Connect with us

Headline

ICYMI: Pendulum: How We Missed the Boat Since 2015

Published

on

By Dele Momodu
Fellow Nigerians, as we count down to the next general elections in 2019, we should begin to take stock of what has gone wrong with the current government in the past three years. We must do this in the hope that a few issues can still be addressed, and that the lessons learnt can be put to good use after 2019, regardless of who wins the next Presidential election. It is certainly my prayer that a repeat of this monumental mess in which we have found ourselves would be avoided come the next government, whether it be President Buhari, or someone else, at the helm of affairs. There is no doubt, and certainly without any fear of contradiction, that the ‘Change’ government Nigerians brought to power in 2015 has not lived up to its much advertised billing, or come anywhere near the expectations and hopes pinned on it. Even the most fanatical supporters of the Buhari administration are struggling to defend its performance by merely explaining, and regurgitating, the same tales by the moonlight that we’ve been forced to hear endlessly, to the point of boredom. We have been constantly regaled with stories of how past governments, especially that of Dr Goodluck Jonathan messed things up, and how Nigeria would have collapsed, but for the merciful intervention of God and the benevolence of President Muhammadu Buhari. All well and good. This is not the time to argue with anyone over these lame and worn-out excuses. What is important is to note that the government could have done better, say so in plain language and urge them to move on in peace and in prosperity.
 
I was inspired to write this epistle today after watching a very re-assuring video a good friend sent to me yesterday. All the vengeful bloodsuckers in Nigeria should try and find it, as I hope it may help redirect us to the right course. The video was recorded in Nairobi, Kenya, during a very powerful and massive national prayer session which was hosted and led by President Uhuru Kenyatta. I could not believe what I saw in that video. Before I say a bit about its content, let me give a brief background to my little knowledge of Kenya.
 
My fascination for Kenya started over 40 years ago through my addiction to reading English Literature in school and, in particular, my incurable interest in the African Writers Series. Some of my favourite writers were of East African origin, such as Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Meja Mwamgi, Jomo Kenyatta, Oginga Odinga, Okot p’Bitek, David Rubadiri, and others. Rubadiri, a Malawian and Okot p’Bitek both lived in Nigeria for a while and taught me Literature-in-English at the then University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Their influence and that of our Nigerian lecturers, such as Wole Soyinka, Oyin Ogunba, Kole Omotoso, Biodun Jeyifo, Ropo Sekoni, Adebayo Williams, Chidi Amuta, Funso Aiyejina, Wole Ogundele, Yemi Ogunbiyi, Wande Abimbola, Olasope Oyelaran, Akinwunmi Isola, Bade Ajuwon, and others aroused my absolute passion in both English and Yoruba Literature.
 
I read any work of Literature voraciously and Ngugi was one of my all-time favourite writers. His novel, Weep Not Child, I read repeatedly, to the extent that I knew many lines and could recite them from memory. Kenya became a country I craved to visit. I loved the story of the Mau Mau struggle, and the epic battle the founding fathers of Kenya had to fight. Two people stood out prominently, Jomo Kenyatta and Oginga Odinga. Incidentally, their offspring are in the vanguard of the creation of a new Kenya today. I fell in love with Kenyan teas, just by reading books. I discovered the importance Kenyans attached to cattle-rearing. Wealth was calculated by how many cows you owned. I read about the game reserves and every imaginable wildlife in Kenya. The climate was said to be extraordinary; Kenya has a climate similar to that of Europe. My best friend, Prince Adedamola Aderemi, spent his honeymoon in December 1986, after his wedding to Kemi Oyediran, in Nairobi, and he titillated us with the adventures they both enjoyed and savoured. I looked forward to visiting someday.
 
I have been to Kenya many times since then and, actually, fell in love with the place, more and more. The two things that worried me in recent times were terrorism and the volatility of their political contests. Nigeria seems to share the same proclivities with Kenya in this regard. However, Kenya has managed its terrorist challenges much better than Nigeria and now it has also succeeded in calming frayed nerves after pushing itself to the brink during the last Presidential election. Things were so tense and terrible that the opposition leader, Raila Odinga, swore himself in as a parallel leader. This is where I’m going. All President Kenyatta needed to do to set Kenya on fire was to arrest Raila and his bitter supporters, but Uhuru chose the path of peace and reconciliation and it has paid off so beautifully and handsomely. It has led to both men, particularly Uhuru, achieving the status of esteemed world statesmen.  They held private meetings, signed an MOU and agreed to a ceasefire.
 
The icing on the cake was the National Prayer Breakfast with a mammoth congregation in attendance. What a great man Uhuru Kenyatta is! He invited his Vice President William Samoei arap Ruto to the stage. He then called on his arch-rival, Raila Odinga and another opposition figure, Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka (former Vice President of Kenya) to join them. The President then did the unexpected. He publicly apologised to Raila admitting that they had traded unnecessary insults against each other. Vice President, Ruto, soon followed with his own apology. Raila then gave a speech explaining how peace was attained, promising that never again should a Kenyan die because of elections and never a again should a Kenyan be denied electoral victory because of where he comes from. He also offered his apology to roaring applause and acclamation… There was something else Raila said that caught my attention, fancy and approval: “we shall fight corruption together…” He sincerely meant this and further demonstrated the spirit of national unity and togetherness that is lacking between government and opposition in most African countries. Nothing could be more sensible and practical.
 
My mind went straight to Buhari’s Nigeria, where three years after the last election, and less than one year to the next, we are yet to have a reprieve and settle down in peace and tranquillity. Political prisoners are still chained down and held incommunicado without trial. Tension has refused to go away because we have refused to seek love, cordiality and togetherness. We prefer the military bragadoccio of trying to bully everyone into submission. Our country is the biggest sufferer for it. Let’s break it down properly. The Buhari government would have secured and stabilised the economy if it had not come with his usual and customary jackboots approach. He would still have been able to tackle corruption through the carrot and stick approach. The ill-conceived and  self-immolating rush to expose alleged criminals and retrieve looted funds only crippled the nation, because it was not based on principles of fair-play and justice but more of ego-trip and vengefulness. A bit of patience and careful understanding of the situation would have been more rewarding. Fear-mongering may arguably have worked under the military, but it is very complicated and doomed in a democratic setting. Every anti-corruption crusade since President Obasanjo has only produced one very strong man or woman, but no strong institution, the reason it has not gone very far. We forget that individuals live or die, but institutions are permanent! By personalising the anti-corruption crusade in the name of one person and suggesting that that person is the only saint alive, it is only a matter of time before we return to square one, whenever that person quits the stage.
 
In any case, once the war is patently and brazenly selective and oppressive, it will fail ultimately. No one in good conscience would say that only PDP stole money to fund elections of former President Jonathan. How did APC fund its own elections in which   billions went on polling agents, campaign jamborees nationwide, private jets, adverts, billboards, media, and so on. Surely the funds did not come only from the private sector, but also from top government functionaries who opened their vaults to match  PDP Naira for Naira for Naira and Dollar for Dollar. In such a situation, detaining one group and ignoring the other is tantamount not only to oppression, but also abuse of office. What should have been done was to trace as much of the loot as possible way back to previous generations of government, and recover as much as possible by moral suasion, hard negotiations, forceful compulsion and, criminalisation, if all else failed. This was the impression and re-assurance given by the APC during the course of its 2015 campaigns, namely that no one would be hounded or victimised, unless they chose that path. Out of 16 years of PDP misrule, attention was focused rigidly on the Jonathan era which spent five years before things fell apart. Before our very eyes, the same guys who remained in PDP throughout the 2015 elections sauntered across, in droves, to APC after the elections, and their sins were promptly forgiven without any redress or recompense being sought. This is rather unfair and grossly unfortunate.
 
As I read somewhere, anger often beclouds reasoning. This is our case. The government chose to pander to populism instead of reality and practicality. Despite the grandstanding, corruption is not about to abate or disappear from our climes unless one is living in fool’s paradise, or suffering from complete gullibilty. Every new government only recycles the same template and attacks its enemies ferociously, with the next government coming on a revenge mission and retaliating blatantly. We should be tired of this crude methodology by now. Efforts should be made to strengthen our institutions first. Nigerians would cooperate with government on all fronts when they are reassured that “all animals are equal, and some are not more equal than others.” There is also inherent danger in pitching the poor against the rich. What we are playing with is mayhem, anarchy and systemic failure. The bottled up anger and bitterness may explode into a snowball that will engulf the nation and no government may be able to contain it. Each time the government tries to blame others for it’s sluggishness in making appreciable progress, it can only heighten the combustive tension. A senior member of this government once told us, gleefully, in conversation that the reason Nigerians are crying is because Buhari has killed corruption and many rich people are now very poor and miserable. However, even if true, the job of government is to increase prosperity and not to kill it or make anyone miserable, whether friend or foe. What shall it profit a country that claims to fight corruption but kills businesses, with the same poor people it seeks to defend losing jobs and dying in different stages of dillapidation? For every rich man or big company that collapses, so many poor people will go down with them. Many, if not all, of the so-called advanced nations we all run to today were built with proceeds of fraud, corruption, illegality, and even the sweat of slavery, before they started building stronger institutions and changing negative mind-sets to positive ones. They understood that everything starts from need before it escalates to greed. But here we want to kill everything without replacing it with something tangible or commensurate. It can only increase the angst and anguish. 
 
This was how we missed the boat when we wasted precious time assembling a government team only to start fighting on all fronts from the very first day. South Africa would have collapsed on the head and shoulders of Nelson Mandela if he had chosen the path of all-out war and confrontation against supporters of apartheid, looters and murderers and too many dangerous enemies of State. His greatness derived from resisting that temptation of wanting to exhibit his macho and mojo as a King Kong. By going for reconciliation, he saved his country and people from a cataclysmic fall and avoidable elongation of the trauma of violent segregation. I know most people in Nigeria are in the mood to draw blood because of our crazy corrupt past, but at what cost.  Is it not insane to continue repeating the same system and expecting different results, when it is obvious we are in perpetual crisis because no civilian government can oppress and suppress without being confronted eventually? Healing does not come by amputation, nay death, but by salves and balms. The choice is ours.
 
May God help us know when to cool temper, lay down our arms, and live to fight another day. 

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Headline

Otunba Adekunle Ojora: Farewell to a Good Man

Published

on

By

By Eric Elezuo

The curtain dropped on the elitist life of prominent Lagosian, traditional custodian, boardroom guru, refined journalist and elaborate philanthropist, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, on January 28, 2026, bringing to an over nine decades of spreading good tidings, prosperity, unity and humanity. He was 93 years.

His death was announced via a statement by his daughter, Mrs Toyin Ojora-Saraki, on behalf of the Ojora Family, saying he died early in the morning in full submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT)

“With total submission to the will of Almighty Allah (SWT), the Ojora family of Lagos hereby announces the passing of our beloved patriarch, Otunba Adekunle Ojora, the Otunba of Lagos and Lisa of Ife, who returned to his creator early this morning.

“We say Alhamdulilahi for a life well lived, and we comply with Allah’s words: ‘Surely, to Allah we belong, and to Him we will all return’ (Q2:156),” the statement reads.

A distinguished businessman, people-oriented-person, the Olori Omo Oba of Lagos and the Lisa of Ife, Adekunle Ojora’s passing came with a much ancipated heartbreak, wailings and regrets, among his hugely extended family members, circle of friends, mentees, colleagues in and across business and traditional terrain, associates and the well impacted general public.

With the announcement of his death came the heavy traffic of personalities, dignitaries and nobles to his Ikoyi palatial home, where his adorable wife, Ojuolape Ojora, and one of his distinguished daughters, Mrs Toyin Saraki, who is the wife of the former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, played significant hosts.

President Bola Tinubu was one of the first mourners with a statement signed by his spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga, acknowledging the dimunitive personality of the deceased, noting how he had affected humanity in a positive light.

Tinubu commiserated with the government and people of Lagos State, as well as the Ojora and Adele royal families.

“The passing of Otunba Ojora is a significant loss to the country, the private and public sectors, and traditional institutions,” the President said, describing the late industrialist as a man whose life was defined by humility, perseverance, hard work and generosity. He further noted that his values shaped his long and distinguished career.

“He remained a towering figure whose counsel and experience benefited institutions at both national and subnational levels,” Tinubu added.

In his condolence message, former President Olusegun Obasanjo described Ojora’s death as painful, saying his absence would be difficult to fill, according to a statement released by his Special Assistant on Media, Kehinde Akinyemi.

The ex-president described Ojora as “an amiable and distinguished Nigerian who, during his lifetime, built a remarkable legacy of integrity, wisdom, and unwavering dedication.”

“By his death, the country has lost a notable captain of industry and commerce, but there is no doubt that his memory lingers on through his many landmark contributions to the development of the South-West zone in particular, and the country in general,” Obasanjo added.

He also stated that “He was a remarkable entrepreneur whose vision, determination, and resilience added value to the community and to hundreds of families who depended on his commercial activities. He was a role model and exemplar whose personal life and achievements inspired a generation of entrepreneurs, industrialists, and merchants. Over the years, with his wise counsel, unquestioned strength, and gentle guidance, Otunba Ojora commanded respect and reverence, and took particular pleasure in mentoring younger men and women to succeed in life.”

Also reacting, a former Minister of Communications, Major General Tajudeen Olanrewaju (Rtd) described Ojora as a “veteran journalist and boardroom titan”.

The former General Officer Commanding (GOC) 3 Division Nigerian Army noted that he made positive contributions to the industrial and entrepreneurial sectors of the economy, lightened up the social fabric of his time in Lagos, in particular, and across our nation.

Among dignitaries that called to the home of the Ojora’s to express heartfelt condolences were the Governor of Osun State, Senator Ademola Adeleke and his elder brother, Dr. Deji Adeleke; Africa’s richest man, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, Mr. Femi Otedola and former governor of Akwa Ibom State, Udom Emmanuel.

As a revered Muslim, versed in Islamic doctrines, the nonagenarian’s burial followed the very next day, drawing an avalanche of well wishers and mourners to the Central Mosque, on Lagos Island, where the funeral rites or the Janazah, led by the Chief Imam of Lagos, Sheikh Sulaiman Abou-Nolla, and assisted by other prominent Islamic clerics, were conducted, and finally to the Vaults and Garden, Ikoyi, where the remains were committed to mother-earth. The events were a meeting point of some sort, as they drew together prominent Islamic scholars, family members, political bigwigs and other distinguished guests.

A roll call of the elite callers at the events include the deceased’s wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora; his daughter, Toyin Ojora-Saraki, and her husband, former Senate President and Kwara State Governor, Bukola Saraki. Also in attendance were Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu, former Ogun State Governor Ibikunle Amosun, former Speaker of the Kwara State House of Assembly Ali Ahmad, former PDP National Chairman Kawu Baraje, Mufti of Ilorin Sheikh Sulaiman Onikijipa, and National President of Ansar-Ud-Deen Society of Nigeria Prince Adeniji Kazeem.

The burial ceremonies began with a recovery of the remains, which were borne by pallbearers for a burial procession before it was a motorcade bore it to the venue of the Janazah.

The long convoy of dignitaries that accompanied the body to the mosque spoke volumes of the personality of Adekunle Ojora. As the solenm approached, Imam Sulaiman Abou-Nolla led the congregation in prayers, asking for the repose of the siul of the deceased.

At the conclusion of the prayers, the body was conveyed to the Ikoyi Vault, where pallbearers and Muslim Ummah as well selected members of the family and notable dignitaries accompanied the remains,  amid chants, to its final resting place.

THE MAN, OTUNBA ADEKUNLE OJORA 

The highly principled businessman was born Isiaq Adekunle Ojora on June 13, 1932, into the distinguished Ojora Royal Family of Lagos, where he grew with a deeply-rooted tolerance for the history, culture and traditional governance of the Yoruba race and Lagos in particular.

His lineage placed him among the foremost royal families in the state, a heritage he upheld with dignity throughout his long life. Over several decades, he emerged as one of the most influential figures within Lagos’ traditional institutions, commanding respect across royal, cultural and civic circles.

Ojora was a member of the Ojora and Adele royal families of Lagos and was himself the holder of the chieftaincy of the Otunba of Lagos. He studied journalism at Regent Street Polytechnic, with the intention of developing a career in journalism. He started work as a staffer at the BBC where he rose to become an assistant editor.

In 1955, he switched his services to the Nigerian government as a reporter with the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation. He was soon transferred to Ibadan as an information officer in the office of the regional premier. Ojora’s stint with NBC lasted until 1961 when he took up appointment as the public relations manager at United African Company.

Ojora soon developed interest in the commercial units of enterprises, he became an executive director of UAC in 1962. After a military coup truncated the first republic, Ojora was nominated as a member of Lagos City Council in 1966. A year later, he was given political appointments in two government agencies, in 1967, he was managing director of WEMABOD, a regional property and investment company and also in 1967, he succeeded Kola Balogun as chairman of Nigerian National Shipping Line.

After leaving WEMABOD, he became an investor in various firms including AGIP petroleum marketing and NCR Nigeria. He also founded the private firms Nigerlink Industries, Unital Builders and a holding company Lagos Investments. After the Nigerian Enterprise Promotion Act, he took equity interest in some foreign companies operating in Nigeria such as investments in the Nigerian operations of Bowring Group, Inchape, Schlumberger, Phoenix Assurance, UTC Nigeria, Evans Brothers and Seven-Up. He married Erelu Ojuolape, and among their children is Toyin Saraki.

Beyond royalty, Otunba Ojora was widely regarded as a bridge between tradition and modern governance.

The Otunba Adekunle Ojora would be remembered as a quintessential gentleman,  astute businessman, excellent in speech, dignified in conduct, and deeply respected across generations.

For as many as those who know him, Ojora has for decades, remained a familiar and revered presence in elite social and cultural spaces, where his highly sought-after counsel and calm disposition have proved relevant and needful.

He is also known for his refined lifestyle and strong family values, an embodiment of a “brand of old-school nobility that earned him admiration well beyond wealth or status. He was often described as a man of honour whose life reflected discipline, tradition, and unwavering integrity.

Otunba Adekunle Ojora is survived by his wife, Erelu Ojuolape Ojora, his children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren.

Continue Reading

Headline

Incumbency Factor Will Not Determine 2027 Election, Atiku, Obi, Others Talk Tough

Published

on

By

The 2027 general elections will not be determined by incumbency, control of State power or wave of political defections, opposition leaders have declared.

They argued that voter choice, opposition unity, and the integrity of the electoral process would ultimately decide the outcome.

The opposition leaders made the declaration at the public launch of  “The Loyalist,’’ a memoir by National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Bolaji Abdullahi, in Abuja.

The event drew a wide mix of opposition leaders, former public office holders, lawmakers, intellectuals and party stakeholders.

Speakers included former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar; former Anambra State governor, Peter Obi; former Minister of Interior and ADC National Secretary, Rauf Aregbesola; former Senate President and ADC National Chairman, David Mark, and veteran columnist and public intellectual, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, who reviewed the book.

Although convened as a book presentation, the gathering quickly assumed a strong political tone, with speakers repeatedly returning to the issues of opposition unity, leadership responsibility, and the limits of incumbency power, ahead of the next general election.

Addressing what he described as a growing misconception in Nigerian politics, Aregbesola argued that governors and incumbents do not automatically determine election outcomes.

Drawing on the 2023 electoral results, he said the belief that political office guaranteed victory was not supported by evidence.

“The fact that certain governors are defecting to the APC shows that our unity is weakened, but the statistics do not support the belief that governors win elections,” Aregbesola said.

Using the South-West as an example, he said ruling party dominance at the state level had not translated into overwhelming electoral success.

“In the South-West, the APC controlled all the states except one, yet the maximum performance of the party was 55 per cent, with the other parties sharing the rest,” he said.

On his part, former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, speaking as special guest of honour, linked the political moment to the theme of the book, describing loyalty as both a moral test and a personal burden in public life.

Atiku, who noted that his participation was informed by his own role in the political history examined in the memoir, said: “I am honoured to be part of this launch because I was also involved in the eventual inauguration of the Bukola Saraki administration, which this book deals with in very great detail.’’

He praised the author for taking on difficult questions about loyalty and conscience, saying “this is a work that dares to question loyalties, illuminate conscience, and broaden our public imagination.’’

Drawing a contrast between military discipline and political life, Atiku said loyalty in politics was rarely absolute and often exacted a heavy price.

“For those of us who come from the military and paramilitary professions, loyalty is non-negotiable; there is only absolute obedience. But in political life, loyalty is not as rigid, and it comes with consequences,” he said.

The former vice president also spoke candidly about his own experiences.

“Many of us have suffered because of loyalty. I have faced exile as a result of loyalty. I have survived assassination attempts as a result of loyalty,” he said.

Atiku warned that loyalty should never become blind allegiance, adding that “loyalty should strengthen the common goal, not narrow the circle of belonging.’’

Similarly, a former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, who arrived late due to flight delays from Lagos, apologised for not observing traditional protocol before addressing the audience.

Obi also signalled political solidarity and regional commitment, saying: “I have been directed to represent the South-East, and I want to assure you that you will not be disappointed.’’

In one of the most direct political moments of the event, the author, Bolaji Abdullahi, appealed to opposition leaders to rise above rivalry and present a united front, ahead of 2027, adding that Nigerians were ready for change, though political leaders were not yet matching that urgency.

“For 2027, Nigerians are ready. But I don’t think we are ready. Nigerians look at us and see different enclaves and different entities. They see competition, rather than cooperation,” Abdullahi said.

Reviewing the book, Hakeem Baba-Ahmed said it initially provoked skepticism but ultimately impressed him.

“I brought to the book some prejudice and heightened curiosity. I expected the author to fall on his face somewhere. I was wrong,” he said.

He described the memoir as revealing and historically significant.

“This book is easily one of the most readable and revealing books I have read in a long while. It captures the essence of our contemporary social and political character,” Baba-Ahmed said.

Former Senate President, David Mark, described the task of rescuing Nigeria as a shared responsibility and praised Abdullahi’s character.

“He is a straightforward person. Even when I disagreed with him, his advice was always adopted,” Mark said.

He also clarified the long-standing controversy around the Doctrine of Necessity, saying “it was the sole responsibility of the Senate and had nothing to do with Kwara State or anyone from Kwara State.’’

Continue Reading

Headline

Coup: Investigators Widen Probe Scope to Unmask Civilian Financiers

Published

on

By

Fresh intelligence details have surfaced on the foiled coup attempt against President Bola Tinubu’s administration, shedding light on how a serving Army Colonel allegedly assembled a covert, cross-service network to undermine the constitutional order before security agencies moved in.

The Defence Headquarters had announced the arrest of 16 officers for acts of indiscipline and breaches of service regulations, following weeks of quiet tension within the Armed Forces.

In October 2025, rumours of an alleged coup plot against President Tinubu’s administration spread across social media. At the time, the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) dismissed the claims as “false and misleading,” yet the sudden cancellation of the Independence Day parade fuelled speculation about deeper security concerns.

However, fresh findings from an interim investigation report, sighted by Punch Newspapers, suggest that the alleged architect of the plot was a Colonel whose repeated failures in promotion examinations reportedly bred resentment and alienation. Rather than nursing his grievances quietly, he is said to have turned them into a recruitment tool, drawing officers from the Army, Navy and Air Force into a loose but coordinated network.

According to the report, members of the group were allegedly assigned to discreetly study sensitive installations, including the Presidential Villa, the Armed Forces Complex, Niger Barracks in Abuja and international airports in Abuja and Lagos, mapping access routes, routines and vulnerabilities. What began as expressions of dissatisfaction soon graduated into early-stage operational planning.

Security sources say searches on the officer’s vehicle uncovered charms and anti-government materials, while a raid on his residence in Lokogoma, Apo, yielded sensitive documents detailing assigned roles and outlining how key national dignitaries were to be handled once the operation commenced.

The plotters are also said to have exploited insider access, infiltrating the Presidential Villa and compromising workers linked to construction firm Julius Berger to obtain security information on the premises. Encrypted communication platforms were allegedly used to coordinate movements, logistics and funding, while discreet vehicle repairs and unusual cash flows pointed to preparations for mobilisation.

Investigators traced financial inducements of between N2 million and N5 million to some principal actors, with intelligence agencies now analysing the money trail through the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit.

One of the suspects, Lt-Col S. Bappah, reportedly turned a critical witness, admitting his role and providing details on recruitment methods, funding channels and communication patterns within the network.

The danger, security officials note, lay in the cross-service reach of the conspiracy, which cut across the Army, Navy and Air Force and involved officers up to the rank of Brigadier-General.

The alleged plan, uncovered ahead of its execution date of October 25, 2025, was described as lethal in scope, with the President, Vice-President Kashim Shettima, ministers, service chiefs and other top officials marked as targets.

Beyond the military hierarchy, investigators are now widening the probe to civilian financiers and political contacts who may have interacted with the core suspects. Communication trails, financial flows and external interfaces are being reviewed as part of efforts to dismantle every layer of the network and secure strategic national assets.

With the investigation concluded and reports forwarded to superior authorities, the Defence Headquarters has confirmed that indicted personnel will face appropriate military judicial panels, as Nigeria’s security establishment moves to ensure that what officials describe as a well-funded, coordinated threat never advances beyond the planning stage.

Continue Reading

Trending