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Tali Shani vs Mike Ozekhome: How a Legal Mole-Hill Was Turned into a Mountain

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By Abubakar D. Sani, Esq

INTRODUCTION

News of the decision of a British Tribunal in respect of a property situate in London, the UK’s capital, whose ownership was disputed has gained much publicity since it was delivered in the second week of September 2025. For legal reasons, the charges brought against prominent lawyer, Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, based on same is the most that can be said of it as no arraignment was made before Hon. Justice Kekemeke of the High court of the FCT, Abuja, sitting in Maitama.

Accordingly, this intervention will be limited to interrogating the common, but false belief (even in legal circles), that the Tribunal somehow indicted him with conclusive ‘guilt’. I intend to argue that this belief is not correct; and that, on the contrary, nothing could be further from the truth. For the sake of context, therefore, it is necessary to refer to relevant portions of the decision of Judge Paton (the name of the Tribunal’s presiding officer), which completely exonerated Chief Ozekhome, but which his detractors have always conveniently suppressed.

WHAT DID THE TRIBUNAL SAY?

Not a few naysayers, smart-alecs, emergency analysts and self-appointed pundits have been quick to latch on to some passages in the judgement of the Tribunal which disagreed with Ozekhome’s testimony to justify their crucifixion of Chief Ozekhome – even without hearing his side of the story or his version of events. This is a pity, of course, especially for the supposedly learned senior lawyers among them who, by ignoring the age-old principle of fair hearing famously captured as audi alterem partem (hear the other side) have unwittingly betrayed patent bias, malice, malevolence and utter lack of bona fides as the major, if not exclusive, motivator of their view-points and opinions. I have particularly watched about five of such senior lawyers shop from one platform to another, with malicious analysis to achieve nothing, but reputational damage. They know themselves.

Before proceeding to those portions, it is important to acknowledge that the Tribunal conducted a review of the evidence placed before it. The proceedings afforded all parties the opportunity to present their respective cases. The learned Judge carefully evaluated the testimonies, documentary exhibits and surrounding circumstances and rendered a reasoned decision based on the materials before the Tribunal.

It is also not in doubt that the Tribunal made certain critical observations in the course of assessing the credibility of the witnesses and the plausibility of their explanations. Such evaluative comments are a normal and inevitable feature of judicial fact-finding, particularly in property tribunals in contested proceedings involving complex transactions and disputed narratives. They do not amount to indictment.

It is precisely the improper isolation and mischaracterization of some of these observations that have given rise to the present misconception that the Tribunal somehow pronounced a verdict of guilt on Chief Ozekhome. It is therefore necessary to place the relevant excerpts in their proper legal and factual context, so as to demonstrate how the self-same tribunal exonerated Ozekhome.

“Paragraph 98: Once one steps back from that material, and considers the Respondent’s own direct personal knowledge of relevant matters relating to this property, this only commences in 2019. That is, he confirmed, when he was first introduced to Mr. Tali Shani – he thought in about January of that year. He did not therefore know him in 1993, or at any time before January 2019. He could not therefore have any direct knowledge of the circumstances of the purchase of this property, or its management prior to 2019. He had, however, known the late General Useni for over 20 years prior to his death, as both his lawyer and friend.

“Paragraph 103: Such of the Respondent’s written evidence had been about the very recent management of the property, and in particular his dispute over its management (and collection of rents) with one Nicholas Ekhorutowen, who provided no evidence in this case. The Respondent confirmed in oral evidence that it was upon the execution of the powers of attorney that he came into possession of the various pre registration title and conveyancing documents which formed part of his disclosure. These had been handed over to him by the next witness who gave evidence, Mr. Akeem Johnson.

“Paragraph 168: Unlike the fictitious “Ms. Tali Shani”, a man going by the name of Mr. Tali Shani exists and gave evidence before me in that name. A certified copy of an official Nigerian passport was produced both to the Land Registry and this Tribunal, stating that Mr. Tali Shani was born on 2nd April 1973. I do not have the evidence, or any sufficient basis, to find that this document – unlike the various poor and pitiful forgeries on the side of the “Applicant” – is forged, and I do not do so.

“Paragraph 200: First, I find that General Useni, since he was in truth the sole legal and beneficial owner of this property (albeit registered in a false name), must in some way have been connected to this transfer, and to have directed it. He was clearly close to, and on good terms with, the Respondent. There is no question of this being some sort of attempt by the Respondent to steal the general’s property without his knowledge.

“Paragraph 201: As to precisely why General Useni chose to direct this transfer to the Respondent, I do not need to (and indeed cannot) make detailed findings. I consider that it is highly possible that it was in satisfaction of some debt or favour owed. The Respondent initially angrily denied the allegation (made in the various statements filed on behalf of the “Applicant”) that this was a form of repayment of a loan of 54 million Naira made during the general’s unsuccessful election campaign. In his oral evidence, both he and his son then appeared to accept that the general had owed the Respondent some money, but that it had been fully paid off. The general himself, when asked about this, said that he “did not know how much money he owed” the Respondent.

“Paragraph 202: I do not, however, need to find precisely whether (and if so, how much) money was owed. The transfer may have been made out of friendship and generosity, or in recognition of some other service or favour. The one finding I do make, however, is that it was the decision of General Useni to transfer the property to the Respondent.”

It must be emphasised that even where a court finds that a witness has given inconsistent, fluctuating, or implausible testimony, as some have latched on, such a finding does not, without more, translate into civil or criminal liability. At best, it affects the weight and credibility to be attached to such evidence. It does not constitute proof of fraud, conspiracy, or criminal intent. See MANU v. STATE (2025) LPELR-81120(CA) and IKENNE vs. THE STATE (2018) LPELR-446­95 (SC)

Notwithstanding the Tribunal’s engagement with the evidence, certain passages had been selectively extracted and sensationalised by critics. On the ipssisima verba (precise wordings) of the Tribunal, only the above paragraphs which are always suppressed clearly stand out in support of Chief Ozekhome’s case, as the others were more like opinions.

Some paragraphs in the judgement in particular, appear to have been carefully selected as “weapons” in Chief Ozekhome’s enemies’ armoury, as they are most bandied about in the public space. The assumption appears to be that such findings are conclusive of his guilt in a civil property dispute. This is unfortunate, as the presumption of innocence is the bedrock of our adversarial criminal jurisprudence. It is a fundamental right guaranteed under section 36 of the Constitution and Article 7 of the African Charter which, regrettably, appear to have been more observed in the breach in his case.

More fundamentally, the selective reliance on few passages that disagreed with his evidence or testimony and that of Mr. Tali Shani, ignore the above wider and more decisive findings of the Tribunal itself. A holistic reading of the judgment reveals that the Tribunal was far more concerned with exposing an elaborate scheme of impersonation, forgery, and deception orchestrated in the name of a fictitious Applicant, Ms Tali Shani, and not Mr. Tali Shani (Ozekhome’s witness), who is a living human being. These findings, which have been largely ignored in public discourse, demonstrate that the gravamen of the Tribunal’s decision lay not in any indictment of Chief Ozekhome, but in the collapse of a fraudulent claim against him, which was founded on false identity and fabricated documents.

The Tribunal carefully distinguished a fake “Ms” Tali Shani (the Applicant), who said she was General Useni’s mistress and owner of the property, and the real owner, Mr Tali Shani, who was Chief Ozekhome’s witness before the Tribunal. It was the Tribunal’s finding that she was nothing but a phantom creation and therefore rejected her false claim to the property (par. 123). It also rejected the evidence of her so called cousin (Anakwe Obasi) and purported son (Ayodele Obasi) (par. 124).

The Tribunal further found that it was the Applicant and her cohorts that engaged in diverse fraud with documents such as a fraudulent witness statement purportedly from General Useni; all alleged identity documents; fabricated medical correspondence; the statement of case and witness statements; a fake death certificate; and a purported burial notice. (Paragraph 125). Why are these people not concerned with Barrister Mohammed Edewor, Nicholas Ekhoromtomwen, Ayodele Damola, and Anakwe Obasi? Why mob-lynching Chief Ozekhome?

The Tribunal found that the proceedings amounted to an abuse of process and a deliberate attempt to pervert the course of justice. It therefore struck out the Applicant’s claim (Paragraphs 130–165). The Tribunal significantly found that Mr Tali Shani exists as a human being and had testified before it in June, 2024. It accepted a certified Nigerian passport he produced, and accepted its authenticity and validity (Paragraph 168). Can any objective person hold that Ozekhome forged any passport as widely reported by his haters when the maker exists?

Having examined the factual findings of the Tribunal and their proper context, the next critical issue is the legal status and probative value of such findings. The central question, therefore, is whether the observations and conclusions of a foreign tribunal, made in the course of civil proceedings, are sufficient in law to establish civil or criminal liability against a person in subsequent proceedings.

STATUS OF JUDGEMENTS UNDER THE LAW

The relevant statutory provisions in Nigeria are sections 59, 60, 61, 173 and 174 of the Evidence Act 2011, provide as follows, respectively:

Section 59: “The existence of any judgment, order or decree which by law prevents any court from taking cognisance of a suit or holding a trial, is a relevant fact, evidence of which is admissible when the question is whether such court ought to take cognisance of such suit or to hold such trial”;
Section 60(I): “A final judgment, order or decree of a competent court, in the exercise of probate. Matrimonial, admiralty or insolvency jurisdiction, which confers upon or takes away from any person any legal character. or which declares any person to be entitled to any such character or to be entitled to any specific thing, not as against any specified person but absolutely, is admissible when the existence of any such legal character, or the title of any such legal persons to an) such thing, is relevant (2) Such judgment, order or decree is conclusive proof (a)that any legal character which it confers accrued at the time when such judgment, order or decree came into operation; (b) that any legal character. to which it declares any such person to be entitled. accrued to that person at the time when such judgment order or decree declares it to have accrued to that person; (c) that any legal character which it takes away from any such person ceased at the time from which such judgment, order or decree declared that it had ceased or should cease; and (d) that anything to which it declares any person to be so entitled was the property of that person at the time from which such judgment. order or decree declares that it had been or should be his property”;

Section 61: “Judgments, orders or decrees other than those mentioned in section 60 are admissible if they relate to matters of a public nature relevant to the inquiry; but such judgments, orders or decrees are not conclusive proof of that which they state”

Section 173: “Every judgment is conclusive proof, as against parties and privies. of facts directly in issue in the case, actually decided by the court. and appearing from the judgment itself to be the ground on which it was based; unless evidence was admitted in the action in which the judgment was delivered which is excluded in the action in which that judgment is intended to be proved”.;

Section 174(1): “If a judgment is not pleaded by way of estoppel it is as between parties and privies deemed to be a relevant fact, whenever any matter, which was or might have been decided in the action in which it was given, is in issue, or is deemed to be relevant to the issue in any subsequent proceeding”;

(2):”Such judgment is conclusive proof of the facts which it decides, or might have decided, if the party who gives evidence of it had no opportunity of pleading it as an estoppel”.
It can be seen that the decision of the Tribunal falls under the purview of section 61 of the Evidence Act, as the provisions of sections 59 and 60 and of sections 173 and 174 thereof, are clearly inapplicable to it. In other words, even though some Judge Paton’s findings in respect of Chief Ozekhome’s testimony at the Tribunal relate to matters of public nature (i.e., the provenance and status of No. 79 Randall Avenue, Neasden, London, U.K and the validity of his application for its transfer to him) none of those comments or even findings is in any way conclusive of whatever they may assert or state (to use the language of section 60 of the Evidence Act).

In this regard, see the case of DIKE V NZEKA (1986) 4 NWLR pt.34 pg. 144 @ 159 where the Supreme Court construed similar provisions in section 51 of the old Evidence Act, 1948. I agree with Tar Hon, SAN (S. T. Hon’s Law of Evidence in Nigeria, 3rd edition, page 1041) that the phrase ‘public nature’ in the provision is satisfied where the judgement is clearly one in rem as opposed to in personam. It is pertinent to say a few words about both concepts, as they differ widely in terms of scope. The former determines the legal status of property, a person, a particular subject matter, or object, against the whole world, and is binding on all persons, whether they were parties to the suit or not. See OGBORU V IBORI (2005) 13 NWLR pt. 942 pg. 319 @407-408 per I. T. Muhammed, JCA (as he then was).

This was amplified by the apex court in OGBORU V UDUAGHAN (2012) LLJR -SC, where it held, per Adekeye, JSC that: “A judgment in rem maybe defined as the judgment of a court of competent jurisdiction determining the status of a person or thing as distinct from the particular interest of a party to the litigation. Apart from the application of the term to persons, it must affect the “res” in the way of condemnation forfeiture, declaration, status or title”.

By contrast, “Judgments ‘in personam’ or ‘inter partes’, as the name suggests, are those which determine the rights of parties as between one another to or in the subject matter in dispute, whether it be corporeal property of any kind whatever or a liquidated or unliquidated demand but which do not affect the status of either things or persons or make any disposition of property or declare or determine any interest in it except as between the parties (to the litigation). See HOYSTEAD V TAXATION COMMISSIONERS (1926) A. C. 155. These include all judgments which are not judgments in rem. None of such judgments at all affects any interest which third parties may have in the subject matter. As judgment inter partes, though binding between the parties and their privies, they do not affect the rights of third parties. See CASTRIQUE V IMRIE 141 E. R. 1062; (1870) L. R. 4H. L. 414”.

Suffice it to say that the decision of the London Property Tribunal was, in substance, one affecting proprietary rights in rem, in the sense that it determined the status and registrability of the property in dispute. However, it did not determine any civil or criminal liability, nor did it pronounce on the personal culpability of any party. The implication of this is that, even though the decision was in respect of a matter of a public nature, it was, nonetheless, not conclusive as far as proof of the status of the property, or – more importantly – Chief Ozekhome’s role in relation to it. Indeed, the property involved was not held to have been traced to the owner (General Useni) as having ever tried or convicted for owning same. I submit that the foregoing is the best case scenario in terms of the value of Judge Paton’s said decision, because under section 62 of the Evidence Act, (depending, of course, on its construction), it will fare even worse, as it provides that judgments “other than those mentioned in sections 59. 60 and 61 are inadmissible unless the judgment, etc is a fact in issue or is admissible under some other provision of this or any other Act”.

CONCLUSION

Some people’s usual proclivity to rush to judgment and condemn unheard any person (especially a high profile figure like Chief Ozekhome), has exposed him to the worst kind of unfair pedestrian analysis, malice, mud-slinging and outright name-calling especially by those who, by virtue of their training, ought to know better, and, therefore, be more circumspect, restrained and guarded in their utterances. This is all the more so because, no court of competent jurisdiction has tried or pronounced him guilty. It is quite unfortunate how some select lawyers are baying for his blood.

The decision of the London Tribunal remains what it is: a civil determination on attempted transfer of a property based on the evidence before it. It is not, and cannot be, a substitute for civil or criminal adjudication by a competent court. The presumption of innocence under Nigerian laws remains inviolable. Any attempt by commentators to usurp that judicial function through premature verdicts is not only improper, but inimical to the fair administration of justice.

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Opinion

The Inherited Fracture: Escaping the Divide-and-Rule Instinct Across Board

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By Tolulope A. Adegoke

“The old empire did not bequeath us a map; it bequeathed us a reflex. We are the first generation with the tools to see the fracture, and therefore the first with the moral chore of mending it—not through the erasure of difference, but through the deliberate weaving of it into a load-bearing fabric. The shackle was never iron; it was a story we mistook for our skin. The task, therefore, is not to break free, but to finally tell a truer one, and in the telling, become whole enough to bequeath wholeness.” 

Introduction: The Quiet Inheritance

No child is born with a map of enemies. No infant instinctively divides the world into “us” and “them.” Yet by adolescence, most of us have unconsciously inherited a vivid cartography of division—lines drawn long before our first breath, tracing the borders of tribe, class, ideology, and nation. This inheritance is not accidental. It is the meticulously preserved residue of a strategy so ancient and so effective that it has become woven into the invisible fabric of how we organize our families, our work, and our geopolitics.

The strategy is “divide and rule,” and its enduring victory is not that it conquered past civilizations, but that it continues to conquer future ones before they are even born. The shackle from the past is not a rusty iron chain we can see and cut; it is a psychological operating system, a default setting of fragmentation that tells us difference is dangerous, that another’s gain is our loss, and that solidarity is a naïve dream. This write-up is an inquiry into how that inherited mantle still drapes itself over the three great arenas of human life—Peoples, Corporates, and Nations—and, more crucially, how we can finally, generationally, set it down.

Part I: Tracing the Original Wound

To understand why division feels so instinctive, we must first recognize that it was carefully taught. The imperial architects of history—from the Roman Senate setting Gallic tribes against each other to the colonial census offices that rigidly codified fluid identities into immutable castes—were not mere conquerors of land. They were engineers of human psychology. Their profound insight was chilling in its simplicity: a people busy fighting each other over manufactured scarcities of dignity, resources, and recognition will never marshal the collective strength to question the structure of the room they are all trapped in.

This method did not fade with the lowering of colonial flags. It shape-shifted. It flowed seamlessly into the architecture of modern politics, where wedge issues and culture wars create passionate, performative tribes that exhaust public energy on symbolic combat while systemic questions go unasked. It entered the economic realm, where labor is pitted against labor across borders, and the workplace is structured into competing fiefdoms. It found its ultimate amplifier in the digital age, where algorithms, optimized not for truth but for engagement, feed us a personalized diet of indignation, continuously redrawing the lines between “our” fact and “their” fiction.

The deepest shackle, therefore, is not an external policy but an internalized reflex. The generational problem we face is that we parent, manage, and govern with the inherited assumption that a cohesive whole is a dangerous fiction, and that a controlled, managed division is the safest form of stability. We have mistaken a centuries-old psychological warfare tactic for human nature itself.

Part II: Peoples – From Inherited Suspicion to Chosen Solidarity

The most intimate theater of the divide-and-rule legacy is the community, where the human need for belonging is manipulated into a weapon against other belonging. We inherit not just our grandmother’s recipes but also her historical wounds, her curated list of historical betrayals by “the others.” When identity becomes a fortress, and every interaction across difference is framed as a potential siege, society unravels into a zero-sum competition of grievances. One group’s acknowledgment becomes another’s perceived erasure, and the common ground—the very earth we all need to survive on—becomes a forgotten abstraction.

The Generative Pivot: The Loom, Not the Mosaic

The conventional metaphor for unity is the mosaic—distinct tiles fixed in place. But a more dynamic, human solution is the loom. In weaving, distinct, colorful threads do not merely sit beside each other; they actively interlace under creative tension to produce a fabric far stronger and more beautiful than the loose pile of individual strands. This is the generational work: to weave a social fabric where difference is not merely tolerated but is the essential, structural component of collective strength.

1.     The Alchemy of Shared Enterprise: Nothing dissolves manufactured mistrust like sweating together for a common purpose invisible to ideology. When a neighborhood of diverse faiths and backgrounds collaboratively designs a green space, starts a community-owned energy cooperative, or builds a multi-generational playground, something alchemical occurs. The direct, felt experience of shared competence and mutual reliance creates a counter-narrative to the inherited one. A child watching a Sikh father and a Muslim mother co-chair a local river cleanup does not just learn tolerance; they learn the tangible truth of interdependence. This solves the generational problem of social fragmentation not through lectures on unity, but by providing the real, material evidence that we live better, safer, and richer lives when we are bound together in practical projects. It transforms the public from an audience of divided spectators into a collaborative cast of problem-solvers.

2.     Re-narrating the Past Together: The past is often a weapon, parceled out in separate, conflicting memories. A generational solution is the community-wide re-narration project—a collective, facilitated process where a town’s entire history, including its moments of deep division and injustice, is documented and acknowledged not by one side for its own vindication, but by all sides for the purpose of a shared, complex inheritance. When a painful historical event ceases to be “their crime against us” and becomes “a tragedy in our shared story from which we must all learn,” the emotional charge is diffused. The next generation inherits not a selective, incendiary pamphlet, but a full, somber, and ultimately uniting library of shared experience.

Part III: Corporates – From Fiefdoms of Turf to Ecosystems of Flow

The modern corporation, for all its talk of disruption, is often a deeply conservative feudal structure. The inherited mantle here is the cult of the silo. Departments become sovereign nations with their own languages, rituals, and guarded borders. Marketing and Sales engage in a cold war of blame; Product and Engineering view each other as obstacles. This is internal divide-and-rule in its most mundane, daily form: a management inheritance that subconsciously fears a truly unified, cross-functional workforce because a fluidly collaborating team is harder to control than a set of competing baronies.

The generational cost is the “perfect department, failing company” paradox, where each unit optimizes for its own narrow metrics—sales volume, lines of code, ad impressions—while the living, breathing organism of the enterprise, the thing that actually delivers value to a human customer, atrophies.

The Generative Pivot: The Symphony, Not the Org Chart

The solution is a fundamental shift in structural metaphor from a static hierarchy to a living symphony. An orchestra does not succeed because the brass section beats the strings. Every musician has a completely different, highly specialized instrument and a distinct musical line to play, yet all are integrated by a single unifying element: the full score.

1.     The Shared Score of Radical Transparency: The corporate “score” is a single, universally accessible, real-time operating system that visualizes all work, all customer feedback, all financial flow. When a junior developer can see exactly how her code latency impacts customer churn in a chart viewable by the CEO, the informational hoarding that powers silo politics evaporates. Power no longer comes from guarding a border of knowledge but from contributing to the visible whole. This solves the generational problem of corporate sclerosis by ensuring that the enterprise inherits a nervous system, not a suit of armor. An organization that sees itself whole can act whole.

2.     Mission-Driven, Ephemeral Teams: Instead of permanent departments, work flows to ephemeral, mission-specific teams that form, solve a problem, and dissolve back into the organizational fluid. A sustainability initiative, for example, is staffed not by a permanent “Green Department” that everyone else ignores, but by a temporary swarm pulling in a supply chain veteran, a materials chemist, a brand storyteller, and a frontline retailer. Their shared KPI is a unified, real-world outcome. When a professional identity is no longer “I am a Marketing person defending my turf” but “I am a problem-solver who brings marketing insight to the mission,” the inherited mantle of internal division is finally unwoven. The company’s grandchildren—its long-term future products and culture—are protected by this fluid, adaptive resilience.

Part IV: Nations – Beyond the Westphalian Straitjacket

The nation-state system is the most monumental and seemingly immovable of the inherited mantles. Born from the idea of absolute, internally homogenous sovereignty, it creates a world of hard containers where the most critical threats we face—a warming atmosphere, a migrating virus, the existential risk of ungoverned artificial intelligence—flow like water across borders we treat as concrete. We are trying to solve planetary-scale, networked problems with a batch of standalone, disconnected operating systems. An election-cycle-driven leader performing national interest for a domestic audience is structurally incentivized to prioritize a 2% short-term domestic gain over averting a 20% long-term global disaster.

This is the ultimate gerontocracy of concepts: an inherited 17th-century political structure mismanaging 21st-century existential threats. The shackle is a logic that says global cooperation is a zero-sum sacrifice of sovereignty, rather than a strategic extension of it.

The Generative Pivot: The Bioregion and the Commons Trust

The generational escape is not a single world government—that is just the old divide-and-rule hierarchy scaled to a terrifying, monocultural extreme. The human-scale solution is a layered, functional network where sovereignty is not abolished but intelligently pooled for specific planetary survival missions.

1.     The Bioregional, Not Just National, Identity: The most profound counter to artificial national division is the cultivation of a bioregional consciousness. A person living in the Nile Delta has a more fundamental, generational relationship with someone upstream in the Ethiopian highlands than with a fellow citizen in a distant desert city of the same nation. The flow of water, the health of soil, the migration of pollinators—these create a natural, non-negotiable community of fate. The generational solution is to elevate these bioregional governance bodies—river basin authorities, regional seas commissions—to full political stature, granting them real, binding legal power co-equal to national parliaments on issues within their ecological domain. An upstream dam project would no longer be just a national prerogative; it would be subject to the legal authority of a bioregional commons trust in which the downstream nation is an equal partner. This solves the problem of resource conflict by changing the unit of political identity itself.

2.     The Global Mandate for the Global Commons: For the atmosphere, the high seas, and the polar-regions, nations must charter autonomous, science-driven Global Commons Trusts with a sliver of strongly delegated sovereignty. Imagine an Atmospheric Integrity Agency, governed not by political negotiation but by a fiduciary duty to a set planetary threshold. It monitors, sets a global price on carbon extraction, and distributes the proceeds back to every human on Earth as a universal basic dividend. The division of a global “us vs. them” on climate collapses when a family in Indonesia and a family in Canada receive the same quarterly check from their shared atmospheric trust. It transforms a zone of geopolitical conflict into a zone of shared, inheritable wealth. A child born into such a world inherits a planet managed by a logic of collective trusteeship, not competitive looting.

Conclusion: The Task of the Living

The mantle of divide and rule is weighty because it is lined with the lead of fear: fear of the stranger, fear of irrelevance, fear of a future that demands we think in wholes while our institutions are built in pieces. Yet it is a mantle we have woven and placed upon our own shoulders, generation after generation, mistaking it for the very fabric of reality.

The profound, hopeful truth is that it is a garment, not our skin. We can shed it. The human capacity for direct, unmediated connection, for the fierce protection of our children’s future, and for the intuitive understanding that a forest is not a war of trees but a symphony of mutual nourishment—these are not new inventions. They are our original inheritance, buried under the heavy, historical robes of empire and distrust.

The generational task is not to fight the darkness with weapons it has forged. It is to quietly, persistently, and structurally build the new loom, learn the new score, and chart the new watershed. By weaving a social fabric of chosen interdependence, by organizing work into symphonies of shared value, and by governing the planet as the single, breathing commons it actually is, we finally fulfill the obligation we hold to the future. We bequeath not the cold chains of an imperial past, but a living, breathing inheritance of wholeness—one that equips our grandchildren not for a life of perennial conflict, but for the magnificent and ongoing project of building a single, richly varied human world.

Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.comglobalstageimpacts@gmail.com

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Opinion

A Cry from the Creeks: A Daughter’s Plea for the Niger Delta

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By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)

The water does not lie. It carries no political allegiance, no corporate agenda, and no capacity for deception. It simply mirrors the truth of what we have allowed to be done to it.

A deeply disturbing video recently shared by veteran actress and social justice advocate Hilda Dokubo has laid bare the agonising reality facing communities in the Niger Delta. In the footage, filmed in Bille Kingdom, Rivers State, clean water is drawn from a private borehole. Within less than sixty seconds, under the pressure of underground gas, the clear liquid undergoes a sickening transformation. It darkens, thickens, and pours out as pitch-black crude oil. This is not a scientific curiosity. It is a damning indictment of a systemic humanitarian catastrophe hiding in plain sight.

As a daughter of the Niger Delta, that video did not merely break my heart. It ignited in me the ancestral fury of a people who have been poisoned, marginalised, and forgotten while the rest of this nation prospers on the wealth extracted from our soil.

For generations, the creeks, wetlands, and rivers of the Niger Delta were our sanctuaries, our markets, and the very foundation of our identity. As Hilda Dokubo rightly recalled, our people once walked to the riverbank whenever they needed to provide for their families. Fishing was not merely a livelihood; it was a covenant between our communities and the natural world that sustained them.
Today, that covenant has been shattered. Our fishermen have abandoned their nets because the rivers are fouled with oil. Our young people, stripped of the traditional occupations their fathers and mothers once practised, are channelled into the grinding machinery of poverty, idleness, and despair.

The Niger Delta has been reduced to an ecological ruin. Crude oil has saturated underground aquifers. Contaminated seafood and poisoned water are now daily realities for millions of people whose only crime is living above one of the most oil-rich territories on earth. International oil companies have abandoned corroded infrastructure that leaks without ceasing, transforming the very resource that was meant to be our salvation into a slow and methodical death sentence. We have raised this alarm for decades. Yet successive administrations have treated our suffering as an acceptable cost of doing business, a tolerable footnote so long as the petrodollars continue to flow to Abuja.

The veteran activist Annkio Briggs has devoted her life to making this injustice visible. For decades, she has documented with precision and moral clarity how the collusion between international oil interests and Nigerian state institutions has systematically dismantled the future of Niger Delta communities. She has shown how pipelines laid through our mangroves, and gas flared across our skies, have become instruments of slow violence, causing respiratory diseases, cancers, and developmental disorders in children who should never have known such afflictions. Annkio Briggs has also exposed a deeply troubling double standard; the disparity between how oil spills are handled in the industrialised world and how they are managed in Nigeria is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated display of environmental injustice.

When a spill occurs in a Western nation, governments mobilise emergency responses and demand full remediation to international standards. In the Niger Delta, contaminated sites are patched with sand, filed away in bureaucratic reports, or left entirely unaddressed. The regulatory agencies established to protect us have been rendered impotent through underfunding, political interference, and sheer institutional neglect. Meanwhile, oil corporations exploit these weaknesses, leaving communities such as Bille suffocating beneath toxic soot and eruptions of subterranean gas. Grief, in these communities, is not a passing season. It is a permanent condition. And we refuse to allow the slow death of our homeland to be buried beneath corporate disclaimers and government platitudes.

Nigeria cannot claim to be a nation at peace with itself while one of its most productive regions is being chemically erased. We will not stand aside as these foreign companies divest their interests, collect their profits, and depart, leaving our land irreparably damaged. This is not a complaint. It is a demand, issued by a daughter of the Niger Delta who refuses to watch her homeland perish in silence. We are not data points in a corporate environmental impact assessment. We are human beings who breathe poisoned air and draw crude oil from our taps. I am therefore calling on every authority with a mandate and the power to act, to do so immediately, and to end the unconscionable treatment of the Niger Delta as a sacrifice zone.

To the President and the Federal Government of Nigeria; we demand the immediate declaration of an environmental state of emergency in Bille Kingdom and all affected riverine communities across the Niger Delta. The administration must enforce without equivocation the principle that those who pollute bear full responsibility for remediation. The era of negotiations that protect corporate balance sheets at the expense of human lives must end.

To the Niger Delta Development Commission; the mandate for which this agency was created demands urgent renewal. The Commission must redirect its priorities, without delay, toward meaningful environmental remediation, the delivery of reliable infrastructure, and the immediate provision of emergency water purification systems to communities that are drinking poison today.

To the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and NNPC Limited; the continued extraction of national wealth from Niger Delta soil, while leaving communities with nothing but fire and contamination, is morally indefensible. Every abandoned wellhead must be identified, securely decommissioned, and fully removed. There can be no further tolerance of neglected infrastructure that poisons the ground beneath our children’s feet.

To the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency; your regulatory authority must be exercised with rigour and without compromise. International clean-up standards are not aspirational; they are the minimum obligation owed to our communities. Any multinational corporation that attempts to exit the Niger Delta without fully restoring the damage it has caused must face enforceable legal and financial consequences.

To international environmental bodies and development partners; the hydrocarbon saturation of freshwater sources in communities across the Niger Delta has reached a scale that demands independent technical intervention and comprehensive ecological auditing. We ask that you bring your expertise and your authority to bear, not in the conference rooms of Abuja and Geneva, but in the creeks and villages where people are dying.

To the multinational oil corporations and local operators who have enriched themselves from Niger Delta resources; you will not walk away from what you have destroyed. No company should be permitted to divest, restructure, or withdraw from this region without having first restored our land, rehabilitated our waterways, and made full and fair reparation to the communities whose lives and livelihoods they have dismantled over decades of irresponsible operation.

Look at the black water pouring from our taps and understand what it represents. Every oil slick that spreads across our rivers is the grief of a mother unable to feed her children. Every gas flare that burns through the night is the laboured breath of a child whose lungs have never known clean air. Bille is in crisis.

The Niger Delta is bleeding. And its waters are bearing witness to crimes that have gone unpunished for far too long. The season of committees, communiqués, and hollow summits is over. We are not asking for sympathy. We are demanding accountability. Give us back our clean water. Restore our ancestral creeks. Save the daughters and sons of the Niger Delta before there is nothing left to save.

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Opinion

The Deluge We Built: Rain Does Not Create Catastrophe, It Reveals It

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By Richard Dablah

At 1:00 a.m., the rain began. By dawn, Accra had become a familiar theatre of submerged roads, stranded commuters, flooded homes, interrupted livelihoods, and the ritual exchange of outrage across television screens and social media. By tomorrow, we will have identified the usual villains: plastic waste, choked drains, irresponsible citizens, climate change, and inadequate enforcement. By next week, the water will have receded, but so too will our memory.

The rain did not surprise us.

Our surprise is the most astonishing part of the story.

Perhaps we have misunderstood what a flood actually is.

A flood is not the moment water overflows its banks. It is the moment decades of invisible decisions become visible. Rain merely serves as the auditor.

The deluge begins long before the first cloud gathers.

It begins when wetlands are described as “vacant land.” It begins when streams disappear beneath concrete because they interrupt commercial ambition. It begins when planning permission becomes more negotiable than hydrology, when maintenance budgets become political opportunities instead of engineering necessities, and when urban expansion is celebrated without asking whether the land itself consented to becoming a city.

Every signature placed on a permit inside a floodplain becomes a future tributary.

Every neglected drain becomes a future river.

Every compromised inspection becomes tomorrow’s emergency.

The rain simply connects decisions that were never meant to meet.

We have become accustomed to describing flooding as a natural disaster. It is an intellectually comforting phrase because it transfers responsibility from institutions to nature. Nature, however, is remarkably innocent in this story.

Water is perhaps the most honest element on Earth.

It negotiates with no political party.

It ignores campaign promises.

It does not recognise ministerial authority.

It simply obeys gravity.

When water returns to places it once occupied centuries ago, we accuse it of invading our communities. Yet rivers have never invaded cities. More often, cities have quietly occupied rivers.

Hydrologists understand something politicians rarely acknowledge: every river possesses memory. A watershed remembers its ancient channels. A floodplain remembers where excess water belongs. Wetlands remember how to absorb storms. We imagine that maps redraw geography. Water disagrees.

Concrete cannot erase memory.

It merely postpones its expression.

We therefore continue to debate blocked drains while ignoring blocked landscapes. We widen roads while narrowing waterways. We celebrate visible infrastructure while dismantling invisible infrastructure—the wetlands, soils, vegetation, lagoons and natural floodplains that quietly performed engineering services long before engineers arrived.

The irony is profound.

A forest can receive extraordinary rainfall and rarely flood because every root, every microorganism, and every layer of soil participates in slowing, storing, and redistributing water. A modern city, by contrast, has replaced absorption with acceleration. Asphalt rejects rainfall. Concrete hastens runoff. Buildings compress the earth. Heat hardens the soil. Every improvement intended to modernise the city simultaneously reduces its ability to behave like land.

The city has become hydraulically impatient.

Perhaps that is our greatest misunderstanding.

We believe cities are machines.

They are not.

Cities are living metabolisms. Like every living organism, they must balance what they consume with what they can process. Accra continuously consumes land, population, vehicles, plastics, concrete, energy, and waste faster than it expands its ecological capacity to absorb them. The consequence is not merely congestion or pollution. It is systemic metabolic failure.

Flooding is one of its symptoms.

Yet the problem extends even beyond engineering.

It is temporal.

Nature operates on geological time. Wetlands require centuries to mature. Rivers evolve over millennia. Soil develops patiently. Aquifers recharge slowly.

Politics operates on electoral time.

Four-year cycles reward ribbon-cutting ceremonies, not invisible maintenance. The culvert that no one notices receives less attention than the flyover everyone photographs. Maintenance loses elections. New construction wins them.

The result is predictable.

Infrastructure quietly accumulates entropy while governments accumulate announcements.

Physics teaches that every system naturally drifts toward disorder unless energy is continually invested to preserve order. Cities obey the same law. Drains clog. Roads crack. Regulations weaken. Institutions decay. Maintenance postponed is entropy invited.

The flood is not merely an engineering failure.

It is entropy-defeating governance.

Then there is the uncomfortable question we seldom ask.

Who benefits from recurring disasters?

Disaster creates contracts.

Emergency procurement.

Reconstruction projects.

Political visibility.

Institutional relevance.

Entire bureaucracies become more active after a catastrophe than before it.

This observation is not an accusation against individuals. It is an invitation to examine incentives. A society that consistently invests more in responding to disaster than preventing it eventually normalises catastrophe as part of governance itself.

The deluge becomes an administrative season.

History offers another warning.

Civilisations rarely collapse because nature suddenly becomes hostile. More often, they ignore environmental feedback until it becomes impossible to negotiate. Rivers shift. Forests disappear. Soils degrade. Cities overreach. Institutions mistake temporary resilience for permanent immunity.

Every civilisation eventually discovers that nature does not negotiate deadlines.

It only delivers consequences.

Perhaps that is what Accra experienced between 1:00 a.m. and dawn.

Not simply rainfall.

Not merely flooding.

But an examination.

An examination of our planning philosophy.

An examination of our political incentives.

An examination of our ecological literacy.

An examination of whether we still understand the land upon which we continue to build our future.

The biblical deluge was remembered not because water fell from the heavens, but because it exposed the moral condition of a civilisation. Whether one reads that account as theology or metaphor, its enduring lesson remains unsettling: catastrophe often reveals what prosperity successfully concealed.

Our modern deluge performs the same function.

It reveals that resilience cannot be legislated after rivers overflow. It must be designed before foundations are poured. It reveals that environmental stewardship is not an aesthetic concern but a constitutional obligation to future generations. It reveals that engineering cannot indefinitely compensate for ecological illiteracy, and that governance detached from geography eventually becomes governance against geography.

Tomorrow the skies will likely clear.

The floodwaters will retreat.

Traffic will resume.

Life will continue.

Until the next storm.

Unless we finally recognise the uncomfortable truth.

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R.D

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