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The Economist Releases Intelligence Report on Political and Economic Outlook of Nigeria

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The Economist has released a report on the political and economic activities of Nigeria. The report which was originally published on September 6 is tagged Economist Intelligence Unit Report’

Below is the details of the report in words and original PDF copy:

Political and economic outlook
• The president, Muhammadu Buhari, is expected to lose power at the February 2019
general election. The next government will be led by the main opposition, the People’s
Democratic Party, although this administration will be volatile.
• Without a party system based on shared principles and without any clear direction, there
will be no way of bringing Nigeria’s multi-layered security threats under control.
Instability and legislative paralysis will affect many aspects of the economic forecast.
• Policy reform will be slow as efforts to introduce market-oriented reforms and diversify
the economy away from oil come up against vested interests, ideological opposition and
bureaucratic inefficiency.
• Real GDP growth will accelerate from sluggish levels in 2017 but only slowly, given
ongoing policy deficiencies, infrastructure gaps and political instability, which will sap
confidence in the economy more generally.
• Inflation will come down from the highs recorded in early 2017, but price pressures from
election spending and expected currency devaluation over 2019-21 will persist and keep
average annual inflation in double digits.
• Prospects for the current account will remain largely tied to oil prices and the moderate
recovery expected in import demand after two years of contraction. A current-account
surplus will be recorded throughout 2018-22, but it will be well below historical highs.
• Mass defections from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and a weak response
from the president means that The Economist Intelligence Unit no longer expects
Mr Buhari to win a second term at the February 2019 presidential election.
• We now expect the nominated candidate of the opposition’s People’s Democratic Party
(PDP) to form the next government, but for the administration to encounter the same
problems as the outgoing one. For this reason, our economic prognoses are unchanged.
• Weak national accounts data for the second quarter of 2018, particularly with regard to
agriculture and the impact of pipeline outages on oil production, has led us to revise
down our economic growth for the year from 2.2% to 2%.
The month ahead
• October 6th—APC presidential primaries: As tradition dictates, Mr Buhari as the
incumbent is highly likely to be re-selected as the APC candidate; no viable contender
has emerged ahead of the primary poll.
• October 5th-6th—PDP presidential primaries: With at least 13 prominent PDP figures
contending the nomination, the race will be very close. Whoever is chosen will have to
lead a highly fragmented party, and will lack universal backing from the rank and file. .
Major risks to our forecast Scenarios, Q2 2018 Probability Impact Intensity Nigeria re-enters recession Moderate High 12 The authorities improve respect for contracts and private property in effort to boost foreign investment Moderate High 12 The banking sector undergoes another crisis Moderate High 12 There is a military coup Low Very high 10
Mr Buhari suddenly leaves office, creating a dangerous power vacuum Moderate Moderate 9
Note: Scenarios and scores are taken from our Risk Briefing product. Risk scenarios are potential developments that might substantially change the business operating environment over the coming two years. Risk intensity is a product of probability and impact, on a 25-point scale.
Source: The Economist Intelligence Unit.

Country outlook
FROM THE ECONOMIST INTELLIGENCE UNIT
POLITICAL STABILITY: The Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts ongoing severe outbreaks of instability, given slow progress on tackling numerous security and societal challenges at a time of economic difficulty. The president, Muhammadu Buhari, is preparing for re-election in February 2019, but he is fast shedding support from within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), with governors and lawmakers defecting to the opposition en masse. Intraparty politics will be chaotic ahead of the poll and we ultimately expect the incumbent to lose power. The next government is likely to be led by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP, the main opposition), potentially in a coalition with smaller parties, but instability will remain an insoluble challenge. Internally, not all the ambitious politicians from the APC who have defected will be rewarded with places in the next government; or if they are, it will mean that pre-existing grandees within the PDP will have been side-lined. Whoever ends up feeling cheated will eventually turn on the new administration, as is happening to the APC now. There is also no unifying PDP presidential candidate, with around 16 aspirants competing for the nomination.
ELECTION WATCH: Presidential, legislative and state gubernatorial elections are due in 2019.
Mr Buhari intends to stand as the APC’s presidential candidate and as tradition dictates is likely be selected in primaries. However, his party will enter the election period riven by factional infighting.
A split in the APC and a wave of defections demonstrate that momentum rests with
the opposition. Most of the governors, senators and lower-house representatives who crossed the floor have joined the PDP, which is itself prone to internecine feuds (usually over leadership) and is in a particularly delicate phase ahead of primaries in October. An uneasy truce has held recently, but an influx of ambitious ex-APC politicians looking to advance their own interests stands to be a major disturbance. Even so, Mr Buhari appears weak enough for the selected PDP candidate to win power, regardless of whether they have universal backing from their party (which undoubtedly they will not).
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: Many of Nigeria’s militant groups operate across land and sea borders, and international co-operation will therefore be needed to tackle the threat they pose. Stretched resources, vast territories and porous borders will prevent complete military victories. Relations with the US will be mixed; the administration of Donald Trump is willing to sell Nigeria military hardware, but Mr Trump’s distaste for the trade deficit that the US runs with Nigeria (particularly due to Nigerian trade barriers on agricultural imports) could strain relations. Relations with the EU will be largely cordial but subject to tensions over the large numbers of Nigerian migrants seeking to enter Europe and Nigerian efforts to repatriate funds
in European banks that were allegedly looted by former rulers.
POLICY TRENDS: The sort of fundamental structural reforms needed to propel the economy
onto a higher growth path are unlikely during the forecast period. Measures to liberalise and unify foreign-exchange markets or move to more market-led pricing in the energy sector will
prove too contentious to see through. The same goes for devising and implementing land
ownership laws, despite this being at the centre of increasingly intense inter-communal
violence and an impediment to agricultural self-sufficiency. State management of scarce
resources enables politicians and other members of the political elite to direct the flow of these
resources to favour specific geo-ethnic and political constituencies (as well as for illicit
personal gain). Policymakers also fear that market reforms will push up consumer prices,
thereby stoking wider unrest at a time when the government is already struggling to maintain
political stability. Sections of the private sector that benefit from protectionist policies are also not keen on structural reform. In addition, policy development and implementation will
continue to suffer from a lack of co-ordination and poor relations between the various tiers of government. More modest improvements–for example, making it easier to start a business and pay taxes–are feasible but will not be revolutionary.
ECONOMIC GROWTH: The economy will remain mired in a low-growth cycle over 2018-22.
Political instability and ongoing policy uncertainty will slow or prevent reforms, and fiscal
constraints will hinder much-needed infrastructure development. Furthermore, investors and
local businesses will remain perturbed by the authorities’ often interventionist stance,
especially in the foreign-exchange market. Additional factors hitting investor and consumer
confidence will be a general election in 2019 and a global economic slowdown in 2020, leaving
both years the weakest in the outlook period.
INFLATION: Inflation came down relatively swiftly over the first six months of 2018, with
currency stability and a high base of comparison in 2017 both playing a role. We expect an
annual average rate of 11.6% for the year. As the naira weakens and the government beefs
up spending ahead of the elections, the headline rate will then edge up to 13.6% in 2019 and
reach 14.2% in 2020 as the currency slides even faster that year in conjunction with
deteriorating global economic conditions. From there, with only a small devaluation in 2021
and then currency stability in 2022, inflation will steadily cool to an annual average of 10.4%.
EXCHANGE RATES: We expect the multiple-exchange-rate system to persist throughout 2018-
22, with a notable differential between the official rate used for government business and the
market-determined rate applicable to investors and exporters (with various other rates inbetween).
Such a system allows the government to subsidise sectors deemed important for
economic or political reasons. Oil prices, and with them the level of hard-currency earnings,
will in large part dictate where the authorities are able to hold the official rate and what the
premium is between the official and the market rates. Political events (such as the magnitude
of instability that accompanies the 2019 election period) will also have an impact. Oil prices
will be strong enough to allow the authorities to keep the official rate stable in 2018, at
N305.6:US$1, but in 2019 the cumulative impact of political instability undermining confidence
and high inflation over the two years prior (and so real appreciation) will prompt devaluation.
In 2020, as oil prices slide and the US enters into a short, cyclical downturn, there will be a
deeper drop in the naira-US dollar exchange rate, followed by a smaller devaluation in 2021 as
prices edge upwards again and the global economy recovers. In 2022 the naira will be kept
stable against the US dollar as oil prices continue to rise, with the unit trading at an average of
N377.2:US$1 and N407.7:US$1 at the market rate.
EXTERNAL SECTOR: Recent oil price spikes are not expected to herald a return to the market
seen during the 2011-14 commodity super-cycle, and the net effect will be modest currentaccount
surpluses in 2018-22–a stark contrast to the enormous surpluses recorded during the
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boom. There will also be little progress in terms of diversifying the country’s hydrocarbonsdominated
export base, with many Nigerian companies unable to compete internationally amid
high costs of capital, substandard infrastructure and skills gaps. Import growth will be strong
in 2018 on the back of a period of naira stability and recovering local demand, coupled with
higher commodity prices, but the rate of growth will slow thereafter as the currency
depreciates. The import bill in 2022 will also still be around 10% below the average value
recorded in 2011-14, when the oil boom and a stronger naira allowed a spending splurge.

This article was originally published on July 19th 2018.
2-year forecast table
Since the start of 2018 trade policy has become the biggest risk to our central
forecast for global economic growth. The US president, Donald Trump, is shifting his
country’s previous qualified support for free trade in a protectionist direction. On
June 15th the US confirmed that US$34bn-worth of China’s goods would be subject
to additional tariffs of 25%, with the possibility that another US$16bn-worth of
goods would be targeted after an extended period of public comment. China
responded in kind. The threat to the global economy increased when, on July 10th,
the US Trade Representative announced plans to levy tariffs of 10% on a further
US$200bn-worth of Chinese imports to the US. A resolution looks unlikely in the
short term, as discussions between the two countries have so far failed to resolve
the dispute. At the heart of the dispute between China and the US is a disagreement
over intellectual property and China’s technology transfer practices, although the US
trade team is divided on this issue, with Mr Trump also focusing on the US’s trade
deficit with China. For now, high-frequency indicators have shown little effect from
the trade dispute, and The Economist Intelligence Unit expects only a modest
macroeconomic impact. However, there is a significant risk that the dispute could
escalate to a point that would be harmful for business confidence, investment,
diplomatic ties and, ultimately, the global economy.
Furthermore, the Trump administration’s trade strategy has raised tensions with the US’s
traditional allies, threatening to upend the multilateral system. Initially, when the US
announced import tariffs on steel and aluminium in March, Canada, Mexico and the EU were
given exemptions. The exemptions were removed by the Trump administration on June 1st,
sparking a round of retaliatory tariffs from these traditional US allies. Reaffirming his approach
to the allies, Mr Trump deepened divisions in the G7 on June 8th-9th when he failed to agree
to the joint communiqué in support of a rules-based trading system. Following the withdrawals
from the Paris climate accord, the Iran nuclear deal and the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the
outcome of the G7 meeting and the related trade tensions with key US allies again
demonstrate that Mr Trump’s “America First” policies do not align with a multilateral system of
global governance.
The rest of the world is adjusting to this approach. On trade, US protectionism is incentivising
countries to develop regional trade agreements and diversify their trade partners. The
Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) will come
into effect in early 2019, after Japan became the second country to ratify the agreement, and
additional countries have expressed their interest in joining. We expect more countries to
develop trade ties with new trading partners, isolating the US economy and risking the market
share of US exporters.
Multiple threats are challenging vulnerable emerging markets
Rising uncertainty about global trade, increases in US interest rates and the strengthening US
dollar will put additional strain on vulnerable emerging markets. For example, since April
Turkey, Brazil and Argentina have experienced sharp currency depreciations. As global interest
rates gradually rise from ultra-low levels, investors are becoming less forgiving of countries
with financial, macroeconomic or political vulnerabilities. Turkey is illustrative here, given its
structural current-account deficit, necessitating large external financing needs, and the high
levels of foreign-currency denominated debt held by the private sector. Steep policy rate
increases by the central bank have been required to stem capital outflows. For now, we
believe that most emerging-market currencies will be able to weather a moderately faster
pace of monetary tightening in the US, provided that overall economic conditions remain
favourable. Despite this, we expect further short-lived periods of volatility as global markets
adjust to the gradual shift away from easy money. In this environment, we expect the number
of countries seeing their currencies come under pressure to rise over the next two years.
Geopolitical risks foreshadow greater volatility
We also note the economic risks posed by the complex and deepening tensions in the Middle
East. Various proxy conflicts between Iran and Saudi Arabia have the potential to further
destabilise the region. Mr Trump’s decision to withdraw the country from the Iran nuclear deal
is another signal that the US is inclined to offer stronger support to its traditional allies in the
region, Israel and Saudi Arabia, in the coming years. We expect regional security in the Middle
East to deteriorate following the US withdrawal. The move gives hardliners in Iran the upper
hand over their moderate counterparts, which is likely to lead to a more confrontational
foreign policy. Most worryingly, a proxy conflict between Israel and Iran in southern Syria has
a significant chance of escalating.
Heightened geopolitical risk in the Middle East increases the likelihood of volatility in global
energy markets. The rebalancing of the oil market pursued by OPEC over the past 18 months
means that geopolitical developments now have a more pronounced effect on prices. News of
the US’s withdrawal from the Iran deal sent prices above US$75/barrel for the first time since
2014. Ismail Kowsari, a senior officer in Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC),
stated on June 4th that Iran would prevent other nations’ oil from being exported through the
Strait of Hormuz, should its own oil exports be blocked by US sanctions. Although we do not
expect Iran to close the Strait of Hormuz, the likelihood of this scenario unfolding will rise as
Iran’s oil exports decline in 2019-20.
The global economy will remain healthy, although vulnerable to shocks
Although the global economy is more vulnerable to shocks, our central forecast is that the
underlying fundamentals are strong enough to maintain a healthy growth rate for 2018-19.
Global growth accelerated markedly in 2017, to 3%, its fastest rate since 2011, and we expect
the same rate of growth in 2018. Global growth will decelerate in 2019, to 2.9%, owing largely
to weakness in Latin America, especially Brazil and Argentina, where political uncertainty and
market turbulence in 2018 will have a lingering effect. The global economy will continue to
follow the trends in the world’s two largest economies, China and the US. Risk has returned to
the Chinese economy as the global trade dispute combines with other concerning trends.
Financial markets have become more volatile, with domestic equity markets having fallen by
more than 20% since late January. Although investors are likely to be pricing in the risk from
China’s external environment, domestic demand is a more serious cause for concern. The
effects of tighter monetary policy, corporate deleveraging efforts and a crackdown on shadow
financing have become more apparent in the economy this year, having raised the cost and
availability of capital for both firms and consumers. As a result, both private consumption and
investment are softening. Although we recognise the risks, we believe that the Chinese
economy will weather these challenges, and continue to expect growth in China to slow in
2019.
The US economy continues to strengthen. Some 213,000 new jobs were created in June—the
third month this year that employment has increased by more than 200,000. The
unemployment rate increased to 4%, from 3.8%, but this reflected a rise in the labour force of
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601,000, as sustained economic growth attracts previously disengaged workers. We continue
to expect a business-cycle downturn in the US in 2020. Capacity constraints will emerge in the
economy in the second half of 2019, pushing up inflation and forcing the Federal Reserve
(Fed, the US central bank) to signal a faster pace of interest-rate increases. This acceleration
will be sufficient to trigger a short-lived decline in private consumption and investment in early
2020. Our core forecast is that the dip will be shallow and the rebound relatively rapid, owing
to the Fed cutting interest rates aggressively in response. Slowing growth in the world’s two
largest economies means that global growth will moderate to 2.3% in that year. As the US
recovers, the global economy will receive some support in 2021-22, enabling an acceleration
to annual average growth of 2.8%.
Global monetary conditions will tighten
Among developed markets we expect falling unemployment and slowly building inflation to
push central banks towards monetary tightening. In the US, the Fed, having first raised rates
in December 2015 following the global financial crisis, will increase rates three times this year
and four times in 2019. The European Central Bank, responding to the entrenched economic
growth in the EU, is set to end the tapering of its quantitative easing (QE) programme in
2018. The Bank of Japan (the central bank) will also begin to wean itself off QE in 2019. By
the second half of that year the shift to tighter monetary policy will begin to dampen private
consumption growth in many developed markets, as borrowing will become more expensive.
Consequently, the period between mid-2017 and mid-2018—where growth has been strong,
inflation benign and monetary policy still loose—may feel like the sweetest spot for the global
economy in the current business cycle.
World economy: Forecast summary
2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
Real GDP growth (%)
World (PPPa
exchange rates) 3.4 3.6 3.4 3.2 3.7 3.8 3.8 3.4 3.7 3.7
World (market exchange rates) 2.4 2.8 2.8 2.3 3.0 3.0 2.9 2.3 2.8 2.8
US 1.7 2.6 2.9 1.5 2.3 2.7 2.5 0.8 1.8 1.8
Euro area -0.2 1.4 2.0 1.8 2.6 2.1 1.8 1.6 1.7 1.7
Europe 0.8 1.9 2.0 1.8 2.7 2.2 2.0 1.8 2.0 2.0
China 7.8 7.3 6.9 6.7 6.9 6.7 6.4 6.3 5.5 5.3
Asia and Australasia 4.6 4.1 4.3 4.1 4.5 4.5 4.4 4.0 4.2 4.2
Latin America 2.8 1.4 0.5 -0.5 1.2 1.5 2.3 2.4 2.8 2.9
Middle East & Africa 2.1 2.8 2.5 4.2 1.7 2.2 2.8 3.0 3.5 3.8
Sub-Saharan Africa 4.7 4.5 3.0 1.1 2.6 2.9 3.0 2.9 3.6 3.9
World inflation (%; av) 3.9 3.5 3.2 3.8 4.5 6.0 5.1 3.3 3.3 3.4
World trade growth (%) 3.3 3.1 2.3 2.3 4.6 4.0 3.8 2.7 3.9 3.7
Commodities
Oil (US$/barrel; Brent) 108.9 98.9 52.4 44.0 54.4 73.6 72.5 68.0 74.8 78.0
Industrial raw materials (US$; % change) -6.8 -5.1 -15.2 -2.2 20.2 7.0 0.2 -0.4 -0.9 -0.4
Food, feedstuffs & beverages (US$; % change) -7.4 -5.2 -18.7 -3.5 -0.9 3.1 0.5 3.4 0.5 2.8
Exchange rates (av)
¥:US$ 97.6 105.9 121.0 108.8 112.1 108.6 106.8 104.1 100.0 98.3
US$:€ 1.33 1.33 1.11 1.11 1.13 1.20 1.19 1.21 1.21 1.24
a
Purchasing power parity.
Source: The Economist Intelligence Unit.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
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Business outlook
Value of indexa Global rankb Regional rankc
2013-17 2018-22 2013-17 2018-22 2013-17 2018-22
4.24 4.47 74 77 12 14
a
Out of 10. b
Out of 82 countries. c
Out of 17 countries: Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Libya,
Morocco, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, UAE, Angola, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa.
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• The business environment in Nigeria is expected to deteriorate in relative terms as the
administration struggles with the reform process and other countries make more
significant improvements.
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This article was originally published on May 22nd 2018.
Economy: Market opportunities
2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022
Population (m) 190.9 195.9 201.0 206.2 211.4 216.8
GDP (US$ bn at market exchange rates) 376.4 428.9 429.9 459.5 514.8 561.8
GDP per head (US$ at market exchange rates) 1,972 2,190 2,139 2,229 2,435 2,591
GDP (US$ bn at PPP) 1,118.8 1,166.6 1,209.3 1,244.7 1,296.5 1,354.5
GDP per head (US$ at PPP) 5,861 5,956 6,017 6,038 6,131 6,246
Household consumption (US$ bn) 309.2 340.4 343.2 368.4 411.7 447.0
Household consumption per head (US$) 1,620 1,740 1,710 1,790 1,950 2,060
Exports of goods & services (% change) 1.9 5.8 3.1 2.2 3.3 3.5
Imports of goods & services (% change) -0.4 13.0 2.2 1.6 4.1 3.5
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Market potential is high, but the operating context will be unfavourable
With Africa’s largest economy (or second largest, depending on the exchange rate used) and
highest population, Nigeria will grow in importance as a market for many multinationals.
However, its attractiveness over the next five years should not be overstated. Extremely low
income levels for the majority of the population will continue to mean that most people have
little to spend on goods other than basic necessities. Furthermore, GDP per head in US dollar
terms (at market exchange rates) will remain well below the peak reached in 2014 throughout
the forecast period. This is due to the weaker context for the vital oil sector and expected
further falls in the value of the currency, the naira. Never-theless, Nigeria’s growing middle
class and wealthy elite—the sizes of which dwarf those in most other African countries—will
remain important markets. Nigeria is potentially a profitable market for multinational
companies that know how to operate in its complex and chaotic regulatory environment and
have over-come the logistical difficulties posed by the almost non-existent infrastructure, for
example by providing their own (expensive) power and water supplies.
As the problems associated with working in Nigeria substantially push up the cost of
operations (particularly given low productivity), competition from low-cost imports will remain
an issue. Providing goods through imports may seem a more attractive option for many
companies seeking to exploit the market. However, given the authorities’ desire for control
over the exchange rate, capital controls and import restrictions will continue to impede
business operations.
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This article was originally published on May 22nd 2018.
Economy: Long-term outlook
2018-30 2031-50 2018-50
Population and labour force (% change; annual av)
Total population 2.53 2.23 2.35
Working-age population 3.17 2.62 2.83
Working-age minus total population 0.43 0.38 0.39
Labour force 3.11 2.72 2.87
Growth and productivity (% change; annual av)
Growth of real GDP per head 0.6 2.5 1.7
Growth of real GDP 3.1 4.8 4.1
Labour productivity growth 0.0 2.0 1.2
Growth of capital stock 5.2 4.6 4.8
Total factor productivity growth -0.8 1.4 0.5
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Initial conditions: Although the oil sector of the economy accounts for less than 10% of GDP
(and did so even before the end of the oil price boom), its performance has a major bearing
on overall economic conditions, given its domination of government and export revenue.
Consequently, the lower price environment since late 2014 has severely weakened the local
economy. The government’s ability to spend what oil revenue it does still earn in a way that
would benefit the majority of Nigerians is hugely constrained by the extremely weak civil
service, high levels of corruption and the requirement that a large proportion of revenue be
allocated to states, which are even less accountable than the federal government. Although
there is more dynamism in certain parts of the non-oil private sector, such as trade,
entertainment, banking and communications, a background of weak infrastructure and
decades of under-investment in healthcare and education means that the initial conditions for
the country to enter sustainable and diversified growth are poor.
Population changes bring opportunities, but also threats
Demographic trends: One factor in Nigeria’s favour is its large and young population.
However, most indicators of the health of the population are low, reflecting decades of
underinvestment in healthcare facilities, which will take years to turn around even if the
commitment is found. Increasing urbanisation will also put strain on service provision in the
cities, as well as housing. An additional problem for the government is provision of education
and training facilities for the rapidly growing population, as well as long-term employment
opportunities. Internal migration, as Nigerians search for jobs in the urban centres and climate
change and environmental degradation put strain on natural resources, will add to population
pressures. Access to land is already a major driver of unrest in central Nigeria, and this
phenomenon is only likely to intensify in the coming years. Overall, it is difficult to be
optimistic about the outlook without a substantial improvement in economic governance and
policy implementation. There is time to turn the situation around over the timeframe to 2050,
but the precedent is not positive.
External conditions: There has been a structural shift in Nigeria’s export markets in recent
years, away from the US, which is steadily reducing its oil imports, and towards Asia,
particularly India. Oil reserves will not be exhausted by 2050 but are likely to have peaked by
then, which will present the additional challenge of finding external markets for the growing
non-oil economy. The importance of Nigeria, due to its size and influence on the African
continent, means that the international community will retain an interest in political
developments in the country and will try to address the issues of insecurity, corruption and
poverty. However, Nigeria’s oil and gas revenue means that the international community will
have limited influence. Without real commitment from the domestic leadership, Western
countries will promote largely cosmetic changes rather than more fundamental reforms.
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Institutions and policy trends: The real challenge for successive governments is to raise
average incomes and living standards through a sustained period of economic reform and to
deliver a real improvement in governance. However, the omens are not good. Nigeria remains
one of the most corrupt and poorly governed countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, and given how
ingrained these problems are, they will be hard to resolve, even in a long-term timeframe. The
gap between economic policy rhetoric and implementation will remain huge, and
improvements will continue to be slow, given that the vast range of vested interests that
benefit from the chaotic status quo remain opposed to change. In addition, policy formulation
will continue to be hampered by the country’s federal structure; even if a positive reform
agenda is promoted at the national level, it is often not implemented or is openly contradicted
at the state level.
Long-term performance: Nigeria’s long-term economic performance will pick up during 2020-
50, albeit at a slower pace in 2018-30 than in 2031-50, given the long-term nature of many of
the challenges restricting the country’s economic potential. Indeed, growth in real GDP per
head will remain below 1% per year in real terms during 2018-30, given the weak mediumterm
context. Although some non-oil sectors will perform well (agriculture has enormous
potential, as do retail and communi-cations), others, such as manufacturing, are likely to
struggle to become internationally competitive. Income levels will remain low. Moreover,
Nigeria’s exports and government revenue will continue to be dominated by the hydrocarbons
sector. Once the next wave of new develop-ments in the offshore oil and gas sector has run its
course, Nigeria will face difficult choices in terms of economic development, and it remains
unclear whether fundamental policy decisions can be made and implemented to ensure that
the country is able to enter a longer period of sustained and more diversified growth.
Income and market size
2017 2030 2050
Income and market size
Population (m) 190.9 264.1 410.6
GDP (US$ bn at market exchange rates) 376 761 2,917
GDP per head (US$ at market exchange rates) 1,970 2,880 7,100
Private consumption (US$ bn) 309 529 2,195
Private consumption per head (US$) 1,620 2,000 5,350
GDP (US$ bn at PPP) 1,119 2,043 7,457
GDP per head (US$ at PPP) 5,860 7,740 18,160
Exports of goods & services (US$ bn) 45 98 411
Imports of goods & services (US$ bn) 48 54 375
Memorandum items
GDP per head (at PPP; index, US=100) 9.9 9.1 12.3
Share of world population (%) 2.57 3.20 4.44
Share of world GDP (% at market exchange rates) 0.50 0.52 0.82
Share of world GDP (% at PPP) 0.94 0.93 1.45
Share of world exports of goods & services (%) 0.22 0.22 0.34
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
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Economic structure
This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
Political structure
Official name
Federal Republic of Nigeria
Form of state
Federal republic, comprising 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT, Abuja)
Legal system
Based on English common law
National legislature
National Assembly, comprising the 109-seat Senate and the 360-seat House of
Representatives; both are elected by universal suffrage for four-year terms
National elections
Most recent legislative and presidential elections were held in March 2015; the opposition
candidate, Muhammadu Buhari, was elected to the presidency, and his party, the All
Progressives Congress, took control of the National Assembly; next national elections are
scheduled for 2019
Head of state
President, elected by universal suffrage to serve a four-year term
State government
State governors and state houses of assembly
National government
Federal Executive Council, which is chaired by the president
Main political parties
The All Progressives Congress (APC), a merger between the All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP),
the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) and the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC);
the People’s Democratic Party, which ruled from 1999 until its defeat by the APC in 2015
Key ministers
President & petroleum: Muhammadu Buhari
Vice-president: Yemi Osinbajo
Agriculture & rural development: Audu Ogbeh
Budget & national planning: Udo Udoma
Defence: Manir Dan-Ali
Education: Adamu Adamu
Environment: Amina Mohammed
Finance: Kemi Adeosun
Foreign affairs: Gregory Onyeama
Health: Isaac Adewole
Information: Lai Mohammed
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Interior: Abdulrahman Dambazau
Justice: Abubakar Malami
Labour & employment: Chris Ngige
Niger Delta: Usani Uguru
Power, works & housing: Babatunde Fashola
Solid minerals: Kayode Fayemi
Trade, investment & industry: Okechukwu Enelamah
Transport: Rotimi Amaechi
Youth & sports: Solomon Dalong
Central bank governor
Godwin Emefiele

This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
Global outlook
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017b 2018c 2019c 2020c 2021c 2022c
International assumptions (%)
World GDP growth 2.4 2.8 2.8 2.3 3.0 3.0 2.8 2.4 2.7 2.8
EU28 GDP growth 0.3 1.8 2.2 1.9 2.6 2.1 1.8 1.7 1.8 1.9
Sub-Saharan Africa growth 4.7 4.5 3.0 1.1 2.4 3.0 3.0 2.9 3.6 3.9
World trade growth 3.3 3.1 2.2 2.3 5.3 4.0 3.7 3.0 3.9 3.7
US CPI 1.5 1.6 0.1 1.3 2.1a 2.5 2.4 1.6 1.8 1.9
EU28 CPI 1.5 0.5 0.0 0.3 1.7 1.8 1.8 1.8 1.8 1.9
Manufactures export prices -0.3 0.0 -4.5 -2.2 2.0 7.6 3.4 2.2 3.8 3.2
Oil price (Brent; US$/b) 108.9 98.9 52.4 44.0 54.4a 73.5 72.5 70.0 74.8 77.3
€ 3-month rate 0.2 0.2 0.0 -0.3 -0.3a -0.2 -0.1 0.4 0.9 1.4
US$:€ (av) 1.33 1.33 1.11 1.11 1.13a 1.18 1.19 1.21 1.21 1.24
¥:€ (av) 129.58 140.67 134.28 120.35 126.63a 128.42 126.77 126.16 120.75 121.58
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates. c
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
Gross domestic product, current market prices
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017b 2018c 2019c 2020c 2021c 2022c
Expenditure on GDP (N bn at current market prices)
GDPd 81,010 90,137 95,178 102,575 114,907a 137,857 154,440 175,181 200,692 226,389
Private consumption 59,048 64,671 74,786 83,635 95,056 107,983 122,453 139,352 158,861 179,354
Government consumption 5,796 5,827 5,649 5,523 6,692 7,763 9,277 10,986 12,668 14,536
Gross fixed investment 11,478 13,596 14,112 15,104 16,266 18,525 20,627 23,552 26,970 31,002
Exports of goods &
services 14,622 16,617 10,152 9,456 14,709 20,518 21,665 24,320 28,601 30,990
Imports of goods &
services 10,530 11,222 10,152 11,801 15,316 17,920 20,817 24,573 28,336 31,904
Domestic demand 76,918 84,742 95,178 104,921 118,804 135,259 153,592 175,433 200,427 227,303
Expenditure on GDP (US$ bn at current market prices)
GDP 515.0 568.5 493.8 405.4 376.4a 451.6 488.8 492.8 532.6 600.2
Private consumption 375.4 407.9 388.0 330.6 311.4 353.7 387.6 392.0 421.6 475.5
Government consumption 36.8 36.8 29.3 21.8 21.9 25.4 29.4 30.9 33.6 38.5
Gross fixed investment 73.0 85.7 73.2 59.7 53.3 60.7 65.3 66.3 71.6 82.2
Exports of goods &
services 93.0 104.8 52.7 37.4 48.2 67.2 68.6 68.4 75.9 82.2
Imports of goods &
services 66.9 70.8 52.7 46.6 50.2 58.7 65.9 69.1 75.2 84.6
Domestic demand 489.0 534.5 493.8 414.7 389.2 443.1 486.1 493.5 531.9 602.7
Economic structure (% of GDP at current market prices)
Private consumption 72.9 71.7 78.6 81.5 82.7 78.3 79.3 79.5 79.2 79.2
Government consumption 7.2 6.5 5.9 5.4 5.8 5.6 6.0 6.3 6.3 6.4
Gross fixed investment 14.2 15.1 14.8 14.7 14.2 13.4 13.4 13.4 13.4 13.7
Exports of goods &
services 18.0 18.4 10.7 9.2 12.8 14.9 14.0 13.9 14.3 13.7
Imports of goods &
services 13.0 12.5 10.7 11.5 13.3 13.0 13.5 14.0 14.1 14.1
Memorandum item
Oil production (‘000 b/d) 1,953 1,898 1,804 1,531 1,525 1,630 1,687 1,716 1,777 1,851
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates. c
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts. d
Components may not sum
to total due to a statistical discrepancy.
This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
Gross domestic product, at constant prices
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017b 2018c 2019c 2020c 2021c 2022c
Real expenditure on GDP (N bn at constant 2010 market prices)
GDP 63,943 67,977 69,781 68,652 69,212a 70,825 72,199 73,767 75,745 77,978
Private consumption 43,048 43,312 43,942 41,424 41,030 41,747 42,422 43,039 43,999 45,111
Government consumption 4,445 4,133 3,641 3,091 2,844 2,955 3,109 3,224 3,327 3,457
Gross fixed investment 9,320 10,572 10,432 9,927 9,632 9,882 10,188 10,576 11,009 11,505
Exports of goods & services 13,301 16,505 16,520 18,425 20,035 20,774 21,339 21,972 22,663 23,445
Imports of goods & services 6,694 7,094 5,272 4,726 4,950 5,065 5,402 5,596 5,817 6,115
Domestic demand 57,335 58,566 58,533 54,954 54,121 55,116 56,262 57,392 58,899 60,648
Real expenditure on GDP (% change)
GDP 5.4 6.3 2.7 -1.6 0.8a 2.3 1.9 2.2 2.7 2.9
Private consumption 21.1 0.6 1.5 -5.7 -1.0 1.7 1.6 1.5 2.2 2.5
Government consumption -10.3 -7.0 -11.9 -15.1 4.0 3.9 5.2 3.7 3.2 3.9
Gross fixed investment 7.9 13.4 -1.3 -4.8 1.8 2.6 3.1 3.8 4.1 4.5
Exports of goods & services -21.7 24.1 0.1 11.5 8.7 3.7 2.7 3.0 3.1 3.5
Imports of goods & services 12.2 6.0 -25.7 -10.4 4.8 2.3 6.7 3.6 3.9 5.1
Domestic demand 15.5 2.1 -0.1 -6.1 -1.5 1.8 2.1 2.0 2.6 3.0
Real contribution to GDP growth (% points)
Private consumption 12.3 0.4 0.9 -3.6 -0.6 1.0 1.0 0.9 1.3 1.5
Government consumption -0.8 -0.5 -0.7 -0.8 -0.4 0.2 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.2
Gross fixed investment 1.1 2.0 -0.2 -0.7 -0.4 0.4 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.7
External balance -7.3 4.4 2.7 3.5 2.0 0.9 0.3 0.6 0.6 0.6
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates. c
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
Gross domestic product by sector of origin
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017a 2018b 2019b 2020b 2021b 2022b
Origin of GDP (N bn at constant 2010 prices)
GDP at factor cost 63,219 67,153 69,024 67,931 68,497c 70,102 71,437 73,027 74,990 77,131
Agriculture 14,751 15,380 15,952 16,607 17,179 17,729 18,261 18,827 19,430 20,071
Industry 15,682 16,742 16,367 14,918 15,244 15,614 15,829 15,994 16,323 16,685
Services 32,786 35,030 36,705 36,406 36,073 36,759 37,347 38,206 39,237 40,375
Origin of GDP (real % change)
Agriculture 2.9 4.3 3.7 4.1 3.4 3.2 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3
Industry 2.2 6.8 -2.2 -8.9 2.2 2.4 1.4 1.0 2.1 2.2
Services 8.4 6.8 4.8 -0.8 -0.9 1.9 1.6 2.3 2.7 2.9
Origin of GDP (% of factor cost GDP)
Agriculture 21.0 20.2 20.9 21.2 21.1c 21.2 21.5 21.7 21.8 21.8
Industry 26.0 24.9 20.4 18.4 22.5c 22.6 22.4 22.2 22.1 21.9
Services 53.0 54.8 58.8 60.4 56.4c 56.2 56.1 56.1 56.2 56.3
Memorandum item
Industrial production (% change) -0.2 5.9 -3.5 -9.4c 1.9c 3.4 2.4 2.0 3.1 3.2
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts. c
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
Growth and productivity
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017a 2018b 2019b 2020b 2021b 2022b
Growth and productivity (%)
Labour productivity growth 2.5 4.4 -0.4 -1.5 -2.0 -0.5 -0.3 -0.8 -0.5 -0.4
Total factor productivity growth 1.2 2.0 -1.0 -2.6 -1.7 -0.1 0.0 -0.3 0.1 0.2
Growth of capital stock 8.3 9.1 7.5 5.9 4.8 4.5 4.4 4.3 4.3 4.3
Growth of potential GDP 5.9 6.9 3.5 1.3 1.8 5.2 2.9 3.3 3.6 3.7
Growth of real GDP 5.4c 6.3c 2.7c -1.6c 0.8c 2.3 1.9 2.2 2.7 2.9
Growth of real GDP per head 2.6 3.5 0.0c -4.2c -1.8 -0.3 -0.6 -0.4 0.1 0.4
a
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates. b
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts. c
Actual.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
Economic structure, income and market size
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017b 2018c 2019c 2020c 2021c 2022c
Population, income and market size
Population (m) 171.8 176.5 181.2 186.0 190.9 195.9 201.0 206.2 211.4 216.8
GDP (US$ bn at market exchange rates) 515 568 494 405 376a 452 489 493 533 600
GDP per head (US$ at market exchange rates) 2,997 3,222 2,726 2,180 1,972 2,305 2,432 2,391 2,519 2,768
Private consumption (US$ bn) 375 408 388 331 311 354 388 392 422 476
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Private consumption per head (US$) 2,184 2,311 2,142 1,777b 1,631 1,806 1,929 1,902 1,994 2,193
GDP (US$ bn at PPP) 974 1,054 1,094 1,090 1,119 1,165 1,212 1,247 1,297 1,356
GDP per head (US$ at PPP) 5,670 5,980 6,040 5,860b 5,860 5,950 6,030 6,050 6,130 6,260
Memorandum item
Share of world exports of goods (%) 0.52 0.45 0.28 0.22 0.26a 0.31 0.31 0.29 0.31 0.32
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates. c
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
Fiscal indicators
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017b 2018c 2019c 2020c 2021c 2022c
Fiscal indicators (% of GDP)
Government expenditure 6.4 5.0 4.8 5.2 5.2 5.5 5.5 5.3 5.3 5.2
Government revenue 5.0 4.1 3.7 3.1 3.4 3.5 3.5 3.4 3.7 3.9
Budget balance -1.4 -0.9 -1.1 -2.1 -1.8 -2.0 -2.1 -1.9 -1.5 -1.3
Government debt 10.4 10.5 11.5 14.2 16.0 16.5 18.0 18.8 18.8 18.7
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates. c
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
Monetary indicators
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017a 2018b 2019b 2020b 2021b 2022b
Monetary indicators
Exchange rate N:US$ (av) 157.3 158.6 192.7 253.0 305.3 305.3 316.0 355.5 376.8 377.2
Exchange rate N:US$ (year-end) 157.3 169.7 196.5 304.5 305.5 305.3 319.7 366.1 377.0 377.3
Exchange rate N:€ (av) 208.93 210.69 213.86 279.97 344.76 361.12 375.20 430.99 454.96 466.73
Exchange rate N:€ (year-end) 216.88 206.01 213.93 320.97 366.39 352.61 388.44 439.34 461.79 471.68
Real effective exchange rate, CPI-based (av) 50.95c 54.48c 53.59c 47.07c 44.08c 47.11 50.85 50.22 51.76 55.39
Purchasing power parity N:US$ (av) 83.15 85.49 87.00 94.10 102.71 118.29 127.44 140.50 154.75 166.90
Money supply (M2) growth (%) 1.3 20.5 5.9 17.8 1.7 9.6 4.1 6.4 7.0 4.0
Domestic credit growth (%) 14.5 32.6 12.1 24.3 -3.7 12.9 9.2 9.6 9.8 8.6
Commercial banks’ prime rate (av; %) 16.7 16.5 16.8 16.9 17.6 16.8 17.0 16.1 15.5 14.5
Deposit rate (av; %) 7.9 9.3 9.1 7.5 9.6 8.5 8.7 8.0 8.0 8.0
Money-market rate (av; %) 10.8 10.5 9.4 10.1 13.5c 10.3 13.8 11.0 9.7 9.8
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts. c
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
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5-year forecast table
Employment, wages and prices
2013a 2014b 2015a 2016a 2017b 2018c 2019c 2020c 2021c 2022c
The labour market (av)
Labour force (m) 52.8 54.3a 55.8 57.4 59.0 62.3 63.7 65.7 67.7 69.7
Labour force (% change) 2.7 2.7a 2.8 2.8 2.8 5.6 2.2 3.2 3.1 3.1
Wage and price inflation (%)
Consumer prices (av) 8.5 8.0a 9.0 15.7 16.5a 11.6 13.6 14.2 11.7 10.4
Consumer prices (year-end) 7.9 8.0a 9.6 18.6 15.3a 9.2 13.8 11.9 11.0 9.9
GDP deflator (av) 5.9 4.7a 2.9 9.5 11.1 17.2 9.9 11.0 11.6 9.6
Private consumption deflator (av) 15.0 8.9 14.0 18.6 14.7 11.6 11.6 12.2 11.5 10.1
Government consumption deflator (av) 8.5 8.1 10.0 15.2 31.7 11.6 13.6 14.2 11.7 10.4
Fixed investment deflator (av) 3.5b 4.4 5.2 12.5 11.0 11.0 8.0 10.0 10.0 10.0
Average nominal wages 10.7 10.2 11.2b 18.0b 18.8 11.8 12.2 11.8 11.8 10.5
Average real wages 2.0b 2.0 2.0b 2.0b 2.0 0.1 -1.2 -2.1 0.1 0.1
Unit labour costs (N-based; av) 10.7b 10.2 11.2b 18.0b 18.8 13.0 12.2 11.8 11.8 10.5
Unit labour costs (US$-based) 10.8b 9.3 -8.5b -10.1b -1.5 13.0 8.4 -0.6 5.5 10.4
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates. c
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
Current account and terms of trade
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017a 2018b 2019b 2020b 2021b 2022b
Current account (US$ bn)
Current-account balance 20.1 1.3 -15.4 2.7 10.4 20.3 19.1 14.7 16.3 18.4
Current-account balance (% of GDP) 3.9 0.2 -3.1 0.7 2.8 4.5 3.9 3.0 3.1 3.1
Goods: exports fob 95.1 82.6 45.9 34.7 45.8 60.4 62.1 61.9 68.1 73.7
Goods: imports fob -51.4 -61.6 -52.3 -35.2 -32.7 -38.6 -41.8 -43.9 -47.8 -52.0
Trade balance 43.8 21.0 -6.4 -0.5 13.1 21.8 20.3 18.0 20.3 21.7
Services: credit 2.4 2.0 3.2 3.7 5.0 5.7 6.1 6.4 7.0 7.8
Services: debit -22.5 -24.5 -19.6 -11.8 -18.3 -21.6 -23.5 -23.7 -26.1 -28.8
Services balance -20.1 -22.5 -16.5 -8.0 -13.2 -15.9 -17.4 -17.3 -19.1 -21.0
Primary income: credit 0.9 1.6 0.9 1.3 1.6 2.3 2.7 2.6 2.6 2.7
Primary income: debit -26.6 -20.8 -13.6 -9.9 -13.1 -14.3 -15.0 -14.9 -16.5 -18.3
Primary income balance -25.7 -19.2 -12.7 -8.6 -11.5 -12.1 -12.3 -12.3 -13.9 -15.6
Secondary income: credit 22.7 22.8 22.1 20.9 22.5 27.0 29.2 27.0 29.7 34.1
Secondary income: debit -0.5 -0.9 -1.9 -1.1 -0.5 -0.6 -0.7 -0.7 -0.7 -0.8
Secondary income balance 22.2 21.9 20.2 19.9 22.0 26.4 28.6 26.3 29.0 33.3
Terms of trade
Export price index (US$-based; 2005=100) 105.0c 95.4c 47.9c 30.5c 36.4c 49.4 48.8 47.2 50.9 53.1
Export prices (% change) -18.0c -9.1c -49.8c -36.4c 19.6c 35.5 -1.1 -3.3 7.6 4.4
Import price index (US$-based; 2005=100) 150.3c 150.0c 150.2c 148.3c 158.7c 184.5 188.2 190.1 197.7 205.3
Import prices (% change) 0.0c -0.2c 0.1c -1.2c 7.0c 16.3 2.0 1.0 4.0 3.9
Terms of trade (2005=100) 69.9c 63.6c 31.9c 20.6c 23.0c 26.8 26.0 24.9 25.7 25.9
Memorandum item
Export market growth (%) -0.4c 3.9c 3.0c 1.6c 5.9c 4.0 3.7 1.7 3.8 4.0
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts. c
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates.
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5-year forecast table
Foreign direct investment
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017a 2018b 2019b 2020b 2021b 2022b
Foreign direct investment (US$ bn)
Inward direct investment 5.61 4.69 3.06 4.45 3.50 3.79 3.03 3.18 4.11 5.30
Inward direct investment (% of GDP) 1.1 0.8 0.6 1.1 0.9 0.8 0.6 0.6 0.8 0.9
Inward direct investment (% of gross fixed investment) 7.7 5.5 4.2 7.5 6.6 6.2 4.6 4.8 5.7 6.4
Outward direct investment -1.2 -1.6 -1.4 -1.3 -1.3 -1.4 -1.5 -1.7 -1.8 -2.0
Net foreign direct investment 4.4 3.1 1.6 3.1 2.2 2.4 1.5 1.5 2.3 3.3
Stock of foreign direct investment 81.3 92.8 91.5 113.4 116.9 120.7 123.7 126.9 131.0 136.3
Stock of foreign direct investment per head (US$) 473.0 525.6 505.0 609.5 612.2 616.0 615.5 615.4 619.4 628.4
Stock of foreign direct investment (% of GDP) 15.8 16.3 18.5 28.0 31.0 26.7 25.3 25.7 24.6 22.7
Memorandum items
Share of world inward direct investment flows (%) 0.22 0.25 0.11 0.19 0.21 0.17 0.13 0.13 0.16 0.20
Share of world inward direct investment stock (%) 0.35 0.38 0.35 0.40 0.39c 0.38 0.36 0.36 0.36 0.36
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts. c
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
External debt
2013a 2014a 2015a 2016a 2017b 2018c 2019c 2020c 2021c 2022c
External debt
Total external debt (US$ bn) 21.1 24.8 28.9 31.2 41.0 47.3 49.4 53.1 56.3 60.0
Total external debt (% of GDP) 4.1 4.4 5.9 7.7 10.9 10.5 10.1 10.8 10.6 10.0
Debt/exports ratio (%) 17.7 23.1 40.7 53.1 58.2 52.6 52.4 57.4 55.5 53.8
Debt-service ratio, paid (%) 0.4 4.2 2.1 4.3 3.8 4.2 4.4 4.7 5.1 5.0
a
Actual. b
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates. c
Economist Intelligence Unit forecasts.
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This article was originally published on September 6th 2018.
5-year forecast table
The sources for global and domestic data refer to historical data; the source for all forecast
data, unless otherwise stated, is The Economist Intelligence Unit
Global data
US and OECD GDP growth: OECD
World trade growth: Economist Intelligence Unit aggregate
US and OECD consumer price inflation: OECD
Oil prices: IEA average import price
Non-oil commodity prices: IFS
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Manufactures prices: UN, Monthly Bulletin of Statistics
US$ 3-month commercial paper rate: IFS
€ 3-month interbank rate: IFS
Domestic data
Population: UN
Trade by country: IMF, Direction of Trade Statistics
Balance of payments: IFS and CBN, Annual Report and Statement of Accounts
Inflation: IFS, CBN and Federal Office of Statistics
Exchange rate: IFS; principal rate expressed as naira:US dollar
Interest rate: IFS; year-end lending rate
GDP growth and expenditure breakdown: World Bank, World Tables; 1987 prices
US$ GDP: IFS; in current prices converted from local currency at annual average market
exchange rate
GDP per head: US dollar GDP divided by population
Oil production: IEA; m barrels/day
Oil price: The Economist Intelligence Unit; dated Brent Blend
FDI: IFS, UNCTAD, World Investment Report and CBN
Total external debt: sum of long- and short-term debt and IMF credits
Long-term external debt: World Bank, International Debt Statistics; year-end medium- and
long-term publicly guaranteed and non-guaranteed debt outstanding, with an original maturity
of more than one year
Short-term external debt: World Bank, International Debt Statistics; year-end debt
outstanding, with an original maturity of less than one year
IMF credits: IFS and country page on website
Total debt service: World Bank, International Debt Statistics; principal repayments made
against long-term debt, plus interest payments and IMF charges on total external debt
Debt-service ratio: ratio of total debt service paid to exports of goods and services
Interest-payments ratio: ratio of total interest paid on external debt to exports of goods and
services
Abbreviations
CBN: Central Bank of Nigeria
IEA: International Energy Agency
IFS: International Financial Statistics
IMF: International Monetary Fund
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NPC: National Population Commission
OECD: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
UNCTAD: UN Conference on Trade and Development
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This article was originally published on May 22nd 2018.
Economy: Social indicators & living standards
Social indicators and living standards
2017 2022
Nigeria ME & A (av)a Nigeria ME & A (av)a
Health
Healthcare spending (% of GDP) 4.0 6.2 3.9 6.2
Healthcare spending (US$ per head) 80 320 100 403
Infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births) 69.8 44.6 62.3 39.2
Food and beverages
Food, beverages & tobacco (% of household spending) 52.8 38.9 52.7 35.3
Meat consumption (kg per person) 9.1 29.6 9.0 30.5
Milk consumption (litres per person) 8.0 39.8 8.4 41.7
Coffee & tea consumption (kg per person) 0.0 1.1 0.0 1.1
Consumer goods in use (per 1,000 population)
Passenger cars 18 63 22 70
Telephone main lines 0 54 0 46
Mobile phone subscribers 0 1,096 0 1,241
Personal computers 0 230 0 317
Households
No. of households (m) 41,218 89 48,376 103
No. of people per household (av) 4.6 4.3 4.5 4.1
Income and income distribution
Average monthly wage (US$) 52.0 – 61.9 –
Gini index 43.0b 43.0b – –
Sources: UN Statistical Office; World Bank; Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO); Euromonitor; World Health
Organisation (WHO); national statistical offices; Pyramid Research; Economist Intelligence Unit estimates and
forecasts.
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Quarterly economic indicators
2016 2017 2018
3 Qtr 4 Qtr 1 Qtr 2 Qtr 3 Qtr 4 Qtr 1 Qtr 2 Qtr
Prices
Consumer prices (2005=100) 206.2 211.5 219.1 230.3 239.2 244.8 250.4 257.4
Consumer prices (% change, year on year) 17.5 18.5 17.9 16.5 16.0 15.7 14.3 11.8
Financial indicators
Exchange rate N:US$ (av) 302.7 304.7 305.1 305.3 305.3 305.4 305.3 305.3
Exchange rate N:US$ (end-period) 304.8 304.5 305.9 305.4 305.3 305.5 305.2 305.3
Lending rate (av; %) 17.1 17.1 17.2 17.5 17.7 17.8 17.5 n/a
Deposit rate (av; %) 7.7 8.6 9.0 9.3 10.0 9.8 8.9 n/a
Money market rate (av; %) 13.8 14.0 13.8 13.5 13.3 13.1 8.4 n/a
M1 (end-period; N bn) 9,830 11,272 10,235 10,190 10,064 11,036 10,913 10,701
M1 (% change, year on year) 37.5 31.5 13.2 7.1 2.4 -2.1 6.6 5.0
M2 (end-period; N bn) 22,014 23,592 22,304 21,981 21,954 24,001 24,303 24,814
M2 (% change, year on year) 17.6 17.8 9.0 -0.4 -0.3 1.7 9.0 12.9
28,335 26,875 25,516 33,117 35,440 38,243 41,505 38,279
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Stockmarket index (NSE all share; end-period; Jan
3rd 1984=100)
Stockmarket index (% change, year on year) -9.2 -6.2 0.8 11.9 25.1 42.3 62.7 15.6
Sectoral trends
Crude oil production (m barrels/day)a 1.41 1.45 1.39 1.49 1.62 1.59 1.66 n/a
Crude oil production (% change, year on year) -21.7 -20.3 -21.0 -0.4 15.1 9.7 19.1 n/a
Foreign trade (US$ m)
Exports fob 7,924 9,914 9,966 10,811 11,984 13,057 14,394 n/a
Oil 6,470 7,857 7,784 7,945 9,734 10,654 11,726 n/a
Imports cif 8,620 8,331 8,359 9,486 9,266 8,280 9,337 n/a
Trade balance -696 1,583 1,606 1,325 2,717 4,777 5,056 n/a
Foreign reserves (US$ m)
Reserves excl gold (end-period) 24,531 25,844 30,298 30,288 32,491 38,766 46,257 47,788
a
Excluding condensates.
Sources: Central Bank of Nigeria; Nigeria National Bureau of Statistics; IMF, International Financial Statistics;
Direction of Trade Statistics; International Energy Agency, Monthly Oil Market Report; Energy Intelligence Group, Oil
Market Intelligence; Bloomberg.
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Country facts
Annual data 2017a Historical averages (%) 2013-17
Population (m) 190.9Population growth 2.7
GDP (US$ bn; market exchange rate) 376.4b
Real GDP growth 2.7
GDP (US$ bn; purchasing power parity) 1,118.8Real domestic demand growth 1.7
GDP per head (US$; market exchange rate) 1,972Inflation 11.5
GDP per head (US$; purchasing power parity) 5,861Current-account balance (% of GDP) 1.4
Exchange rate (av) N:US$ 305.3b
FDI inflows (% of GDP) 1.0
a
Economist Intelligence Unit estimates. b
Actual.
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Background: Nigeria gained independence in 1960 and the army soon became the dominant
political player. Multiparty democracy was restored in 1999. That presidential poll and the next
one, in 2003, were both won by a former military ruler turned civilian politician, Olusegun
Obasanjo. Mr Obasanjo was unable to change the constitution to allow him to serve a third
term in office, so in the 2007 election power passed to his handpicked successor, Umaru
Yar’Adua. After Mr Yar’Adua’s death in May 2010, his vice-president, Goodluck Jonathan,
assumed the presidency and went on to win the 2011 presidential election. Mr Jonathan was
defeated by Muhammadu Buhari in the 2015 presidential election—the first time an incumbent
had been defeated at the ballot box and an important step forward for the country’s
democracy.
Political structure: Under the constitution adopted in May 1999, a strong executive presidency
appoints a Federal Executive Council, comprising government ministers and ministers of state
from each of Nigeria’s 36 states. The executive is accountable to the bicameral National
Assembly. Political parties tend to lack clear ideologies; in practice, personal and ethnic ties
dominate the political process. The People’s Democratic Party (Mr Jonathan’s party) had
historically been the only political party to attract nationwide support, but the merger in 2013
of three large opposition parties to form the All Progressives Congress gave them, with
Mr Buhari at the helm, the reach that they needed to take power in 2015. Although the 36
state governments enjoy significant autonomy, almost all remain dependent on the federal
government for funding.
Policy issues: Successive governments have sought to improve macroeconomic stability and
develop the nation’s dire infrastructure, with mixed results. Meanwhile, the government is
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struggling to end insecurity in various parts of the country. These tensions are stoked by the
underlying problems of poverty and unemployment. Management of the naira by the
authorities is contentious, and currency liberalisation will be postponed whenever foreignexchange
supplies permit.
Taxation: Corporate profits in most non-oil sectors are taxed at 30%. Planned changes to the
tax system for the oil and gas sector have been repeatedly delayed, creating uncertainty. Most
other taxes are low, reflecting the fact that most revenue comes from the oil sector, with the
total tax take very small as a share of GDP. Tax compliance is a time-consuming process.
Foreign trade: Exports are dominated by oil. The slump in oil prices from the second half of
2014 has almost wiped out what had historically been a large current-account surplus. The
non-oil export base has been rendered globally uncompetitive by an overvalued exchange rate
and massive infrastructure deficiencies.
Major exports 2017 % of total Major imports 2012 % of total
Crude oil 80.1Machinery & transport equipment 26.4
Gas 12.6Manufactured goods 13.9
Chemicals 11.0
Leading markets 2017 % of total Leading suppliers 2017 % of total
India 32.4China 21.1
US 13.1Belgium 8.7
Spain 7.1US 8.4
China 6.1South Korea 7.5

Download PDF here: EIU report Nigeria (1)

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Governor Umo Eno and Dignitaries Celebrate Apostle Gboyega Shitta’s 25th Anniversary

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The 25th wedding anniversary celebration of Apostle Gboyega Shitta and his wife, Pastor (Mrs.) Wunmi Shitta, at Radisson Blu Hotel, Lagos, was graced by dignitaries including Akwa Ibom State Governor, Pastor Umo Eno, and his immediate predecessor, Mr. Udom Emmanuel, CON.

Pastor Eno who was accompanied by his deputy, Senator Akon Eyakenyi, applauded the couple for their dedication and commitment to the vineyard of the Lord

He described the celebrants as passionate ambassadors of God’s kingdom and beacons of hope who have impacted many lives across the globe.

Referring to Apostle Shitta as a prayer warrior, the State Chief Executive said, ” I am here to identify with Apostle Shitta and his beloved wife on this special occasion.

“I thank God for what He has done in their lives. ”

Gov. Eno also prayed that their marriage and lives would continue to be a blessing, noting that after their silver jubilee, they would have cause to celebrate many more anniversaries.

In his own remarks at the event tagged, GW25: Praise and Thanksgiving Service, immediate past Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Mr. Udom Emmanauel noted that Apostle Shitta was one of the priests who stood by him while in government.

While acknowledging that leadership was not by age but by Grace, the former governor stated that Apostle Shitta was a leader in deed, in words, and in his way of life.

He prayed that God would continue to bless the celebrants with years of marital bliss.

In his exhortation, President of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria ( PFN), Bishop Francis Wale Oke, said that from his personal observation of the couple, they have been true servants of God.

He said that the couple’s marriage has stood the test of time because of three elements, the word of God, they have been praying ceaselessly and have been looking on to God.

He advised everyone to ensure that their families, like that of the celebrants, should stand on a tripod: husband, wife, and Christ.

Other dignitaries at the event included Akwa Ibom State Deputy Governor, Senator Akon Eyakenyi, Managing Director of Hensek Integrated Services, Engr. Uwem Okoko, Bishop Lawrence Achudume, Prince Bisi Olatilo, and many men of God from across Nigeria.

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Awo Leadership Prize: Akinwumi Adesina Gets Honour Well Deserved

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By Eric Elezuo

“The choice of Dr Akinwumi Adesina can only be described as having been very well done. He represents the best of Nigeria, hardworking, diligent, brilliant, forward-looking, and deeply patriotic” – Yakubu Gowon

Here is a man, who is not new to awards owing to years of stainless performances, and timely delivery of people and welfare oriented achievements. Here’s the President, African Development Bank, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina CON, who by every indication qualified to be awarded the 2023 Obafemi Awolowo Prize for Leadership Award.

The former Minister of Agriculture, who served between 2011 and 2015, won and was presented the coveted prize on Wednesday, March 6, 2024 at the Lagos Continental Hotel, Victoria Island, before a crowd of dignitaries from across the African continent. Adesina is not just a brand; he is a top-notch brand.

The event was graced by former heads of state from within and outside Nigeria, state governors, royal fathers and other distinguished Nigerians.

His acceptance speech at the occasion captured the vrry essence of his personality, the award and his passion for the growth of the African continent.

ADESINA’S ACCEPTANCE SPEECH IN FULL:

Making a New Nigeria: Welfarist Policies and People-Centered Development

Your Excellencies.

Ladies and gentlemen.

My darling wife, Grace (Yemisi) and I are simply overwhelmed with emotion, overjoyed and filled with very deep and sincere appreciation, for your being here on this occasion, and for all your heartfelt well wishes.

I am greatly honored and humbled by the very large and significant presence of leaders from my home country Nigeria, from Africa, and other parts of the world.

I wish to recognize H.E. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, ably represented by H.E. Kashim Shettima, GCON, Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria; H.E. General Gowon, GCFR, former Head of State; H.E. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR; H.E. former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GCFR, my boss and H.E. former Vice President Namadi Sambo, GCON.

I am enormously honored and humbled that Excellencies Presidents and Heads of State of African countries have travelled to be here, specially, for this occasion.

I would like to specially appreciate and thank H.E. Samia Suluhu-Hassan, the President of the United Republic of Tanzania, and my dear sister and friend, who gladly agreed to be the Chairperson of this occasion.

I would like to immensely thank H.E. Azali Assoumani, President of the Republic of the Union of Comoros and former Chairperson of the African Union, my dear brother and friend; and H.E. Sahle-Work Zewde, President of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, my dear big sister and friend; H.E. Faure Gnassingbe, President of the Republic of Togo, my dear brother and friend, represented by the Prime Minister H.E. Victoire Dogbe; and former President of the Republic of Ghana, H.E. John Dramami Mahama; for your taking time to all be here today.

What a great honor for Nigeria and Africa.

I am also greatly honored to have here at this event, your Excellencies, the President of the Senate of Nigeria, the Speaker of the House of Representatives,

Executive Governors, distinguished senators, members of the House of Representatives, as well as Honorable Ministers from Nigeria and other African countries.

My special thanks go to H.E. Babajide Sanwo-Olu, Governor of Lagos State, for your extraordinary hospitality in welcoming all of us to Lagos, Nigeria’s economic capital and center of excellence.

Thank you very much.

I wish to express my deepest appreciation and gratitude to the Obafemi Awolowo Foundation for selecting me to receive this distinguished award.

My special thanks go to Ambassador Dosumu-Awolowo, Executive Director, Obafemi Awolowo Foundation; the Chair of the Obafemi Awolowo Foundation, former Head of State General H.E. Yakubu Gowon, as well as the Chairman of the Selection Committee, Obafemi Awolowo Prize for Leadership, and H.E. Chief Emeka Anyaoku, former Secretary General of the Commonwealth, and members of the Technical Committee for the Prize.

My immense gratitude goes to H.E. Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, GCFR, former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria who nominated me for the Prize. He was my boss as President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and it was my greatest honor to serve Nigeria under him as Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development.

My immense appreciation also goes to several global leaders who supported my nomination, including the former Secretary General of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon; Rt. Honorable Tony Blair, former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom; Ambassador Kenneth Quinn, former United States Ambassador to Vietnam and President Emeritus of the World Food Prize Foundation; Professor Soji Adelaja, Distinguished Professor of Land Policy, Michigan State University, USA; and Professor Patrick Verkooijen, Chief Executive Officer, Global Center on Adaptation.

The conferment of this award today, March 6, 2024, coincides with what would have marked Chief Awolowo’s 115th birthday, and 37 years since his passing.

May Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s soul continue to rest in peace, even as we draw inspiring lessons from his life, policies and philosophy.

I have received several global awards, for which I am very grateful. Receiving the Awolowo Prize for Leadership is particularly very special.

That’s because it brings back so many personal memories.

Growing up in the old Western Region of Nigeria in the 1960s, only one name was synonymous with people-centered development: Awolowo. We lived in the same community as the sage, in Okebola, Ibadan. As a young child, passing by the frontage of his house was a favorite pastime. I remember peering over its low walls, to see if I could just catch a glimpse of the man who transformed the lives of millions in the then Western region. My father was enamored by Chief Awolowo: he devoured his books, writings and articles. The name “Awolowo” was a constant guidepost for every discussion in our home.

So much was the admiration that when I was 19 years old and Chief Awolowo ran for President under the Unity Party of Nigeria in 1979, myself and a close friend desperately wanted to simply catch a glimpse of him. When we arrived at Tafawa Balewa in Lagos, the stands and the grounds were packed to capacity. The gates were locked. But we were absolutely undeterred. We had traveled all the way from Ife and would not be denied. So, we climbed the tall steel gates of the Square. An unbelievable height when I look at it today.

Once we scaled through, we ran up close to the stage where he was speaking from and proudly stood just one arms length from him and his dear wife, Mama Hannah Dideolu Awolowo. Just a glimpse was enough. We listened with rapt attention to the exposition of his plans for Nigeria. We were mesmerized.

Like a fragrance, his words took our breath away: we could smell hope in the air. Hope that Nigeria would be great. Hope that education would be free at all levels. Hope that there would be health for all. Hope that the remarkable transformation witnessed in the Western region of Nigeria, in education, agriculture, health, and infrastructure, undergirded by a highly professional and disciplined civil service, would soon take hold in Nigeria.

Like the refrains of an orchestra, the sounds of Awo, Awo, filled the air, as our hopes were raised. We could see a new Nigeria. Alas, this was not to be. Nigeria missed its best opportunity to be great under a “President” Awolowo. Chief Emeka Ojukwu said of him, “The best President that Nigeria never had.”

Let me say clearly: Chief Awolowo was bigger than Nigeria. He was the pace setter and forerunner for development in Africa. His intellectual capacity, vision, pragmatic social welfarism, helped him accomplish what was seemingly unimaginable at the time.

He built the first skyscraper in Africa—the Cocoa House. He built the first television station in Africa, WNTV. He built the Liberty Stadium, the first of its kind in Africa. He implemented a blueprint for development that focused on building human capacity through massive programs to educate the people, develop skills, lift people out of poverty, provide massive rural infrastructure, and develop institutions that turned farmers into wealthy entrepreneurs.

I dare say that Chief Awolowo implemented the sustainable development goals decades long before the phrase was coined. He was an inspiration for Africa, far beyond the shores of Nigeria. His philosophy “Awoism” was studied globally and helped shape programs and policies in other countries.

Today, my lecture is titled: Making a New Nigeria: Welfarist Policies and People-Centered Development.

From my early days, I was influenced by the same drive as Chief Awolowo. I promised myself then that if I ever got into any public position, I would run welfarist and people-centric policies.

My heartbeat has always been about people. Nothing more. Nothing less. My life is only as useful to the extent that it is used of God to do my utmost to transform the lives of people.

Awo inspired me. Decades ago, the perfume of building hope rubbed off on me. It’s a fragrance that still lingers today. So, as I stand before you to receive the Obafemi Awolowo Prize for Leadership, I am humbled, inspired and motivated.

I feel a new sense of responsibility. I am reminded today of the words of Martin Luther King Jnr, “History has thrust upon me a responsibility from which I cannot turn away.”

Yes, I have a dream of a better and prosperous Nigeria.

Yes, I have a dream of a globally respected Africa.

Yes, I have a dream that Africa will not be condemned to the bottom rungs of the global economic ladder.

I refuse to accept poverty’s imprint on Africa.

I still believe that Nigeria will rise again.

I still believe that Africa will shine and fulfill destiny.

I still believe that we shall be who we are meant to be.

Today, I accept this Prize as a trustee of hope for millions of our people.

You bestow upon me this honor at a momentous period of great global challenges, from rising debt, climate change, fragilities and vulnerabilities.

Your honor is a call to do more amid these challenges.

So, I celebrate with measure, as I know with all humility the work of making Nigeria great, and by implication making Africa great, is still in progress. It is my lifelong mission to do all I can to improve the lives of all Africans. The wind of challenges may sometimes shift us away from our destined path, albeit momentarily, but we shall overcome our challenges.

Nigeria must dream. Africa must dream. Yes, we may have challenges, yet all I see tells me we will get there.

We must start by unleashing our full potential, while managing our challenges. We must make poverty history in Nigeria.

We must make poverty history in Africa.

We must deliver a better Nigeria, and a better Africa, for this generation and generations to come.

Given the high level of poverty in Africa, and Nigeria, what is needed are welfarist policies that exponentially expand opportunities for all, reduce inequalities, improve the quality of life of people. These must be anchored on public-centric policies and private sector wealth creation for all.

I would like to focus on five areas.

First, rural economic transformation and food security.

Second, health care security for all.

Third, education for all.

Fourth, access to affordable housing for all.

Fifth, government accountability and fiscal decentralization for a true federalism.

First, Nigeria must completely transform its rural economies to ensure food security for all.

A better Africa must start with the transformation of rural economies. That is because some 70% of the population live there. Rural poverty is extremely high. At the heart of transforming rural economies is agriculture, the main source of livelihoods.

When agriculture moves away from being a way of life to a business, everything changes. Higher incomes and wages from agribusinesses will support education and health, and spur even greater job creation for millions of youths.

As a young student who attended high school in the village, I witnessed the high correlation of agricultural performance with education.

Several of my classmates were children of farmers. I noticed then that when the agricultural season was good, they stayed in school and performed well, but when the season was poor, several dropped out or attended intermittently.

The decision by Chief Awolowo to start with the transformation of the rural economy was a very sound policy.

The establishment of farm estates, and the expansion of rural roads, supported by professionally run marketing boards helped stabilize the prices of farm produce. It is worth noting that the prudent fiscal management of the cocoa revenues powered the economies of the States that then constituted the Western Region. These revenues allowed the government to embark on an unprecedented idea—free education and free basic health care services. It was common then to hear the phrase “Agbe lo ba” (farmers are kings), uttered with great pride.

We must give new life to our rural areas.

If Chief Awolowo could do this in the 1960s, there is no reason why rural economies today should be immersed in extreme poverty. Clearly, rural economies have been abandoned, by politicians, planning and policies. Today, they have become zones of economic misery. The pauperization of rural economies is what is causing the implosion of many countries across Africa. When rural economies (the fulcrum of the African society) falter, nations falter. This leads to the spread of anarchy, banditry, and terrorism. This troika of social disruption takes advantage of the economic misery to entrench themselves.

The transformation of rural economies must therefore be structural, systemic, strategic and comprehensive. Doing so, means agriculture must be turned into a wealth creating sector.

I aggressively pursued this philosophy when I served as minister of agriculture and rural development of Nigeria from 2011 to 2015. Many call this period the “farm revolution” years, as Nigeria witnessed an impressive transformation of its agricultural sector.

With farmer-centric policies, we delivered improved seeds and fertilizers for 15 million farmers. We delivered millions of cocoa seedlings across southern Nigeria. We delivered a cotton transformation across the north. We provided millions of oil palm seedlings to farm estates, including small farmers and large farm estates, across the East, South and West. We accelerated the delivery of improved rice seeds across Nigeria and sparked a rice revolution that transformed several regions across Nigeria.

Sound public policies transform the lives of people.

I fondly remember one of my farm trips in the company of the then Governor of Kebbi State, H.E. Usman Dakingari. Amazed by the revolution happening, I recall him saying, “Minister, thank you, we no longer measure our rice yields in hectares of land, but in kilometers.”

Rural economies boomed. Local well-packaged rice took over the market. The price of rice at the time was N6,000 per bag, which helped to stem food price inflation. Unfortunately, today, that same bag of rice, just nine years later, is N77,000 per bag. That 12-fold price increase unfortunately puts rice, a basic staple, beyond the reach of millions of people.

In several parts of Africa today, farm revolutions are happening at scale, with the support of the African Development Bank. Over the last seven years, we have invested over $8.5 billion in agriculture, which has impacted 250 million people.

At the core of the Africa-wide strategy to revamp rural economies and turn them into zones of economic prosperity is the development of special agro-industrial processing zones across the continent.

These zones are being provided with critical supportive infrastructure, including water, roads, processing infrastructure and logistics. The African Development Bank and its partners are providing $1.4 billion for the development of 25 of Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones in eleven countries.

Right here in Nigeria, we are developing these zones in 8 states with $518 million. The second phase of the program in Nigeria, which will cover 23 more States, will be financed with $1 billion. The Bank and partners recently launched a $3 billion Alliance for Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones.

Feeding Africa is serious business.

To ensure that the continent can feed itself and achieve food sovereignty, we organized the Feed Africa Summit in January of 2023, which had 34 African Heads of State and the President of Ireland in attendance, as well as global leaders. In what is a remarkable global development, we were able to secure $72 billion in financial commitments towards the delivery of national food compacts.

Second, Nigeria needs health care for all.

Smart governments provide universal basic health coverage for their citizens. Africa loses $2.6 trillion annually in productivity, due to sicknesses and diseases. Just as every nation has a national defense system to protect its citizens against all forms of aggression, the same is true for health care systems. A nation without a sound health care system is a nation that is defenseless against the invasion of all forms of disease or epidemics.

Covid-19 exposed the weakness of Africa’s health systems.

While developed economies spent $19 trillion in fiscal stimulus programmes, approximately 19% of the world’s GDP, Africa spent only $89 billion. Africa’s urgent need for basic vaccines was pushed to the bottom of global vaccines supply chains. At a time when Africa was unable to provide one basic shot of vaccine, developed countries were providing second, third and more booster shots. It was alarming watching an unprotected Africa grapple with this insidious virus. Some even projected that as many as 3 million Africans would die from the pandemic. Africa had just two testing centers, no medical gloves, no face masks, no medications, no vaccines. The African Development Bank immediately put in place a $10 billion facility to support African countries in their fight against the pandemic.

What is not acceptable or sustainable is an Africa that imports 70 to 80% of its medicines and produces just 1% of its vaccines. The health security of Africa’s 1.4 billion people cannot be subjugated to global supply chains or the generosity of others.

That’s why the African Development Bank also launched a $3 billion program to revamp Africa’s pharmaceutical industries and why it established the African Pharmaceutical Technology Foundation to support access to proprietary technologies from global pharmaceutical companies.

The Bank also launched another $3 billion program to develop quality health infrastructure across the continent, with special emphasis on primary health care systems, which if well fixed can assure basic health care for hundreds of millions of people.

We will continue to invest heavily in Nigeria to support its pharmaceutical industry and develop better health infrastructure.

It is imperative that Nigeria secures the health of all its population. This will require ensuring that no citizen travels more than a few kilometers to find a health care center. The widespread use of mobile health centers, e-health facilities, the digitalization of health systems, especially in all primary health care centers, health insurance policies for all, including innovative micro-health insurance pay-as-you-go systems, will capture the bulk of the population that is in the informal sector.

Third, Nigeria needs education for all.

Nigeria accounts for 15% of the total population of out-of-school children, according to UNICEF, with over 10.2 million at the primary school level, and 8.1 million at the Junior Secondary School. This is not a gold medal Nigeria should be proud of.

The problem is both acute and alarming in Northern Nigeria. Urgent public policies, coupled with community sensitization and incentives for schooling are needed, if this trend is to be reversed. Public incentives such as free and compulsory primary and secondary education should be put in place, along with massive investments in training and better salaries for teachers, building quality and safe classrooms, and school feeding programs.

A well-educated citizenry is critical for technological growth and development, and for fostering creativity, innovation, entrepreneurship and global competitiveness. We do no have a choice. A highly educated Nigeria is not an option. It is an imperative.

With only 1% of the population enrolled, Nigeria is currently not educating enough of its people at the university level. The poor funding of universities, a lack of basic infrastructure, poor incentives for faculty and staff, and incessant strikes due to wage disputes, have almost crippled the university system.

As a result, there is a mass exodus out of Nigerian universities, with 128,770 Nigerian students “Japa-ing” (moving) to study in UK Universities alone, between 2015 and 2022, according to the Higher Education Agency of the United Kingdom.

The mass exodus of students pales when compared to those of skilled professionals. From doctors to engineers, architects, lawyers, IT specialists, bankers, and medical technicians, Nigeria is witnessing a massive depletion of its human capital. This human capital hemorrhage will slow down economic growth, performance and overall development and competitiveness of the economy.

While one might argue that a growing diaspora is good as they send home some $ billions which is higher than the oil export earnings, this clearly is not the way to develop sustainably.

Nations that develop do all they can to keep their best human capital at home, and additionally source skills from elsewhere with flexible immigration and labor policies. We must make Nigeria a viable place for people to stay, and not a place to run away from. The same applies for other countries.

I refuse to believe that the future of Nigeria’s and Africa’s youth lie in Europe, North America, Asia or anywhere else.

I firmly believe that their future lies in a rapidly developing Nigeria, and Africa, that is able to generate quality jobs with competitive wages and a decent quality of life for millions of youths. That is why the African Development Bank Group and partners have provided $614 million to Nigeria for the i-DICE program to support the development of digital and creative enterprises, which are expected to create 6.3 million jobs and add an estimated $6.4 billion to the Nigerian economy.

To support the businesses of young Nigerians, the African Development Bank Group is also planning to establish a Youth Entrepreneurship Investment Bank in Nigeria which will provide financial instruments to create youth-based wealth.

Fourth, Nigeria needs housing for all.

A better quality of life requires access to decent and affordable housing for all. I remember growing up, how hard my father worked to be able to build us a decent house to stay in, after living for years in high-density areas, in what is called face-me-I-face you. What a joy it was to finally have our own rooms with baths and toilets. This joy eludes hundreds of millions of people in Africa, yet several governments stand watch undeterred and unflinching as millions of their citizens live in slums. Today over 65% of people in sub-Saharan Africa live in slums.

Let me bring this closer home.

In Nigeria, 49% of the population live in slums, according to data by UN-Habitat. That is a staggering 102 million people!

These trends need to change, rapidly.

Welfarist policies are urgently needed to ensure that 100% of citizens have access to basic and affordable housing. The opprobrious policies that seek to upgrade slums should be jettisoned. There is nothing like a 5-Star Slum: a slum is a slum. Urgent actions are needed to support mortgage financing and refinancing and use of innovative financing structures to raise long-term capital for closing the housing deficits.

Fifth, Nigeria needs government accountability and fiscal decentralization for a true federalism.

Democracy is more than the right to cast a vote. It is the right of citizens to hold governments accountable for improvements in their welfare. Citizen accountability forums are needed in order  to have a say in how their nation’s resources are being used and how their governments are performing. Governments must show concrete and transparent evidence of fiscal responsibility.

Governments without citizen accountability become synonyms for democratic dictatorship.

Today, therefore, there is a greater need for e-governance systems to enhance transparency and accountability of governments, in service of the people. That is what people-centered governance is all about.

That is why the African Development Bank is developing a public service delivery index that will rate governments on the quality-of-service delivery for citizens.

Development clearly requires a significant amount of financing, which governments need to raise. A primary tool for doing so is through taxation. The rationale for raising taxes in Nigeria is that the nation’s tax-to-GDP ratio is low compared to other African or non-African countries. However, taxation in the absence of a social contract between governments and citizens is simply fiscal extortion.

Participatory tax-based financing systems demand participatory governance.

Take the case of Norway for instance. Its tax to GDP ratio is 39%. It is easy to make the comparison and say Nigeria needs to raise its taxes from 6.1% of GDP to a similar level as Norway.

But consider that in Norway, like all the Nordic countries, education is free through university. And if you finish your course on time, any loans you took to feed yourself, clothe yourself and maintain yourself, are converted into grants.

We must distinguish between nominal taxes and implicit taxes—taxes that are borne by the people but are not seen or recorded.

Truth be told, Nigerians pay one of the highest implicit tax rates in the world. Most of the citizens provide electricity for themselves via generators; they repair roads in their neighborhoods if they can afford to. They provide boreholes for drinking water with their own monies. In the 21st century, this is incredulous as every household should have pipe borne water!

Sadly, the abnormal has been normalized.

If people pay taxes, governments must deliver services to citizens and be held accountable for their ability to do so or not. Governments should not transfer their responsibility to citizens. When governments or institutions fail to provide basic services, the people bear the burden of a heavy implicit tax.

To succeed with much needed welfarist and people-centered policies across Nigeria, it is necessary to change the governance system and decentralize governance to States in order to provide greater autonomy.

States have tremendous potential to become even more financially autonomous through greater fiscal prudence. If States focus on unlocking the huge resources they have, based on areas of comparative advantage, they will rapidly expand wealth for their people. With such increased wealth, they will be able to access capital markets and secure long-term financing to fast-track their growth and development.

States that adopt this strategy would have less of a need for monthly trips to Abuja for grants. Instead, part of their federal revenue allocations can be saved as internal “state sovereign wealth funds”. This can then be used as guarantees against borrowings from capital markets. In essence, they would be free from needing to exclusively rely on the federal government.

To get out of the economic quagmire, there is a compelling need for the restructuring of Nigeria. Restructuring should not be driven by political expediency, but by economic and financial viability. Economic and financial viability are the necessary and sufficient conditions for political viability.

If there was one attribute that defined Chief Obafemi Awolowo, and there were many, it would be his visionary boldness. He went where others feared or failed to go. In the process, decades later, his footprints remain in the sands of time.

Likewise today, in Nigeria, we need men and women with vision, who are willing to take bold decisions.

Surgeries are tough. They are better done well, the first time. The resources found in each state or state groupings should belong to them. The constituent entities should pay federal taxes or royalties for those resources.

But let’s be clear. The achievement of economically viable entities and the viability of the national entity requires constitutional changes to devolve more economic and fiscal powers to the states or regions. The stronger the states, or regions, the stronger the federated units.

In the process, our union would be renewed.

Our union would be stronger.

Our union would be equitable.

Our union would be fully participatory.

Excellencies, distinguished ladies and gentlemen. We must be audacious!

Instead of a Federal Government of Nigeria, we could think of The United States of Nigeria.

The old would give way to the new.

We would change the relational mindset between the states and Abuja: the fulcrum would be the states, while the center would support them, not lord over them.

With good governance and better accountability systems, and a zero tolerance for corruption, more economically stronger constituent states would emerge!

We would unleash massive wealth across the states.

A New Nigeria would arise!

To do so, we will need all of us—not some of us.

From our forgotten rural villages, to our boisterous and dynamic urban areas.

From the sparks of desire in the eyes of our children, to the lingering hope in the hearts of our youth.

From the yearnings of our women and mothers and our men and fathers for a better tomorrow, and the desires of the old that our end would be better than our past.

From the hardworking street vendors and small businesses to the largest business conglomerates … we must create a movement of hope.

Hope for a better Nigeria!

Not a Muslim Nigeria.

Not a Christian Nigeria.

Not Eastern Nigeria, Western Nigeria, or Northern or Southern Nigeria.

But one Nigeria—a New Nigeria, created by a renewed commitment to turn our amazing diversity into exceptional strength.

A New Nigeria, powered by torrents of hope, trust, equity, fairness, and wealth at every level, in every state … by all and for all.

We have the capacity to do this and make it happen.

We must rise above mistrust and divisions and make history.

Not the history that is written about us, about Northern Nigeria, Southern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria, or Western Nigeria.

Not the history of divisive political parties; but a new history that we commit to write for ourselves—the history of a New Nigeria.

We are the history makers. So, let us commit to make history for a New Nigeria!

For the darkness of today will soon fade.

It will not be long before our star shines brighter as a nation, as welfarist policies and people-centered policies spur shared wealth.

A nation where majority prosper, not just a privileged few.

A nation that provides real opportunities for the youth.

A nation where equality of opportunities for women is a reality, not a dream.

A nation where hope is ignited, and dreams are realized.

A nation known for wealth, not poverty.

A nation set on a hill whose light will never be hidden.

A New Nigeria that we all are proud to call home.

So, help us God!

Thank you very much.

THE MAN AKINWUNMI ADESINA

It is not every day that spotlessly honest Nigerians walk the space of leadership within the country’s administrative sphere. Akinwunmi Adesina is one Nigerian who has left the footprint of achievements, nostalgia, accomplishment and determination in the sands of time, culminating in his unequivocal acceptance by well meaning peoples of the earth.

Born to a Nigerian farmer in Ibadan, Oyo State, on February 6, 1960, Adesina attended a village school and graduated with a Bachelors in Agricultural Economics with First Class Honors from the University of Ife, Nigeria in 1981. He was basically the first student to be awarded this distinction by the university. He followed up his studies at Purdue University in Indiana, briefly returning to Nigeria in 1984 to get married.

Afterwards, he returned to school, obtaining his PhD (Agricultural Economics) in 1988 from Purdue, winning the Outstanding Ph.D Thesis for his research work in the bargain.

Adesina’s professional career kicked off proper in 1990, when he served as a Senior Economist at West African Rice Development Association (WARDA) in Bouaké, Ivory Coast. He served till 1995.

He worked at the Rockefeller Foundation since winning a fellowship from the Foundation as a senior scientist in 1988. From 1999 to 2003 he was the representative of the Foundation for the southern African area. And from 2003 until 2008, he was an Associate Director for food security.

In 2011, he was appointed Nigerian Agriculture Minister, a post he held till 2015 when the administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan ended.

Adesina was named as Forbes African Man of the Year for his reform of Nigerian agriculture. He introduced more transparency into the fertiliser supply chain. He also said that he would give away mobile phones to farmers but this proved too difficult as a result of lack of mobile network in rural areas.

Also in 2010, United Nations Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon appointed him as one of 17 global leaders to spearhead the Millennium Development Goals.

On May 28, 2015, just before he completed his tenure as the Nigerian Minister of Agriculture, a position he had held for four years, Adesina was elected the presumptive President of the African Development Bank. He began his tenure of the office on September 1 2015. He is the eighth president in the organization’s history, and the first Nigerian to hold the post.

On resumption at the AfDB, He launched a strategy based on energy, agriculture, industrialization, regional integration and bettering Africans’ lives. The Board of Executive Directors approved the reorganization of the structure around these five priorities.

In September 2016, Adesina was appointed by United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to serve as member of the Lead Group of the Scaling Up Nutrition Movement.

In 2017, he was awarded 2017 World Food Prize. Upon receiving the prize on October 21, 2017. Adesina donated the $250,000 he received to the development of African youth in agriculture. That is how generous and benevolent he is.

As an Agricultural Economist, Dr. Akinwumi Adesina has been a leader in agricultural innovation for over 30 years. He has contributed greatly to food security in Africa, aimed at improving the lives of millions currently living in poverty, throughout the African continent. The Sunhak Committee acknowledges Dr. Akinwumi Adesina’s achievements in promoting Good Governance of Africa, which boosts Africa’s capacity to feed itself and transform its total economies for generating wealth for millions of rural and poor African farmers.

At the Cape Town International Convention Center, the Sunhak Peace Prize Committee announced him as a co-winner of the 2019 Laureates for the Sunhak Peace Prize, with Waris Dirie, 53 year-old world-class supermodel and anti-FGM activist.

The Sunhak Peace Prize honors individuals and organizations who have made significant contributions to the peace and the welfare of the future generations. The Sunhak Peace Prize includes a cash prize totaling one million dollars. He received the award in February, 2019 in Seoul, Korea.

Dr. Akinwumi Adesina has been a leader in agricultural innovation in Africa for over 30 years, bringing great improvement to Africa’s food security, contributing to Africa’s dynamic growth. His leadership is building stepping-stones for Africa’s dynamic growth.

Dr. Akinwumi Adesina pioneered major transformations in the agricultural field, including expanding rice production by introducing high yielding technologies, designing and implementing policies to support farmers’ access to technologies at scale, increasing the availability of credit for millions of smallholder farmers, attracting private investments for the agricultural sector, rooting out the corrupt elements in the fertilizer industry, and assisting in establishment of major agricultural policies for Africa’s green revolution.

The “Africa Fertilizer Summit,” which he organized in 2006, was one of the largest high-level meetings in Africa’s history that had a focus on solving Africa’s food issues. During this Summit, Dr. Adesina was instrumental in developing the “Abuja Declaration on Fertilizer for the African Green Revolution,” whereby the participants stated their commitment to the “eradication of hunger in Africa, by 2030.”

Dr. Adesina has worked with various banks and international NGOs in order to create an innovative financing system, providing loans to small farmers, providing a way for them to rise out of poverty. This move leveraged $100 million in loans and provided opportunities for small farmers to increase their agricultural productivity, and their income.

His stewardship as the president of the African Development Bank Group, has continued to ensure a central role in Africa’s development. As an “economic commander” of Africa, he promotes the “High 5 Strategy” that include: light up and power Africa, feed Africa, industrialize Africa, integrate Africa and improve the quality of life for the people of Africa. As a result of his work, the lives of millions of people throughout Africa have been improved.

He was instrumental in gathering no fewer than 200 leading African political, business, and diplomatic leaders in Johannesburg for the 8th African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Award dinner. He was the cynosure of all eyes. Adesina’s achievements shone like a million stars as he was named and honored as the African of the Year 2019, the most popular vote-based third-party endorsement in Africa.

The event which was themed ‘Africa for Africans – Exploring the Gains of a Connected Continent’, brought together dignitaries including South African Deputy President, David D Mabuza, South African Ministers Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and Lindiwe Zulu, and Dr. Ken Giami, Publisher of African Leadership Magazine.

In his usual self, he delivered a keynote speech on the night that speaks of his passion for the continent. Much as he deserved the honour by every standard, he nonetheless expressed deep humility in being recognised, clasifying his giant strides as ‘modest achievements and contributions to Africa’.

“Humbled to be nominated by what I gather to be 60% of the votes cast by some 1 million people, humbled to be at the helm of an organisation that is making a tremendous difference across Africa – the African Development Bank. An organisation that is daily making prosperity a reality,” he said.

He dedicated the award to his wife, Grace, the Board, staff, and colleagues at the bank, his mother, and “to the young mothers, struggling to bring up a child, to the farmer in search of a better tomorrow, to the youth of Africa longing for a better future, and to Africa’s journalists who risk their lives in helping to tell Africa’s true story.”

The truth remains that Adeaina has never reneged in achieving the feats.

Under his leadership, the AfDB has helped 18 million people get electricity, 141 million people get agricultural technologies, 13 million people get finance through private sector investee companies, 101 million people get improved transport services, and 60 million people get better water and sanitation.

“Africa does not need anyone to believe in her or to affirm her place and position in history. Africa will and must develop with pride. For right on the inside of us, as Africans, lies our greatest instrument of successes: confidence!” Here is a man who loves Africa with an undying passion.

On January 16, 2020, Adesina came face to face with can arguably be termed the greatest challenge of his career if not his life when allegations of ethical breaches were leveled against him by whistleblowers with the backing of the United States of America. The complaint was conveniently leaked paving the way for assault and a smear campaign.

Consequently, a high powered Ethics Committee, comprising Executive Directors representing shareholder nations, deliberated over every single dot and cross of the allegations, and in May 2020 gave Adesina a clean bill of health. In their words, the allegations were frivolous, baseless, and without merit or evidence. The report and conclusive deliberations of the Ethics Committee was subsequently sent to all Finance Ministers, better referred to as Governors of the Bank’s 81 shareholder counties, including the United States for ratification.

Not even one of the allegations stuck, making the originators bow their faces in shame. A cross section of respondents told The Boss that Adesina would have to be removed as President of the Bank and made ineligible for re-election originally scheduled for May 2020 if one allegation has scaled through.

Adesina’s watertight innocent was upheld by almost everyone that has a voice from across his country of birth, Nigeria, and across Africa.

The Nigerian government protested on hia behalf that the governance procedures of the Bank during the investigation were followed to the letter including painstaking analysis of facts, evidence and documents. It noted that the whistleblowers were even prevailed upon to produce any more evidence at their disposal, but they failed they do so. It therefore, wondered at the sudden turnaround of the United States to call for another ‘independent investigation’.

“The Ethics Committee, following three months of work to examine the whistleblowers’ allegations made against the President, dismissed each and every one of the allegations of the whistleblowers against the President as unsubstantiated and baseless.

“The Nigerian Government welcomes this conclusion of the Ethics Committee and the decision of the Chair of the Board of Governors”, the statement read. The probe committee was headed by Takuji Yano, the institution’s Japanese Executive Director.

Towing the line of the Nigeria government, a former President of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, mobilised former African leaders to the rescue of the embattled president. In a letter, the former leader personally signed and copied about 13 former heads of state, cutting across all regions of Africa, Obasanjo proposed that the leaders jointly issue a press statement to support the laid down procedures embarked upon to evaluate the allegations against the President of the Bank.

Just as the Nigerian government, Obasanjo went further to highlight Adesina’s achievements, noting that under his leadership AfDB “has been actively positioned as an effective global institution ranked fourth globally in terms of transparency among 45 multilateral and bilateral institutions.”

Other achievements include taking bold measures to ensure the bank can respond proactively to support African countries and got its board of directors to approve a $10 billion crisis response facility to support African countries during the thick of the COVID-19 pandemic as well as successfully launching a $53 billion ‘Fight COVID-19’ social impact bond on the international capital market at 0.75 per cent interest rate.”

Africa Leaders, on their part, under the aegis of Concerned African Leaders, released a statement titled Leadership of the African Development Bank: A Need for Caution, announcing their solidarity with Adesina, stating inter alia:

“The African Development Bank is a pride for all of Africa, and its President, Dr. Adesina, has taken the Bank to enviable heights. At this critical time that Africa is battling with COVID-19, the Bank and its President should not be distracted.”

Nigeria’s then President, Muhammadu Buhari, personally assured him that he would stand by him, and was so elated at the announcement of his reelection, saying ‘you deserve it’. He also thanked the African Union for its endorsement of Adesina, and to the shareholders of the bank.

Adesina has been fearless in the discharge of his duties, creating many firsts and stepping on supposedly powerful toes.

“In 2019, he successfully led the Bank’s shareholder General Capital Increase from $93 billion to $208 billion. In the process, he became the first Bank President to take the risk of championing a case for increasing capital for Africa’s development during a first term in office. It was a gambit that paid off in spite of initial strong American opposition.

“In 2018, Adesina championed and helped create the Bank-sponsored Africa Investment Forum which in 2018 and 2019 attracted more than $80 billion in infrastructure investment interests into the continent. This was an unprecedented initiative. The U.S. representative was said to have considered the Forum a departure from the Bank’s original mandate. Some also saw this as an attempt by Adesina to help wean African nations off a dependency on foreign aid. Some critics also suggested that Adesina was attempting to burnish his credentials among African Heads of State via the investment forum.

Adesina is not all work; he is reportedly very close to his God. While at Purdue University, he, his wife, along with another couple, started a Christian group called the African Student Fellowship. He and his wife Grace have two children, Rotimi and Segun.

As he trudges forward to 2025, when his tenure will climax, the accomplished technocrat and reputable entrepreneur is sure to quadruple his achievements of the last couple of years. He is one AfDB president many would wish he continues in office even after the expiration of his 10 years stewardship.

Congratulations sir!

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Gov. Umo Eno’s Aide Preaches Peace, Collaboration Among A’Ibom Indigenes in Lagos

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By Ajibade Morakinyo

 

An appeal has been made to Akwa Ibom State indigenes in Lagos to embrace peace, work closer with government and collaborate with one another especially in these trying times.

The  call was made by Michael Effiong James, Senior Special Assistant (Lagos Liaison) to Akwa Ibom State Governor, Pastor Umo Eno during an interactive session with presidents of Local Government Area Communities at the Liaison Office in Victoria Island, Lagos.

The senior aide noted in his address that he decided  to call the meeting to farmiliarise himself with the LG Presidents and exchange ideas on matters of mutual interest to them and their members.

SSA to Akwa Ibom State Governor, Mr Michael Effiong James with Elder Felix Udoh

 

In his words “ I am delighted to welcome you to what I can call your Embassy in Lagos. This meeting is very timely because we needed to know each other, seek more support for the Pastor Umo Eno administration and map out strategies that well help the welfare and wellbeing of our people here in Lagos and environs”

While noting that positive action and goal-oriented attitude would greatly improve the community, he added that the plethora of challenges faced today can be tackled through team work.

He informed them that he was unhappy with the  atmosphere of disunity among indigenes especially in their associations and urged that it was time to bury the hatchet and work together towards making giant strides.

 

Mr James stated that collaboration instead of fierce competition was the way to go for Akwa Ibom indigenes to climb higher in the economic ladder of Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial nerve centre

 

While urging them to be law-abiding citizens in Lagos, he noted that those of them who desire to embrace agriculture or engage in any form of business can consider investing back home as the Umo Eno government is business-friendly.

 

He stated that in the last eight months Governor Uno Eno has done a lot to deliver good governance to his people.

According to him, the government has paid over N12 billion as pension and gratuities to retirees, spent over N3billion as well as FG’s N2billion loan on various palliatives measures, began a bursary scheme for Akwa Ibom indigenes in public higher institutions, built model primary schools and health centres, spent over N10billion on inherited projects, flagged off 49 development projects across all the 31 LGAs, denied himself some entitlements and making good on his campaign promise of rural development with extensive road projects scattered across the state.

In addition to calling for the people to return to farming, the SSA stated that Governor Umo Eno has recently submitted an executive bill to the house to set up a bulk purchase agency to urgently stem the tide of high cost of food items.

He pleaded with the people to have some patience as the government’s robust economic and social plans are taking shape and there are good times ahead.

He also used the opportunity to reveal some new developments in the liaison office including the data collection project, which he said is aimed at seamless communication and interaction between the office and the indigenes.

Earlier in his remarks, Coordinator of Presidents of Akwa Ibom Communities, Elder Maurice Isaac was full of thanks to the Senior Special Assistant for initiating the meeting and seeking to find areas of collaboration with indigenes living in Lagos.

Noting that this is the first time the body will be invited for such a meeting, he stated that he would mobilize his people to ensure that the symbiotic relationship established bears fruits.

Also speaking, Dr. Edet Ambang, President of Akwa Ibom Communities (AKISCOM) Lagos, who attended the meeting in his capacity as President, Oron Union noted that the initiative was noble and affirmed that he was certain that their members will give full support to Governor Eno and his administration.

The highpoint of the meeting was the demonstration of the data collection project by Mr.  Uko Edet after which Mrs Eme Bassey, Special Assistant (Lagos) delivered a vote of thanks where she sought continuous engagement between the indigenes and the Liaison Office.

 

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