Opinion
The Oracle: Democracy And Autocracy – The Missing Link (Pt. 4)
Published
5 years agoon
By
Eric
By Chief Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
Last week, we saw that autocracy is not just a mere form of government, but one that conquers the mind, and subject the people to underlings and minions. The people are helpless against an autocrat, who dominates them with power and might. Today, we shall dissect this form of government in such a way and to show its limitation vis a vis democracy.
TYPES OF AUTOCRACY (continues)
In all this is hardly a selection process that will lead to the noble and just reaching ultimate control. Still there is no reason to believe that the winners have bad motives. They are unusually ambitious, but not necessarily wicked in any other respect. They are as likely to choose a government policy that will benefit those subjected to the dictatorship as is a democratically elected president. In both cases intelligence, energy, ambition, and a lack of too many scruples are necessary. Once he has achieved power the autocrat will realize that the higher officials in his government would like to replace him. They are the instruments that he must use in governing but they are also his rivals. Keeping the system balanced so that he makes use of their talents while preventing one of them from making use of him as a stepping stone to ultimate power for himself is a difficult task, and one which he must master if he is to stay in power. Of course any knowledge of the history of such autocracies will show that not all of them succeed in that task.
Normally such a dictator has the best interest of his country and his citizens in mind, but it must necessarily take second-place to protecting his power. In this sense he is like a democratic president. The president normally aims at the good of his country, but he normally is more concerned with winning the next election. The two objectives do not necessarily conflict, but when they do, the president is apt to give winning election priority. Similarly a dictator will give preventing a coup or revolution priority over simply benefiting his subjects.
One thing that should be kept in mind dealing with either hereditary or non-hereditary autocrats is that their attitude to what are commonly called public goods is radically different than that of the ordinary person. For them many public goods are actually private goods. An improved road can be regarded as a public good from the standpoint of the citizens or the economic analysis, but it may increase the wealth or security of the autocrat and hence is a private good from his standpoint. This is of course one of the reasons why autocrats in fact provide so much in the way of public goods.
This should not be oversimplified, however. The autocrat like a democratic politician is aware of the fact that the road will benefit the country as a whole but also special-interest groups in it. Thus like a democratic politician he selects the public goods in part in terms of what they will do in benefiting influential individuals and groups who may repay that benefit by support. It is doubtful that by simply examining the road network or other collections of government expenditures on public goods one would be able to tell whether the government was a dictatorship or a democracy. If the democracy is not particularly corrupt, one could tell by examining such things as the Swiss bank accounts of the “President.”
Examining the personal life of the ruler is usually one way of telling whether he is a president or dictator. The dictator has far more facilities to keep things secret than does an elected president. He can have a spectacular mistress or even a harem; palaces much more elaborate than the White House, and take long vacations without the public finding out about them. Of course if he wishes to stay in power he will find that leaving his government to take care of itself for any length of time is likely to lead to his being replaced by one of his high-ranking subordinates.
The Oriental myth in which the ruler sits under a bare sword supported only by a thread is not a bad description of the life of such an autocrat. Many autocrats, Stalin and Mao Sze Dung are examples, have died naturally. Many others have died either by assassination or as the result of a successful coup. Finding it necessary to retire and live on their illicit gains in some place safer than their own country is also quite common. Trying to arrange a peaceful succession followed by a luxurious retirement is difficult.
The conventional wisdom assumes that dictators provide bad government. In the earlier part of my life, particularly during the 1960s, however, the orthodoxy held that certain dictators; specifically Stalin and Mao Sze Dung provided very much better governments than capitalist democracies. Many intellectuals genuinely believed that Ho Chi Min would give a better government than would any elected alternative. Yet, all such favored autocrats were mass murderers and all of them favored an economic system which, if at the time was fashionable, is now realized to be seriously defective. Ho’s rivals in the South were victimized by street riots in the United States that eventually led successive American governments to abandon them. In the case of one of them, Diem, President Kennedy actually organized a coup to get rid of him. Altogether uneasy lies the head that wears the crown.
We now turn to the more common type autocracy, the hereditary monarchy. It should be kept in mind that hereditary monarchies, if more stable than dictatorships, are by no means free of risk. Most of the readers of this encyclopedia will be more familiar with English history than other monarchies, and, as it happens, the English throne was one of the least stable in Europe. It was decidedly uncommon in England for a great-grandson to succeed to the throne peacefully. Most monarchies have been able to pass on their power with less difficulty so that three generations after the founder are reasonably common.
The hereditary king is in personality and ability quite different from the man who was fought his way up the slippery pole to dictatorship. In the first place the accidents of human heredity mean that the son of extraordinarily capable and ambitious person may well be quite stupid and lazy. Louis XVI seems to have been not very much above a moron in intellectual ability. He used to fall asleep at cabinet meetings. Since the United States was given its independence by his support, I suppose we should refrain from criticisms, though he was quickly abandoned by Thomas Jefferson once his purpose had been served. From the standpoint of France, however, Louis XVI was a disaster.
Of course, some hereditary monarchs are of outstanding capacity. Alexander the Great is an excellent example. But on the average hereditary monarchs do not have intellectual or character capacity greater than that of the average citizen. Typically, they receive special training as children intended to prepare them for royal careers. Unfortunately, this special training may educate them in expensive and entertaining ways of spending leisure time as well as in how to govern. In some cases, in fact training in luxury takes full priority over training intended to increase the competence of the future monarch. All this is rather similar to the training of the only son of a wealthy and powerful man in an open society. Altogether the hereditary monarch is quite a different person from the dictator who has achieved power by competition. It is not obvious which of them is better from the standpoint of the average citizen.
“The Prince” is largely devoted to advice to a sovereign ruler on how to retain power. Napoleon liked to keep his generals quarreling. Machiaveli would surely have approved. Mussolini moved his higher officials around and put some of them out of government for lengthy periods. He called this “changing the guard”. Once again he would have met the approval of the author of “The Prince”. Indeed most rulers do rotate the armed men who provide physical security. In Stalin’s time the secret police officers who guarded him and his higher officials would not know where they were to serve on a given day nor with whom would they be serving. These two things were determined by random draws so that they could not conspire in advance to admit dangerous persons.
Precautions like these are more frequently encountered among non-hereditary autocracies than among hereditary monarchies. Nevertheless, crown prince’s have killed their fathers and dynasties have been overthrown. So, at least some precautions are always necessary. It is not obvious that the cost of guarding an autocrat is greater than the cost of guarding presidents and legislatures. Indeed it seems likely that the total cost in terms of office space, living space when that is provided, and guards in Washington is greater than the equivalent cost in Berlin during the Third Reich. The guards serve a different purpose of course. The president does not fear assassination by a senator but by a conspiracy of low ranking people. Nevertheless he requires guards and so do the Senators, Congressman, and high civil servants.
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN AUTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY
The decision processes in democracies and in autocracies are quite different. In general, policy debates are conducted rather quietly in autocracies whereas they make a lot of noise in democracies. Further although autocrats sometimes tell their cabinet to vote on policies, the final decision is theirs. There is a myth that when Lincoln proposed the emancipation proclamation his cabinet all voted against. Lincoln then said, “Passed unanimously.” This is a myth but it does show the power that a central single person can have even in so-called democracies.
That the common man has little influence on policies in autocracies is normally regarded as a disadvantage of that form of government. There are, however, a number of cases in which democracies have been overthrown by autocrats with popular support. Both of the Napoleon’s carried off such an operation. So did Mussolini. Normally however autocracies are established by well entrenched and armed minorities that displace democracies by means of coups d’etat.
The view that democracy is better than autocracy is a current orthodoxy. There are cases where everyone favors the autocracy. The citizens of Rome and modern historians think that Augustus Caesar provides a better government than the late Republic. Gibbon lists the period of the adoptive emperors as the happiest time in the history of the human race. Not everyone is as enthusiastic, but it must be admitted that they gave very good government. One of them was also a philosopher of such importance that his work is still taught in modern universities.
There appear to have been three comparatively short periods in which democracy was common before modern times. It is not clear but it looks as if the first civilization, Sumer, had democratic aspects; but these were quickly extinguished. The second was a classical period of Greece Rome and Phoenicia. This ended when the Roman Republic conquered the bulk of the other democratic systems. It itself was replaced by emperors. The third case is a large collection of democratically governed city-states in the Middle Ages. Most but not all of these were replaced by 1600 or earlier. Altogether autocracies were the dominant to form of government until very recently. Whether they will continue to account for about half of all governments, or rise to complete dominance or fall back to a minority form of government is uncertain. I have my own preferences; but there is no evidence that these preferences will prevail. (To be continued).
FUN TIMES
There are two sides to every coin. Life itself contains not only the good, but also the bad and the ugly. Let us now explore these.
“Wife: In my dream, I saw you in a jewelry store and you bought me a diamond ring.
Husband: I had the same dream and I saw your dad paying the bill.” – Anonymous
“A girl realized that she had grown hair between her legs. She got worried and asked her mom about that hair. Her mom calmly said, that part where the hair has grown is called your monkey. Be proud that your monkey has grown hair. The girl smiled. At dinner, she told her sister, my monkey has grown hair. Her sister smiled and said, that’s nothing; mine is already eating bananas.”- Anna Fox
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“Aside from the occasional genocide, evil and torture, etc., it is inarguable that public policy could be implemented more rapidly in an autocracy.” (David Harsanyi).
Related
You may like
Opinion
GLO and the Democratization of Communication in Nigeria
Published
39 minutes agoon
June 13, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba
Glo, the “Digital Oxygen” of Nigeria’s Democracy
As Nigeria marked Democracy Day on June 12, it is important to celebrate not only our democratic journey as a nation, but also institutions whose values and contributions reflect the very essence of democracy.
In Nigeria’s telecommunications industry, Glo stands out as arguably the most democratic network. Democracy thrives on inclusion, accessibility, equal opportunity, participation, and the empowerment of the people. Since its inception, Glo has consistently demonstrated these ideals through its commitment to making communication affordable and accessible to millions of Nigerians.
By pioneering competitive tariffs, affordable data services, and innovative products tailored to the needs of ordinary citizens, Glo helped break barriers to communication and brought connectivity within reach of people across different social and economic backgrounds. In doing so, it democratized access to information, knowledge, and opportunities in an increasingly digital world.
This commitment has been tested in recent times. Following the Nigerian Communications Commission’s approval of a 50 percent tariff adjustment across the telecommunications industry in 2025, operators were compelled to review their pricing structures. Yet Glo’s response reflected a people-first philosophy even amid economic pressure. Through generous data bundles, rollover benefits, value-back offers on MiFi devices, and bonus data packages, the company sought to cushion the impact on subscribers. While the industry generally moved toward higher costs, Glo worked to ensure that communication remained within the reach of ordinary Nigerians, staying true to the democratic principle that access should never be reserved for a privileged few.
Glo’s democratic approach extends beyond pricing to infrastructure development. Its 2025–2026 network modernization programme, which involved the deployment of over a thousand new 4G LTE sites, spectrum expansion, and the reconstruction of critical fibre routes, has been particularly noteworthy for its focus on underserved rural communities as well as densely populated urban centres such as markets and educational institutions. Democracy is not merely about serving those already at the centre of power; it is about extending opportunity to those at the margins. By expanding connectivity to communities that have historically been overlooked by telecommunications infrastructure, Glo has quietly been democratizing not only communication but also access to the digital future.
A key pillar of any true democracy is the protection and promotion of freedom of speech and expression. Through its reliable and affordable network, Glo has empowered millions of Nigerians to express their views, share ideas, engage in public discourse, and connect with others without being constrained by cost or access. This is not an abstract principle. It is reflected daily in the WhatsApp groups, Facebook communities, online forums, and citizen-led conversations that increasingly shape Nigeria’s political and social discourse. From grassroots town hall engagements to real-time reactions during elections and national debates, Glo provides a platform through which citizens exercise one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society.
Furthermore, Glo’s unwavering support for local content, Nigerian talents, sports, entertainment, and entrepreneurship reflects its belief in creating opportunities for people to succeed and contribute meaningfully to national development. From its long-standing sponsorship of football competitions to its investment in Nigerian music, Nollywood, and homegrown entrepreneurial initiatives, Glo has consistently amplified Nigerian voices and celebrated Nigerian excellence. This commitment to empowering individuals mirrors the democratic principle of broad participation and shared progress.
As we honour the heroes of June 12 and reflect on the sacrifices that paved the way for democratic governance in Nigeria, Glo deserves recognition as a corporate institution that has consistently advanced the values of inclusion, accessibility, empowerment, and freedom of expression. In many respects, Glo has done for communication what democracy seeks to do for governance: place power in the hands of the people.
As Nigeria celebrates Democracy Day, Glo stands not merely as a telecom provider but as a symbol of inclusion, accessibility, and empowerment. In connecting millions of Nigerians to one another and to the world, it has helped deepen democratic participation and amplify the voices of ordinary citizens. It is more than a network. It is more than “unlimited.” It is “digital oxygen” that keeps Nigeria’s democratic conversation alive.
Happy Democracy Day, Nigeria.
Related
The morning sun streamed through the stained-glass windows of the Anglican Church of Transformation Hall, casting patches of amber and gold across the gathered crowd. Mothers clutched small bouquets—it was Mother’s Day—and children fidgeted in their seats, unaware that history was about to be made in their midst.
At the podium stood Sunny Irakpo, his hands steady on the lectern, his voice carrying the weight of nearly two decades of quiet war. Not a war of soldiers or bombs, but one fought with pamphlets, school visits, rehabilitation talks, and now—something far greater.
Before him sat bishops in clerical collars, doctors in tailored suits, community leaders in colorful Nigerian attire, and ordinary men and women who had crossed oceans for a better life. They had come to witness the unveiling of the SILEC International Magazine (SIM)—the first global media platform dedicated exclusively to reporting drug-related issues across Africa, the United States, and beyond.
“Just like a SIM device is important to a phone,” Sunny began, his voice warm yet resolute, “imagine one with a sophisticated phone without a SIM. Such a phone will be useless. Therefore, SIM is a solution provider—an enabler designed to bring value, reset mindsets, and create a global platform bold enough to revolutionize the media ecosystem.”
The room leaned in.
Three hours earlier, Revd. Canon Paul Obike had opened the ceremony with a prayer and a smile. The anchor Venerable Shola Ogbedebi , He looked out at the sea of faces—mothers, especially, whom he thanked for their invisible labor of raising children in a world saturated with temptation.
“Sunny Irakpo,” Ogbedebi had said, “is a courageous young man with strong passion and zeal, championing a worthy cause that has taken the lives of many promising youth in Nigeria, the United States, and across the globe. He is a trailblazer. A strong voice that keeps shaping policy direction.”
The audience had applauded, some wiping tears. They knew the statistics. They had buried nephews, cousins, sons.
Now, as Sunny continued his address, he moved from metaphor to mission.
“SILEC International Magazine is not just a publication,” he said. “It will drive awareness, create employment opportunities for young people, and support underprivileged students—particularly in Nigeria, where more than twenty million children remain out of school due to financial hardship.”
He paused, letting the number settle.
“Twenty million.”
A murmur rippled through the hall.
Sunny spoke of the vision conceived years ago, held in his heart like a pregnancy carried through contraction and pain. “When a child eventually escapes the womb, the mother leaps for joy,” he said. “Today, I stand in solidarity as a mother—not by pregnancy, but by conception of ideas that could help proffer solutions to the many problems confronting mankind. This is my joy: that baby SIM is birthed to the world today, in a country where dreams come through.”
He invoked Habakkuk 2:2—write the vision and make it plain—and reminded the gathering that a child’s raising belongs not only to its parents but to the entire community. “So it is for this newborn, named SIM,” he said. “I call for your collective nurturing.”
The statistics he shared were stark.
A United Nations report from 2025 stated that 316 million people worldwide were affected by drugs. Nearly half a million deaths annually. Twenty-eight million healthy years of life lost. In 2023, only one in twelve people with drug use disorders received any treatment.
In the United States, over one million people between the ages of eighteen and forty-five had died from drugs.
But it was Africa that Sunny named as the emerging frontline. “The new market,” he said quietly. “Seventy percent of young people. In Nigeria, according to UNODC, 14.4 million people aged fifteen to sixty-four abused drugs and substances as of 2018—significantly higher than the global average. Those aged eighteen to thirty-nine remain the worst users today.”
He did not shout. He did not need to. The numbers screamed for themselves.
Then came the moment the room had been waiting for.
The Chairman of the occasion, The Rt. Revd. Dr. Augustine Unuigbe—Coordinating Bishop of the Church of Nigeria North America Mission and Managing Director of Rapha Medical Group—rose from his seat. He was a tall man with gentle eyes and the steady hands of a physician.
“As a medical doctor,” Bishop Unuigbe said, stepping to the podium, “I have seen firsthand cases of drug overdose. I have watched young people slip away on hospital beds, their parents wailing in corridors. The drug problem and overdose deaths in the United States are underreported—for reasons I cannot ascertain. But time has come for the message to be louder.”
He turned to look directly at Sunny.
“My path and Sunny Irakpo crossed on social media,” the bishop continued. “I did not know Sunny from Adam. What brought us together is divine connection. In 2021, met him physically when the Primate of All Nigeria, the Most Rt. Dr. Henry Chukwudum Ndukuba, invited Sunny to present a paper at the Standing Committee meeting—the highest decision-making body of the Church of Nigeria, Anglican Communion. His presentation on ‘The Monster of Drug Addiction: A Battle for the Future’ was educative, revealing, and commendable.”
The bishop’s voice deepened. “My association and endorsement of SILEC Initiatives is based on the credible platform and the carrier of the message—Sunny Irakpo—who has shown serious commitment for nearly two decades. This young man deserves all the support and encouragement to propagate the message farther.”
He placed his hand on a tablet connected to a large screen. “I now unveil the SILEC International Magazine—electronically, with Artificial Intelligence tools for the campaign ideology—to the glory of God and benefit of humanity.”
The screen flickered to life. The magazine’s website appeared: crisp, modern, alive with stories. A video montage played—interviews with recovered addicts, profiles of resilient entrepreneurs, reports from Nigerian villages where schoolrooms stood empty. The audience watched in rapt silence.
Then they rose. They clapped. Some wept.
Dr. Inua Momodu, President of the Nigerian Community in Atlantic County, New Jersey, seized the moment. “Drug abuse affects almost every household,” he said. “Everyone must be involved in this fight to save the lives of young people. The Nigerian community under my leadership will continue to support SILEC Initiatives with effective collaboration.”
Distinguished guests nodded firmly from the front row. Besides, Angels In Motion ably represented by Laura Rhodes whispered to a colleague: We need to partner with them.
Before closing, Sunny Irakpo turned to the mothers in the room. It was, after all, their day.
“Dear mothers,” he said, “your roles in family and nation-building cannot be overemphasized. Sadly, in the cause of my advocacy, I have seen women deeply engaged in drug abuse and illicit trafficking. The most despicable act is using their most revered private parts to conceal drugs. One out of four females is now a drug abuser.”
The room grew very still.
“We urge our mothers to hold firm the values that help shape society. Tighten the home front. Help prevent our wards from this destructive path.”
He paused, and his voice softened.
“In loving memory, I remember today the sacrifices of my late parents—Pa Christopher Ewomarevia and Mrs. Victoria Adiheji Irakpo—for the value of education and godly parenting they implanted in me. They started this vision of SILEC with me in 2010. It pleased God that they did not witness this very important occasion. But I give God all the glory. May their kind souls continue to rest in peace.”
The ceremony ended with Reverend Ohio Simire offering the vote of thanks, followed by closing prayers from Bishop Unuigbe. As the crowd filed out into the New Jersey afternoon, phones buzzed with notifications—the live stream had reached thousands across three continents.
Outside, a young woman approached Sunny Irakpo. She was perhaps twenty-two, her eyes red-rimmed.
“My brother overdosed last year,” she said quietly. “He was nineteen.”
Sunny placed a hand on her shoulder. “Then we do this for him,” he said. “And for all the others.”
She nodded, and for the first time that day, she smiled.
Somewhere, a SIM card connects a phone to the world. And somewhere else, a newborn magazine called SIM began connecting broken stories to hope—one page, one life, one truth at a time. Oh, what a magazine you must get with just a click from your phone at www.sim.silecinitiatives.org.ng . SILEC is rising, SILEC International Magazine, the global light.
Article contributed by Kwame Jamal
Related
Opinion
When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection
Published
3 days agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Shakirat Akintola
For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.
Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.
Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.
To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.
A Referendum on Lived Realities
The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.
The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.
Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.
Related


GLO and the Democratization of Communication in Nigeria
Adding Value: The Power in a Name by Henry Ukazu
Tech and Humanity: Africa is Building the Future of AI; The Question is Who Will It Serve?
The Oracle: Understanding the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of Nigerians (Pt. 3)
Sowore ‘Slumps’ Amid Police Teargas During Abuja Protest
Friday Sermon: Terrorism the Curse of Islam 2
Senate Orders DSS, Police to Hunt Bandits Flaunting Crime on Social Media
All White Service of Songs As Celebrities Bid Alex Ekubo Farewell
Lessons from 2019, 2023 Elections: Why Atiku Abubakar Needs Dele Momodu As Running Mate
UBA Foundation Marks World Environment Day 2026 with Tree-Planting Initiative
The Dark Link Between the Forest Cartels and the Ballot
Voice of Emancipation: Oyo Kidnapping: Another One Too Many
Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet
Tech and Humanity: The Long Walk to School
Trending
-
Entertainment2 days agoAll White Service of Songs As Celebrities Bid Alex Ekubo Farewell
-
Opinion5 days agoLessons from 2019, 2023 Elections: Why Atiku Abubakar Needs Dele Momodu As Running Mate
-
Business5 days agoUBA Foundation Marks World Environment Day 2026 with Tree-Planting Initiative
-
Opinion5 days agoThe Dark Link Between the Forest Cartels and the Ballot
-
Voice of Emancipation6 days agoVoice of Emancipation: Oyo Kidnapping: Another One Too Many
-
Opinion4 days agoWhy Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet
-
Tech and Humanity5 days agoTech and Humanity: The Long Walk to School
-
Opinion4 days agoThe Bridge Nigeria Needs: Reflections on Leadership, National Unity, and the Ati-Dele Conversation

