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Opinion: Past Truth and Present Dangers in Nigeria’s Democracy: Time to Pause and Think

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By Sani Sa’idu Baba

Recently, I came across a very interesting assertion by Roger Scruton in a dictionary of political thoughts thus: “…the concept of democracy is immensely complicated partly because of difficulties in understanding who the people are, and which acts of government are truly theirs rather than those of some dominant group or interest”. Let me reiterate at this point that I am neither a politician nor a political ally to anyone. Rather, I am a citizen with concern for the public and not bitter against any of our leaders or aspirants. However, as fascinating as the concept of egalitarianism is, there exists a wide gap between its theory and practice and indeed between the theory and practice of democracy itself. There is hardly anywhere in the world where democracy is a republic of equals because, as Kenneth Janda have asserted, ‘through occupation or wealth, some citizens are more able than others to influence political decisions’. Indeed, the elite theory is founded on the notion that politics is an affair of the coherent minority dominating the incoherent majority. Terms such as the people, the masses or the majority should even be used with caution as it is often difficult to identify what or who is meant by these terms in the specific case and even more difficult to gauge the attitudes and interests of these terms even when and where they are identified. I will briefly expand on this point subsequently.

Democracy term was first mentioned about 2500 years ago in Greece cities. Back then, it was the opposite to aristocracy form of government. The modern type of democracy developed in the 19th and 20th centuries. Being a democratic country is the latest trend ever since the 1970s. A lot of nations share the values carried by the term and Nigeria is not an exception. However, democracy in Nigeria stands to be unique due to some impediments to the institutionalisation of democracy in Nigeria after more than half a century of political independence. Some of these are the country’s colonial background interspersed by vagaries engendered by deep-rooted ethnicity; complacent and spendthrift leadership; incessant intervention of the military in the democratic process; electoral fraud; wide spread poverty and high illiteracy level. I am of the belief that the pivot around which most of the factors listed above revolve is corruption which has virtually become a way of life in Nigeria. Whether the present government of President Muhammadu Buhari on the fight against corruption which is the cardinal theme of his administration is a myth or reality is a different topic for another day.

Our country keeps developing and there are still so many things to improve. Changes are necessary for political, economic, and social development. The history of democracy in Nigeria is still not over because of its highly dynamic nature largely different from how it’s been practiced by its founding fathers. Although no country on earth is perfect, but lapses goes unnoticed by virtue of the fact that successful nations are not governed by scent but by performance as popularly mentioned by a great African writer and philanthropist, Chief Dr Dele Momodu. Nations are constantly learning how to tolerate, stay out of corruption, choose the right leaders and plan for the future. These tasks are not easy. Being a republic is never simple. Of course Nigeria has been a true republic by name, but been able to utilize democracy to install its leaders is a myth rather than reality. My reasons will be clearly discussed in a jiffy.

Over the years, Nigeria celebrates May 29th as the official public holiday to mark Democracy Day. Still, the democratic start point really began in 1960. It was on the 1st of October when Nigeria publicly announced its independence from Great Britain. There was a long history of different government forms in Nigeria ever since 1960 fluctuating between democracy and military rule. But there has never been uninterrupted democracy until 1999, though some rulers promised to return to democracy along the line, however, only General Abdulsalami Abubakar who took the power after the death of Sani Abacha in 1998 kept his word by handing over power to former head of state and military ruler, converted democrat in the person of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo after a keenly contested election between him and Chief Olufalaye reflecting a contest between two Southwesterners. The country’s modern Constitution became official in 1999.

The elections of 1999 were successful to the previous military ruler. The new President Olusegun Obasanjo maintained the legacy of eneral Abdussalami Abubakar by putting the end to the military regimes that kept switching one after the other for nearly 30 years. Nigeria’s democracy is celebrated yearly. Though it is undeniable that Nigeria still has many problems to overcome; Nigerians have dreams about a bright and prosperous future with better economy, improved standard of living and most importantly, security. Whether the failure to achieving those dreams might be attributed to the fact that democratically elected presidents of Nigeria are merely extension of the previous military regimes remains a controversial issue over the years. This is because, during this 22 years old democracy which is still considered a baby, about 16 years were governed by former military dictators and head of states, Olusegun Obasanjo and Muhammadu Buhari and even late Umaru Musa Yaradua though civilian but is believed to have emanated from a military background. It must be stressed however that military incursion into politics is not peculiar to Nigeria, it is a world-wide phenomenon though notoriously prevalent in Africa. While I may not venture into a detailed enquiry into the proximate causes of the prevalence of coups and coup attempts in Africa, suffice it to state that there are a number of causative factors. At the risk of over generalisation, one is that countries where poverty is prevalent and per capital GDP is low are places where successful coups often take place. Moreover, Diamond and Plattner have asserted that where civil society is weak and politicians are corrupt and divided, the military ‘will prevail in the moment of opportunity’. Despite Nigeria being in possession of these characteristics especially the highly prevalent poverty, both the military and civilians are to a large extent loyal to our democratically elected leaders. Hence the need for our leaders to at least pause and reason.

Democracy and Nigeria are like Siamese twins; though conjoined, they are uncomfortable and under intense pressure that could result in all forms of hurt, even death. Although, democracy may not be strange to an overwhelming percentage of Nigerians; what may be strange to them is the brand of democracy that invests, first and foremost, in human and material resources for the purposes of political stability, economic viability, scientific advancement, technological breakthrough, educational development and life-enhancing social services. Given the general optimism that Nigeria was going to be the bastion of democracy in Africa following her independence from Britain in 1960, one should normally expect that by now democracy should be deeply rooted and institutionalised in the country. Ironically and unfortunately, Nigeria, as far as the practice and delivery of dividends of liberal democracy is concerned, is yet a cripple that can barely stand let alone walk or run.

There are four (4) key features that reflects on the present dangers of Nigeria democracy. First, it is spendthrift. Nigerian democracy is a brand of democracy that spends so much to accomplish so little. Second, it invests in the comfort of officials rather than in human and material resources. In fact, the welfare of the common man occupies the bottom rung on the ladder of the priorities of the anchors of Nigerian democracy. A classic example here is the salary of a Nigerian senator in comparison to minimum wage of Nigeria civil servants. Needless to mention all the figures because they very much available as reported by various reliable media outlets, but the gap would certainly leave every reasonable human being thinking about the ruined future of the common man in Nigeria, a country that practice capitalism without capital. Third, Nigeria’s democracy is plagued by hydra-headed and pathological corruption that ensures that the impact of any seeming good policy is either extremely negligible or almost exactly nil. Fourth, this is based on my opinion, the most catastrophic, and that is the habit of installing our leaders based on tribe, region and religion irrespective of their competencies. My write up today will dwell largely on the fourth item because it’s arguably the root cause of all the problems.

I am only about 35 years old now but I could vividly remember seeing my father pasting the posters of late Chief MKO Abiola on the walls of our house, portraying his solidarity and support to Yoruba presidency against the Kano state born opponent, Alhaji Bashir Usman Tofa, during the later annulled June 12, 1993 presidential elections. Although he was not a politician, he had never ceased to be an advocate of good and competent leaders. Besides, modest people always prefer to distance themselves from this type of politics that is oft-cited as a dirty game in Nigeria. This attitude is perhaps the reason Nigeria was lucky to had better leaders in the last couple of years when compared to the type of leaders we have today, simply described as self-centered leaders.

It is not however, the same today. I strongly believe that if majority of Nigerians will understand the fact that our leaders are united at the centre devoid of differences, we will overcome the multifactorial hardships we are experiencing, largely attributed to the lackadaisical attitude of our leaders. Take for instance, recently about three governors in Nigeria cross-carpeted from the main opposition party PDP to the ruling party, the APC – two of them are from the South; Ebonyi and Cross River state. The most recent is the Zamfara state governor. This is enough to tell us that party politics is catastrophic and against the populace because these governors did not decamp in the interest of their people.

My appeal therefore, to Nigerians today is to vote in trusted and tested leaders irrespective of ethno-religious differences for this is one of the ways to mitigate against the deeply rooted divisions inherent in the body polity.

Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

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Opinion

GLO and the Democratization of Communication in Nigeria

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By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

Glo, the “Digital Oxygen” of Nigeria’s Democracy

As Nigeria marked Democracy Day on June 12, it is important to celebrate not only our democratic journey as a nation, but also institutions whose values and contributions reflect the very essence of democracy.

In Nigeria’s telecommunications industry, Glo stands out as arguably the most democratic network. Democracy thrives on inclusion, accessibility, equal opportunity, participation, and the empowerment of the people. Since its inception, Glo has consistently demonstrated these ideals through its commitment to making communication affordable and accessible to millions of Nigerians.

By pioneering competitive tariffs, affordable data services, and innovative products tailored to the needs of ordinary citizens, Glo helped break barriers to communication and brought connectivity within reach of people across different social and economic backgrounds. In doing so, it democratized access to information, knowledge, and opportunities in an increasingly digital world.

This commitment has been tested in recent times. Following the Nigerian Communications Commission’s approval of a 50 percent tariff adjustment across the telecommunications industry in 2025, operators were compelled to review their pricing structures. Yet Glo’s response reflected a people-first philosophy even amid economic pressure. Through generous data bundles, rollover benefits, value-back offers on MiFi devices, and bonus data packages, the company sought to cushion the impact on subscribers. While the industry generally moved toward higher costs, Glo worked to ensure that communication remained within the reach of ordinary Nigerians, staying true to the democratic principle that access should never be reserved for a privileged few.

Glo’s democratic approach extends beyond pricing to infrastructure development. Its 2025–2026 network modernization programme, which involved the deployment of over a thousand new 4G LTE sites, spectrum expansion, and the reconstruction of critical fibre routes, has been particularly noteworthy for its focus on underserved rural communities as well as densely populated urban centres such as markets and educational institutions. Democracy is not merely about serving those already at the centre of power; it is about extending opportunity to those at the margins. By expanding connectivity to communities that have historically been overlooked by telecommunications infrastructure, Glo has quietly been democratizing not only communication but also access to the digital future.

A key pillar of any true democracy is the protection and promotion of freedom of speech and expression. Through its reliable and affordable network, Glo has empowered millions of Nigerians to express their views, share ideas, engage in public discourse, and connect with others without being constrained by cost or access. This is not an abstract principle. It is reflected daily in the WhatsApp groups, Facebook communities, online forums, and citizen-led conversations that increasingly shape Nigeria’s political and social discourse. From grassroots town hall engagements to real-time reactions during elections and national debates, Glo provides a platform through which citizens exercise one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society.

Furthermore, Glo’s unwavering support for local content, Nigerian talents, sports, entertainment, and entrepreneurship reflects its belief in creating opportunities for people to succeed and contribute meaningfully to national development. From its long-standing sponsorship of football competitions to its investment in Nigerian music, Nollywood, and homegrown entrepreneurial initiatives, Glo has consistently amplified Nigerian voices and celebrated Nigerian excellence. This commitment to empowering individuals mirrors the democratic principle of broad participation and shared progress.

As we honour the heroes of June 12 and reflect on the sacrifices that paved the way for democratic governance in Nigeria, Glo deserves recognition as a corporate institution that has consistently advanced the values of inclusion, accessibility, empowerment, and freedom of expression. In many respects, Glo has done for communication what democracy seeks to do for governance: place power in the hands of the people.

As Nigeria celebrates Democracy Day, Glo stands not merely as a telecom provider but as a symbol of inclusion, accessibility, and empowerment. In connecting millions of Nigerians to one another and to the world, it has helped deepen democratic participation and amplify the voices of ordinary citizens. It is more than a network. It is more than “unlimited.” It is “digital oxygen” that keeps Nigeria’s democratic conversation alive.

Happy Democracy Day, Nigeria.

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Opinion

A SILEC Voice Against the Tide by Kwame Jamal

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The morning sun streamed through the stained-glass windows of the Anglican Church of Transformation Hall, casting patches of amber and gold across the gathered crowd. Mothers clutched small bouquets—it was Mother’s Day—and children fidgeted in their seats, unaware that history was about to be made in their midst.

At the podium stood Sunny Irakpo, his hands steady on the lectern, his voice carrying the weight of nearly two decades of quiet war. Not a war of soldiers or bombs, but one fought with pamphlets, school visits, rehabilitation talks, and now—something far greater.

Before him sat bishops in clerical collars, doctors in tailored suits, community leaders in colorful Nigerian attire, and ordinary men and women who had crossed oceans for a better life. They had come to witness the unveiling of the SILEC International Magazine (SIM)—the first global media platform dedicated exclusively to reporting drug-related issues across Africa, the United States, and beyond.

“Just like a SIM device is important to a phone,” Sunny began, his voice warm yet resolute, “imagine one with a sophisticated phone without a SIM. Such a phone will be useless. Therefore, SIM is a solution provider—an enabler designed to bring value, reset mindsets, and create a global platform bold enough to revolutionize the media ecosystem.”

The room leaned in.

Three hours earlier, Revd. Canon Paul Obike had opened the ceremony with a prayer and a smile. The anchor Venerable Shola Ogbedebi , He looked out at the sea of faces—mothers, especially, whom he thanked for their invisible labor of raising children in a world saturated with temptation.

“Sunny Irakpo,” Ogbedebi had said, “is a courageous young man with strong passion and zeal, championing a worthy cause that has taken the lives of many promising youth in Nigeria, the United States, and across the globe. He is a trailblazer. A strong voice that keeps shaping policy direction.”

The audience had applauded, some wiping tears. They knew the statistics. They had buried nephews, cousins, sons.

Now, as Sunny continued his address, he moved from metaphor to mission.

“SILEC International Magazine is not just a publication,” he said. “It will drive awareness, create employment opportunities for young people, and support underprivileged students—particularly in Nigeria, where more than twenty million children remain out of school due to financial hardship.”

He paused, letting the number settle.

“Twenty million.”

A murmur rippled through the hall.

Sunny spoke of the vision conceived years ago, held in his heart like a pregnancy carried through contraction and pain. “When a child eventually escapes the womb, the mother leaps for joy,” he said. “Today, I stand in solidarity as a mother—not by pregnancy, but by conception of ideas that could help proffer solutions to the many problems confronting mankind. This is my joy: that baby SIM is birthed to the world today, in a country where dreams come through.”

He invoked Habakkuk 2:2—write the vision and make it plain—and reminded the gathering that a child’s raising belongs not only to its parents but to the entire community. “So it is for this newborn, named SIM,” he said. “I call for your collective nurturing.”

The statistics he shared were stark.

A United Nations report from 2025 stated that 316 million people worldwide were affected by drugs. Nearly half a million deaths annually. Twenty-eight million healthy years of life lost. In 2023, only one in twelve people with drug use disorders received any treatment.

In the United States, over one million people between the ages of eighteen and forty-five had died from drugs.

But it was Africa that Sunny named as the emerging frontline. “The new market,” he said quietly. “Seventy percent of young people. In Nigeria, according to UNODC, 14.4 million people aged fifteen to sixty-four abused drugs and substances as of 2018—significantly higher than the global average. Those aged eighteen to thirty-nine remain the worst users today.”

He did not shout. He did not need to. The numbers screamed for themselves.

Then came the moment the room had been waiting for.

The Chairman of the occasion, The Rt. Revd. Dr. Augustine Unuigbe—Coordinating Bishop of the Church of Nigeria North America Mission and Managing Director of Rapha Medical Group—rose from his seat. He was a tall man with gentle eyes and the steady hands of a physician.

“As a medical doctor,” Bishop Unuigbe said, stepping to the podium, “I have seen firsthand cases of drug overdose. I have watched young people slip away on hospital beds, their parents wailing in corridors. The drug problem and overdose deaths in the United States are underreported—for reasons I cannot ascertain. But time has come for the message to be louder.”

He turned to look directly at Sunny.

“My path and Sunny Irakpo crossed on social media,” the bishop continued. “I did not know Sunny from Adam. What brought us together is divine connection. In 2021, met him physically when the Primate of All Nigeria, the Most Rt. Dr. Henry Chukwudum Ndukuba, invited Sunny to present a paper at the Standing Committee meeting—the highest decision-making body of the Church of Nigeria, Anglican Communion. His presentation on ‘The Monster of Drug Addiction: A Battle for the Future’ was educative, revealing, and commendable.”

The bishop’s voice deepened. “My association and endorsement of SILEC Initiatives is based on the credible platform and the carrier of the message—Sunny Irakpo—who has shown serious commitment for nearly two decades. This young man deserves all the support and encouragement to propagate the message farther.”

He placed his hand on a tablet connected to a large screen. “I now unveil the SILEC International Magazine—electronically, with Artificial Intelligence tools for the campaign ideology—to the glory of God and benefit of humanity.”

The screen flickered to life. The magazine’s website appeared: crisp, modern, alive with stories. A video montage played—interviews with recovered addicts, profiles of resilient entrepreneurs, reports from Nigerian villages where schoolrooms stood empty. The audience watched in rapt silence.

Then they rose. They clapped. Some wept.

Dr. Inua Momodu, President of the Nigerian Community in Atlantic County, New Jersey, seized the moment. “Drug abuse affects almost every household,” he said. “Everyone must be involved in this fight to save the lives of young people. The Nigerian community under my leadership will continue to support SILEC Initiatives with effective collaboration.”

Distinguished guests nodded firmly from the front row. Besides, Angels In Motion ably represented by Laura Rhodes whispered to a colleague: We need to partner with them.

Before closing, Sunny Irakpo turned to the mothers in the room. It was, after all, their day.

“Dear mothers,” he said, “your roles in family and nation-building cannot be overemphasized. Sadly, in the cause of my advocacy, I have seen women deeply engaged in drug abuse and illicit trafficking. The most despicable act is using their most revered private parts to conceal drugs. One out of four females is now a drug abuser.”

The room grew very still.

“We urge our mothers to hold firm the values that help shape society. Tighten the home front. Help prevent our wards from this destructive path.”

He paused, and his voice softened.

“In loving memory, I remember today the sacrifices of my late parents—Pa Christopher Ewomarevia and Mrs. Victoria Adiheji Irakpo—for the value of education and godly parenting they implanted in me. They started this vision of SILEC with me in 2010. It pleased God that they did not witness this very important occasion. But I give God all the glory. May their kind souls continue to rest in peace.”

The ceremony ended with Reverend Ohio Simire offering the vote of thanks, followed by closing prayers from Bishop Unuigbe. As the crowd filed out into the New Jersey afternoon, phones buzzed with notifications—the live stream had reached thousands across three continents.

Outside, a young woman approached Sunny Irakpo. She was perhaps twenty-two, her eyes red-rimmed.

“My brother overdosed last year,” she said quietly. “He was nineteen.”

Sunny placed a hand on her shoulder. “Then we do this for him,” he said. “And for all the others.”

She nodded, and for the first time that day, she smiled.

Somewhere, a SIM card connects a phone to the world. And somewhere else, a newborn magazine called SIM began connecting broken stories to hope—one page, one life, one truth at a time. Oh, what a magazine you must get with just a click from your phone at www.sim.silecinitiatives.org.ng . SILEC is rising, SILEC International Magazine, the global light.

Article contributed by Kwame Jamal

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Opinion

When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection

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By Shakirat Akintola

For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.

Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.

Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.

To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.

A Referendum on Lived Realities

The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.

The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.

Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.

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