rape is narrowly constrained as occurring only when the vagina of the woman is penetrated (“res in rem”). This was judicially held in NATASHA V. STATE, thus:

“The most important and essential ingredient of the offence is penetration. The Court will deem that sexual intercourse is complete upon proof of penetration of the penis into the vagina. Any or even the slightest penetration will be sufficient to constitute the act of sexual intercourse.”

THE CHILD’S RIGHTS ACT, 2003.

Section 31of the Child’s Rights Act provides as follows:
(1) No person, shall have sexual intercourse with a child.
(2) A person who contravenes the provision of subsection (1) of this Section commits an offence of rape and is liable on conviction to imprisonment for life.
(3) Where a person is charged with an offence under this Section, it is immaterial that:
(a) the offender believed the person to be of or above the age of eighteen years ; or
(b) the sexual intercourse was with the consent of the child.

From the above definition, any sexual intercourse with a child would be categorized as rape. It is a strict liability offence. It makes no difference that the child consented to such sexual intercourse.

This is because a child is not legally empowered to consent to sexual intercourse. The fact that the offender believes that the child was above the age of eighteen will not exculpate the offender. Thus, it makes no difference that the child looks bigger, older or more mature than his or her age. What is material is that the child is less than eighteen years; and any sexual intercourse with such a child would amount to rape with the attendant punishment of life imprisonment under the Act.

The Act is clearly a protectionist legislation aimed at shielding children from adult sexual predators. The Act also lacks nationwide application. In fact, as at 2019, Chief of Field Office, UNICEF Nigeria, Bauchi Field Office, Mr. Bhanu Pathak, lamented:

“Only 25 states have enacted the law so far. The states which are yet to domesticate the Child Rights Act are from the northern part of Nigeria. I call on all these states to domesticate the Nigeria Child Rights Law to provide a legal framework for the protection of the rights of children in their respective states.”

Accordingly, 11 States in Nigeria are yet to domesticate the Child’s Rights Act. Going by UNICEF statistics, the eleven states yet to ratify the Child Rights Act are Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Jigawa, Kano Katsina, Kebbi, Yobe, Sokoto and Zamfara States. Why? To continue endanger our innocent children? Haba!

HOW NIGERIAN COURTS DECRY RAPE

The severity of the offence of rape is one that cannot be overemphasized. Nigerian courts frown on it seriously. In Popoola v State (2013) 17 NWLR (PT 1382) 100, the apex court illuminated:

“the offence appeared to be heinous and heartless. The sentence meted out by the trial court amounts to abdicating its role as a judicial officer. I condemn such type of sentence. The sentence is unnecessarily lenient and loose”. The apex court went on:

“I join my learned brother in expressing disappointment that the appellant was given a lenient term of five years in prison. I think that the severity of punishment for rape, with particular reference to statutory variety, should rank next to capital punishment”
(To be continued)

FUN TIMES

“I saw dad with mom last night….. I think he was stealing my milk”. – Anonymous.

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
Rape, mutilation, abuse, and theft are the natural outcome of a world in which force rules, in which human beings are objects. (Chris Hedges).

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

The End of a Political Party

Published

on

By

By Obianuju Kanu-Ogoko

It is deeply alarming and shameful to witness an elected official of an opposition party openly calling for the continuation of President Tinubu’s administration. This blatant betrayal goes against the very essence of democratic opposition and makes a mockery of the values the PDP is supposed to stand for.

Even more concerning is the deafening silence from North Central leadership. This silence comes at a price—For the funneled $3 million to buy off the courts for one of their Leaders’, the NC has compromised integrity, ensuring that any potential challenge is conveniently quashed. Such actions reveal a deeply compromised leadership, one that no longer stands for the people but for personal gain.

When a member of a political party publicly supports the ruling party, it raises the critical question: Who is truly standing for the PDP? When a Minister publicly insulted PDP and said that he is standing with the President, and you did nothing; why won’t others blatantly insult the party? Only under the Watch of this NWC has PDP been so ridiculed to the gutters. Where is the opposition we so desperately need in this time of political crisis? It is a betrayal of trust, of principles and of the party’s very foundation.

The leadership of this party has failed woefully. You have turned the PDP into a laughing stock, a hollow shell of what it once was. No political party with any credibility or integrity will even consider aligning or merging with the PDP at this rate. The decay runs deep and the shame is monumental.

WHAT A DISGRACE!

Continue Reading

Opinion

Day Dele Momodu Made Me Live Above My Means

Published

on

By

By Uzor Maxim Uzoatu

These are dangerous days of gross shamelessness in totalitarian Nigeria.
Pathetic flaunting of clannish power is all the rage, and a good number of supposedly modern-day Nigerians have thrown their brains into the primordial ring.

One pathetic character came to me the other day stressing that the only way I can prove to him that I am not an ethnic bigot is to write an article attacking Dele Momodu!

I could not make any head or tail of the bloke’s proposition because I did not understand how ethnic bigotry can come up in an issue concerning Dele Momodu and my poor self.

The dotty guy made the further elaboration that I stand accused of turning into a “philosopher of the right” instead of supporting the government of the day which belongs to the left!

A toast to Karl Marx in presidential jet and presidential yacht!

I nearly expired with laughter as I remembered how one fat kept man who spells his surname as “San” (for Senior Advocate of Nigeria – SAN) wrote a wretched piece on me as an ethnic bigot and compelled one boozy rascal that dubiously studied law in my time at Great Ife to put it on my Facebook wall!

The excited tribesmen of Nigerian democracy and their giddy slaves have been greased to use attack as the first aspect of defence by calling all dissenting voices “ethnic bigots” as balm on their rotted consciences.

The bloke urging me to attack Dele Momodu was saddened when he learnt that I regarded the Ovation publisher as “my brother”!

Even amid the strange doings in Nigeria of the moment I can still count on some famous brothers who have not denied me such as Senator Babafemi Ojudu who privileged me to read his soon-to-be-published memoir as a fellow Guerrilla Journalist, and the lionized actor Richard Mofe-Damijo (RMD) who while on a recent film project in faraway Canada made my professor cousin over there to know that “Uzor is my brother!”

It is now incumbent on me to tell the world of the day that Dele Momodu made me live above my means.

All the court jesters, toadies, fawners, bootlickers and ill-assorted jobbers and hirelings put together can never be renewed with enough palliatives to countermand my respect for Dele Momodu who once told our friend in London who was boasting that he was chased out of Nigeria by General Babangida because of his activism: “Babangida did not chase you out of Nigeria. You found love with an oyinbo woman and followed her to London. Leave Babangida out of the matter!”

Dele Momodu takes his writing seriously, and does let me have a look at his manuscripts – even the one written on his presidential campaign by his campaign manager.

Unlike most Nigerians who are given to half measures, Dele Momodu writes so well and insists on having different fresh eyes to look at his works.

It was a sunny day in Lagos that I got a call from the Ovation publisher that I should stand by to do some work on a biography he was about to publish.

He warned me that I have only one day to do the work, and I replied him that I was raring to go because I love impossible challenges.

The manuscript of the biography hit my email in fast seconds, and before I could say Bob Dee a fat alert burst my spare bank account!

Being a ragged-trousered philanthropist, a la the title of Robert Tressel’s proletarian novel, I protested to Dele that it’s only beer money I needed but, kind and ever rendering soul that he is, he would not hear of it.

I went to Lagos Country Club, Ikeja and sacked my young brother, Vitus Akudinobi, from his office in the club so that I can concentrate fully on the work.

Many phone calls came my way, and I told my friends to go to my divine watering-hole to wait for me there and eat and drink all that they wanted because “money is not my problem!”

More calls came from my guys and their groupies asking for all makes of booze, isiewu, nkwobi and the assorted lots, and I asked them to continue to have a ball in my absence, that I would join them later to pick up the bill!

The many friends of the poor poet were astonished at the new-fangled wealth and confidence of the new member of the idle rich class!

It was a beautiful read that Dele Momodu had on offer, and by late evening I had read the entire book, and done some minor editing here and there.

It was then up to me to conclude the task by doing routine editing – or adding “style” as Tom Sawyer would tell his buddy Huckleberry Finn in the eponymous adventure books of Mark Twain.

I chose the style option, and I was indeed in my elements, enjoying all aspects of the book until it was getting to ten in the night, and my partying friends were frantically calling for my appearance.

I was totally satisfied with my effort such that I felt proud pressing the “Send” button on my laptop for onward transmission to Dele Momodu’s email.

I then rushed to the restaurant where my friends were waiting for me, and I had hardly settled down when one of Dele’s assistants called to say that there were some issues with the script I sent!

I had to perforce reopen up my computer in the bar, and I could not immediately fathom which of the saved copies happened to be the real deal.

One then remembered that there were tell-tale signs when the computer kept warning that I was putting too much on the clipboard or whatever.

It’s such a downer that after feeling so high that one had done the best possible work only to be left with the words of James Hadley Chase in The Sucker Punch: “It’s only when a guy gets full of confidence that he’s wide open for the sucker punch.”
Lesson learnt: keep it simple – even if you have been made to live above your means by Dele Momodu!

To end, how can a wannabe state agent and government apologist, a hired askari, hope to get me to write an article against a brother who has done me no harm whatsoever? Mba!

I admire Dele Momodu immensely for his courage of conviction to tell truth to power.

Continue Reading

Opinion

PDP at 26, A Time for Reflection not Celebration

Published

on

By

By Obianuju Kanu-Ogoko

At 26 years, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) should have been a pillar of strength, a beacon of hope and a testament to the enduring promise of democracy in Nigeria.*

Yet, as we stand at this milestone, it is clear that we have little, if anything, to celebrate. Instead, this anniversary marks a sobering moment of reflection, a time to confront the hard truths that have plagued our journey and to acknowledge the gap between our potential and our reality.

Twenty-six years should have seen us mature into a force for good, a party that consistently upholds the values of integrity, unity and progress for all Nigerians.

But the reality is far from this ideal. Instead of celebrating, we must face the uncomfortable truth: *at 26, the PDP has failed to live up to the promise that once inspired millions.*

We cannot celebrate when our internal divisions have weakened our ability to lead. We cannot celebrate when the very principles that should guide us: justice, fairness and accountability,have been sidelined in favor of personal ambition and short-term gains. We cannot celebrate when the Nigerian people, who once looked to the PDP for leadership, now question our relevance and our commitment to their welfare.

This is not a time for self-congratulation. It is a time for deep introspection and honest assessment. What have we truly achieved? Where did we go wrong? And most importantly, how do we rebuild the trust that has been lost? These are the questions we must ask ourselves, not just as a party, but as individuals who believe in the ideals that the PDP was founded upon.

At 26, we should be at the height of our powers, but instead, we find ourselves at a crossroads. The path forward is not easy, but it is necessary. We must return to our roots, to the values that once made the PDP a symbol of hope and possibility. We must rebuild from within, embracing transparency, unity and a renewed commitment to serving the people of Nigeria.

There is no celebration today, only the recognition that we have a long road ahead. But if we use this moment wisely, if we truly learn from our past mistakes, there is still hope for a future where the PDP can once again stand tall, not just in name, but in action and impact. The journey begins now, not with *fanfare but with resolve.

Continue Reading

Trending