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Tinubu Shares Ideas On How To Tackle COVID-19
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6 years agoon
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By Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu
POLICY BACKGROUND
The coronavirus has changed the modern world with a velocity un-foretold. To protect their populations, nations have taken unprecedented steps in closing down cities, halting socio-economic activities and quarantining vast numbers of people.
Given the lethality of the disease, the public health measures have been prudential. If such action were not taken, the toll of this pandemic might rival the 1958 Asian Flu which took over 1 million people or, worse, the 1918 Spanish Flu where an estimated 50 million people passed away.
While the public health measures may save lives, their economic consequences have been brutal enough to place large numbers of people in a different form of jeopardy. We face a trade-off between certain pandemic and possible widespread depravation. Having to make this dismal trade-off between a currently incurable sickness and significant economic contraction is a dilemma no nation wishes to face. However, it is the one upon us.
The Nigerian government acted wisely to suppress the virus. Our health system and medical facilities simply cannot cope with legions of cases. The capacity and aptitude of government are more suited to dealing with the economic fallout of the public health restrictions than in dealing with the medical complexities of a contagion no one fully understands.
The economic pain suffered by the private sector can be counterbalanced by government fiscal and monetary policies that stimulate the flagging economy. We dare not underestimate the twin dangers posed by the virus itself and the economic consequences of the public health response. Our goal must be that the people live neither with disease nor in hunger. This situation presents a historic chance to establish a more beneficial social contract between government and the governed. If we so utilize thismoment, it will be recorded as a pivotal one in our national history. If we allow this moment to slip, history will not be obliged to treat us with great mercy.
THE ECONOMIC SITUATION
To stop the viral spread, the world has gone into self-induced economic contraction. Most recessions have their roots in crisis born first in the financial sector. We should sound an even louder alarm when contraction befalls the financial sector and real economy at the same time. When both experience steep downturn simultaneously, there exists the true danger of descending into something worse than recession.
The global economy has turned against us. Oil prices have steeply fallen. The price may rebound but not nearly enough to return to customary levels. The resultant revenue loss impairs the naira exchange rate. In general, the price of imports per unit has become dearer. Thus, wise policy suggests limiting our imports during this emergency in order to save hard currency and protect the exchange rate.
Nigeria’s private-sector economy can be divided into three broad sectors: 1) Agriculture, 2) Service and 3) Industry. Each sector has been affected by this crisis but with different degrees of severity and, in some instances, in entirely different ways.
Most Nigerians are engaged in low-level agricultural production in rural areas. Thus far, the coronavirus is mostly in urban areas and not in rural communities. Because of their relative isolation and the nature of their work, most farmers can continue their vocation. This means the supply of domestically produced food staples should not materially fall. With the reduction in imports, demand for their crops should accordingly rise. Unfortunately, that increased demand cannot translate into actual sales because of the drop in aggregate income suffered by the urban population. This loss of demand, coupled with restrictions on movement and on public marketplace hours, creates great uncertainty for farmers.The uncertainty means farmers and consumers cannot engage in adequate and rational price discovery. The cost of the same item may vary significantly from one location to another. Additionally, farmers engaged in non-food crop production will suffer much greater uncertainty as well as greater lost demand for their products than those who cultivate staple foods.
The farmer is burdened with too much uncertainty for any good to come of it. Government can do a lot to diminish the uncertainty by assuring farmers a minimum price for select staples. This can be done through reestablishment of commodity boards. See Recommendation 3 below for more detail.
The urban work force is mostly engaged in the service sector with aminority of workers involved in industrial manufacturing. Much of the urban labor force has been made idle. Hiring of services such as hair care, taxi driving, artisanal crafts, tailoring, etc., will be substantially deferred at this moment. These people work in businesses that are mostly small and medium-sized. The firms do not have ample cash reserves nor can they borrow funds given the high interest rates.
Unemployment has quickly skyrocketed to levels only witnessed in economic depressions. Many families have no money at all. Otherfamilies have very little money, perhaps enough to last a few more days. Yet, real life is not some abstract economics book where a person can immediately adjust his demand for goods strictly correspond with his supply of money. Despite the paucity of money, demand for life’s essentials cannot fall below the minimum required to survive. The money-less family still needs food, water, shelter and, to a lesser degree, utilities. In a compassionate society, they should not be made to do without.
Most families need relief. If relief is not forthcoming, these families risk hunger and its attendant suffering and woes.
SITUATION WITH BUSINESSES
Most businesses are small, service-sector oriented ones that have beenroughly battered by the crisis. Without relief, many of these small businesses will permanently close even when things begin their return to normal.
The financial sector too has suffered. Foreign investment has shrunk as has domestic borrowing. Large businesses also struggle because aggregate demand for their products and services has fallen. Yet, help to banks and large business is relatively simple. Such aid can be rapidly provided by the CBN. The CBN can lend large amounts of virtually non interest loans to these firms with the proviso that the companies maintain their existing payrolls.
If we must hold to the restrictive public health measures, the people will need economic relief. Activating Trader-moni and other programs will help many small-scale traders but not the average wage earner who just lost his job. Resort to the strategic grain reserves will blunt hunger but the finite reserve cannot cover all who are in danger. If we do not take additional steps to stimulate the economy and answer the demand for food, we risk a deep economic contraction that will prove difficult to cure. The worst of this dark potential can be avoided if government is prepared to act in ways that not only feeds people but protects the basic contours of our private-sector economy so that it can more quickly revive once normal conditions return.
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
Recessionary forces outweigh inflationary ones at this time. The agricultural sector mostly intact but hurt in part. The service and manufacturing sectors have been weakened and urban employment severely battered. The economy will suffer palpable contraction unless government enacts countervailing measures.
1. SUSPEND/AMEND 5 PERCENT DEFICIT LIMIT OF THE FISCAL RESPONSIBILITY LAW.
The Fiscal Responsibility Act prohibits fiscal deficit of more than 5 percent of GDP. This provision was fashioned after the Maastricht Treaty governing membership in the Eurozone. Eurozone members never honoured the deficit ceiling even in normal times; it was too impracticable and deflationary to abide. Given the exigencies of the current moment, the Eurozone has completely ignored the Maastricht limits.
The fiscal responsibility limit, while perhaps well intentioned, is, to say the least, inapt for a nation in our economic situation. The provision is based on two inaccurate assumptions.
The first myth is the belief that national government fiscal deficits are always harmful. The second is that economic conditions will always be “normal” even for the long-term.
Deficits run by a national government in its own currency are part of modern governance. The United Kingdom has run a continuous, ever-growing deficit since 1694. It is not the worst for it. Running that deficit wisely was instrumental in turning the island kingdom into the pre-eminent world empire. For 90 percent of its existence, the US has run annual deficits. During this extraordinary time we face, both the UK and U.S. will record the largest yearly deficits in their histories. China and India follow suit by implementing unprecedented stimulus packages.
A government deficit serves to enrich the private sector. A deficit means government spends more than it takes in. That extra amount goes to the private sector. As such, national government deficits boost private sector growth and activity. The only legitimate concern with deficit spending is inflation. However, in the present case, the threat we face is more recessionary than inflationary. A bit of inflation is the cost we should be prepared to pay to avert severe contraction.
Second, the efficacy of the law unduly hinges on the long-term clairvoyance of the legislature that wrote it and on the questionable soundness of the assumption that times will always be normal. No fiscal legislation can predict the future in perpetuity. The best fiscal rules provide sufficient leeway for future leaders to respond to the conditions of the day. Since the Fiscal Responsibility Act was first passed in 2007, Nigeria has already experienced three abnormal periods. The 2009 financial and banking crisis heavily affected us. The 2015-16 oil price recession heavily affected us. The present crisis is now heavily affecting us.
In normal times, the provision constitutes a handcuff on the federal government’s ability to stimulate economic growth. In the current situation, the provision is a mean straitjacket blocking the federal government from taking the steps required to salvage the economy at a time when only the federal government can do so.
The best step would be to suspend the 5 percent budgetary limit for this fiscal year. Alternatively, the limit should be raised to 25-30 percent to allow the federal government more room to make the minimum expenditures necessary to save the economy and the people.
2. EMERGENCY SUSTENANCE PAYMENTS
With the fiscal latitude provided by lifting the budgetary limit, government can render emergency sustenance relief to most Nigerian households, especially the recently unemployed, via cash payments.
This will blunt hunger, maintain aggregate demand in the domestic economy and help sustain private-sector markets to the extent possible. Directed towards needy and modest households, such expenditure mustbe heavily weighted to local produce, not to imports. This will help mute inflation.
Such payments can be done in either one or in a combination of three ways. First, we can designate a stipend for every household. The amount should be enough to pay for the monthly needs of an “average” household for food and other basics. While this may somewhat penalize larger families, perfection cannot be had at this time. Second, the stipends could be given as a form of emergency unemployment insurance to those who can prove they were relieved of employment due to the crisis. This would be more targeted at the actual victims of the crisis but harder to administer. This stipend would also have to be extended to owners of small and medium- sized businesses.
Third, we could render some form of payroll support to companies and businesses that seek to retain workers albeit they may not be fully employed. The stipend could help companies stay in operation while maintaining workers on their payroll. By maintaining workers, the company can more swiftly return to full operation when normalcy returns.
Payment of these stipends will require hiring additional government workers to augment the existing bureaucracies to implement this program. This administrative requirement will help boost employment and aggregate consumer demand.
Payments can be made quickly by using the BVNs of prospective recipients to make direct deposits into individual bank accounts. This will encourage those without bank accounts to establish such accounts. This process will bring millions of people into formal banking. It will also be safer and not lead to the types of violence and crime that might follow physical cash transfers.
3. AGRICULTURAL MARKET AND COMMODITY BOARDS
The agricultural sector is perhaps the least affected by this crisis. This is fortunate as it is the most important tool in mitigating the threat of widespread hunger. Yet the agricultural sector is still beset by uncertainty over prices and supply.
To maintain adequate supply of food and ensure price stability, government should re-establish commodity boards for strategically important crops. These boards will specify a guaranteed minimum-maximum price range for these crops in order to maintain and stabilize farm incomes as well as consumer prices.
4. FARM TO MARKET FACILITATION
In addition to the work of the boards, the government and the boardsmust take additional action to improve the transportation of goods from farm to market. Constructing new storage facilities in major urban centres will help maintain supply, keep prices lower and also provided employment for those constructing and maintaining the storage berths.
5. IMPORT SUPPRESSION
At this time, imports generally hurt the economy because they siphon much needed hard currency. It is imperative that we drive down our level of imports. The sole exceptions to this rule are medicine, essential raw materials and vital products such as petrol imports that we do not produce in sufficient quantities. On some essentials, we may even lower taxes and tariffs.
All other imports should be strictly discouraged through a mixture of policy measures including luxury taxes, higher tariffs and higher import processing fees due to the partial closure of ports of entry due to the coronavirus.
6. MAINTAIN AND EXPAND SCHOOL FEEDING PROGRAMS
Even with schools closed to classroom instruction, we should continue the school feeding program at participant schools. But we must also do more. The program must move beyond its pilot status by expanding it to as many schools in as many states as we can, consistent with applicable public health measures. By expanding this program, we help feed our most vulnerable children while creating extra jobs and bolstering food production and farm incomes.
7. DIPLOMATIC PUSH FOR DEBT RELIEF
African Finance and Foreign Ministers should join a coordinated effort for debt forgiveness, a “Debt Jubilee.” Alternatively, the World Bank and other DFIs should agree to a wholesale rollover of the debt of African nations by reducing the interest rate burden of African nations by at least one half.
8. FINANCIAL SECTOR MEASURES
The CBN should lower interest rates to single digits. This may spur some private sector and will lower the charge on government deficit spending.
To ensure the health of commercial banks, the CBN should give liberal access to its discount window at a virtual zero interest rate policy. To assist large businesses maintain operations and their payrolls, the CBN can give conditional interest free loans. Conditions could include firms maintaining their work force and even hiring an extra 10 percent for 2-3 months but at more reduced wage. These additional workers should be youth hired under a temporary internship or training program.
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Peter Obi Confirms Defection from ADC, Blames Toxicity, Lack of Solidarity
Published
1 hour agoon
May 3, 2026By
Eric
Candidate of Labour Party in the last Presidential election, Mr. Peter Obi, has confirmed that he is on his way out of the African Democratic Congress (ADC).
In a personally signed statement released on Sunday, Obi said he arrived at the decision after deep reflection, describing the move as necessary despite “every constraint.”
“I woke up this morning after my church service with a deeply reflective heart… and felt compelled to share these thoughts,” he wrote, adding that many people do not understand the “silent pains” and private struggles faced by those trying to serve in Nigeria’s political space.
Obi painted a grim picture of the current political climate, describing it as increasingly hostile and discouraging.
“We now live in an environment that has become increasingly toxic, where the very system that should protect and create opportunities… often works against the people,” he said, pointing to intimidation, insecurity, and persistent scrutiny as defining features of the system.
The former Anambra State governor also expressed disappointment over what he described as a lack of solidarity, even among close associates.
“Some who publicly identify with you privately distance themselves or join in unfair criticism,” he noted, lamenting that humility is often misinterpreted as weakness, while compassion is seen as foolishness.
Obi, however, clarified that his decision was not driven by personal grievances against key leaders within the party. He specifically exonerated ADC National Chairman, David Mark, and former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, saying neither treated him unfairly.
“Let me state clearly: my decision to leave the ADC is not because our highly respected Chairman… treated me badly, nor because… Atiku Abubakar, or any other respected leaders did anything personally wrong to me,” he said.
Instead, Obi attributed his exit to what he described as a recurrence of the same challenges that plagued his time in the Labour Party, including internal divisions, legal battles, and external interference.
“The same Nigerian state and its agents that created unnecessary crises… now appear to be finding their way into the ADC, with endless court cases, internal battles, suspicion, and division,” he stated.
He further lamented that sincere contributions are often undervalued, with individuals becoming scapegoats for broader systemic failures.
“Even within spaces where one labours sincerely, one is sometimes treated like an outsider… as though honest contribution has become a favour being tolerated rather than appreciated,” Obi added.
Despite stepping away, the former governor said he continues to face criticism and attacks on his character, even as he seeks to pursue national development with sincerity.
Reflecting on Nigeria’s broader challenges, Obi questioned societal values that, according to him, often misinterpret integrity and prudent management of resources.
“Why is doing the right thing often misconstrued as wrongdoing in our country? Why is integrity not valued?” he asked.
Obi reiterated that his ambition is not driven by a quest for political office but by a desire to see a better Nigeria.
“I am not desperate to be President… I am desperate to see a society that can console a mother whose child has been kidnapped or killed,” he said, highlighting issues of insecurity, poverty, and displacement.
He concluded on a hopeful note, affirming his belief in Nigeria’s potential for transformation.
“Yet, despite everything, I remain resolute. I firmly believe that Nigeria can still become a country with competent leadership based on justice, compassion, and equal opportunity for all,” he said.
“A new Nigeria is possible.”
Source: Daily Trust
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Peter Obi Weeps for Nigerian Workers, Says Minimum Wage Can no Longer Guarantee Modest Living
Published
23 hours agoon
May 2, 2026By
Eric
A frontline presidential aspirant on the platform of the opposition African Democratic Congress (ADC), Peter Obi, has regretted that the minimum wage can no longer guarantee a most modest standard of living in Nigeria.
In a post on his X handle on Friday to mark Workers’ Day, the former Governor of Anambra State said this has happened as inflation, rising food prices, transportation costs, and economic hardship continue to erode the value of honest work.
He said no nation can truly develop beyond the strength, productivity, and wellbeing of its workforce, stressing that the progress of any society rests on the quality of its human capital, the skill of its people, and the commitment of its workers.
‘When workers suffer, the nation suffers. When workers are empowered, the nation prospers,” he noted.
The presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 general elections said a productive nation must be built on justice, fairness, and respect for labour, adding that “it is the Nigeria we must work together to achieve.”
Obi said through democratic participation, the Nigerian workers have the power to shape governance and determine the future direction of the nation.
He, therefore, urged Nigerian workers to recognise the strength they hold collectively.
“But beyond their labour, workers also possess another powerful tool, their voice and their vote.
“They owe it to themselves, their children, and future generations to support and demand leadership built on competence, character, capacity, credibility, and compassion. By refusing to reward failure, corruption, ethnic division, and bad governance, they can help build a nation where hard work is respected and rewarded with dignity.
“With the support and participation of Nigerian workers, a new Nigeria is possible,” said Obi.
He saluted workers across the world, especially Nigerian workers whose daily sacrifices continue to sustain our families, communities, institutions, and national economy in the face of severe hardship and uncertainty.
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Attorney-General Asks Court to Deregister ADC, Accord, Three Other Parties
Published
3 days agoon
April 30, 2026By
Eric
The Attorney-General of the Federation has urged the Federal High Court in Abuja to compel the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to deregister five political parties, arguing that their continued existence violates constitutional provisions and undermines Nigeria’s electoral integrity.
In court filings, the Attorney General contended that unless the court intervenes, INEC would “continue to act in breach of its constitutional duty” by retaining parties that have failed to meet the minimum requirements prescribed by law.
The filing stressed that the right to associate as a political party is not absolute and must be exercised within constitutional limits. It further argued that it is in the interest of justice for the court to grant the reliefs sought by the plaintiffs.
The suit, marked FHC/ABJ/CS/2637/2026 and filed at the Abuja Judicial Division of the Federal High Court, lists the Incorporated Trustees of the National Forum of Former Legislators as the plaintiff.
The defendants include INEC as the first defendant and the Attorney General of the Federation as the second defendant, alongside five political parties: African Democratic Congress (ADC), Action Alliance (AA), Action Peoples Party (APP), Accord (A), and Zenith Labour Party (ZLP).
At the center of the issue in the case is whether INEC has a constitutional obligation to remove parties that fail to meet electoral performance thresholds set out in Section 225A of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) and reinforced by the Electoral Act 2022 and INEC’s own regulations.
The plaintiffs argue that the affected parties have persistently failed to satisfy the constitutional benchmarks required to retain their registration. These include winning at least 25 per cent of votes in a state during a presidential election or securing at least one elective seat at the national, state or local government level.
They contend that the parties performed poorly in the 2023 general elections and subsequent by-elections, failing to win seats across key tiers of government, yet continue to be recognised by INEC as eligible political platforms.
The plaintiffs maintain that this continued recognition is unlawful and undermines the integrity of Nigeria’s electoral system.
In the affidavit supporting the suit, the forum’s national coordinator, Igbokwe Raphael Nnanna, states that allowing parties that have not met constitutional requirements to remain on the register “is unconstitutional, illegal and a violation” of the governing legal framework.
The suit asks the court to declare that INEC is duty-bound to deregister such parties and to compel the commission to do so before preparations for the 2027 elections advance further.
Beyond declaratory reliefs, the plaintiffs are also seeking far-reaching orders that would bar the affected parties from participating in the next general elections or engaging in political activities such as campaigns, rallies and primaries. They further request injunctions restraining INEC from recognising or dealing with the parties in any official capacity unless and until they comply strictly with constitutional provisions.
Central to the plaintiffs’ argument is their interpretation of the law as imposing a mandatory duty on INEC. They argue that the use of the word “shall” in the Constitution leaves no room for discretion once a party fails to meet the stipulated thresholds.
In their written address, they rely on statutory provisions and judicial precedents to contend that electoral performance is an objective condition that must be enforced to maintain discipline, transparency, and accountability in the political system.
Tribune
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