Opinion

The State of the Republic at 65: A Reflection

Published

7 months ago

October 2, 2025

Eric

By Bola Abimbola

Nigeria celebrates its 65th Independence Anniversary today, October 1, 2025. After 65 years of prayers, promises, and proclamations, we must face a harsh truth: we have achieved far less than we should have, and prayer alone won’t bring us change. The Prayer Excuse Has Fallen Short. For 65 years, Nigerians have prayed more than almost any other people on earth. We have more churches and mosques per person than hospitals and schools. Every street corner hosts a prayer house. Yet after 65 years of fervent prayer:

Our road infrastructure is 80% in poor condition
Our national electricity grid collapsed 12 times in 2024 alone
Our currency has been devalued repeatedly
Millions of our best minds have fled abroad
Youth unemployment has reached crisis levels
Insecurity has made entire regions ungovernable
This isn’t a spiritual issue. It’s a leadership, accountability, and systems issue.

Yes, “with God all things are possible.” But God does not award contracts, prosecute corrupt officials, maintain power grids, or build roads. People do. And for 65 years, we have preferred prayer over action, excuses over accountability.

The Dangote Refinery: A Private Success Story Amid Public Failure

After 65 years of independence, Nigeria has finally built a functional refinery, but it was constructed by a private individual, not the government. The Dangote Refinery began producing diesel and aviation fuel in January 2024, with gasoline sales starting in September.

This $19 billion private investment succeeded where the Nigerian government had failed for decades. When fully operational, the refinery can process about 650,000 barrels of crude oil per day, making it the largest single-train refinery in the world.

Even this achievement is bittersweet. The refinery has struggled to secure steady crude oil supplies from Nigerian sources and has had to import oil from the United States, a clear reminder of its failure to manage its own resources after 65 years.

What Is Happening to Our National Institutions?

Let’s document the demise of our national dreams:

Nigeria Airways (1958-2003): Established in 1958, Nigeria Airways was liquidated in 2003 after accumulating debts of $528 million. The airline struggled with mismanagement, corruption, and overstaffing; at the time of its closure, it operated only one aircraft on domestic routes. What once symbolized Nigerian independence ultimately became a symbol of failure, representing billions of wasted resources and causing significant harm to the nation’s morale.

Nigerian National Shipping Line (1959-1995): The NNSL was liquidated in September 1995 after several of the company’s vessels were seized in different parts of the world for alleged breach of contract and unpaid bills. By 1979, the company operated 24 oceangoing ships. However, a 1987 World Bank study found that the investment had not significantly contributed to GDP, employment, the balance of payments, or national security; the gains were less than the opportunity costs of the resources used.

At independence in 1960, Nigeria inherited a fleet of ships ready to support its growing economy. However, 64 years later, no Nigerian shipping company owns a single vessel among the more than 5,000 ships that visit Nigerian ports each year. These foreign-owned ships benefit their nations, while we export oil and gas without participating in the transportation process.

Ajaokuta Steel Company (1979-Present): Established in 1979 on a 24,000-hectare site, the Ajaokuta Steel Company is Nigeria’s largest steel mill. However, the project was poorly managed and remains unfinished after 40 years, having never produced a single sheet of steel by December 2017.

Between 2016 and 2024, Ajaokuta Steel received a budget allocation of ₦42.03 billion, despite its dilapidated condition, with 80.87% of the funds spent on personnel costs. We have been paying salaries for over 40 years to workers at a plant that has never produced anything.

Even Aliko Dangote has stated that the long-delayed Ajaokuta Steel Complex might never become operational.

NITEL – Nigerian Telecommunications (1985-2009): NITEL was established in 1985 as a result of the merger of telecommunications services to improve coordination within the country. Starting in 2001, the company experienced a series of failed sales and divestments.

Between April 2003 and March 2004, under Pentascope management, NITEL incurred a loss of ₦15 billion and recorded a further loss of ₦19.15 billion, while the number of working lines decreased from 553,471 to 291,000. The sale to Transcorp was revoked in 2009 after years of mismanagement and fraud.

NNPC – Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation: The Nigerian National Petroleum Company, once Nigeria’s prized asset and self-proclaimed largest national oil company in Africa, has been plagued by inefficiency, corruption, and declining investments, and has been unable to fulfill its obligations.

In 2014, then-Central Bank Governor Lamido Sanusi made headlines worldwide when he told parliamentarians that $20 billion in oil sales earnings had gone “missing” in just 19 months, and he was dismissed shortly afterward. In August 2015, an independent analysis uncovered that over $32 billion in oil revenue was lost due to NNPC’s mismanagement of Domestic Crude Allocation, opaque revenue retention practices, and corruption-ridden oil-for-product swap deals.

As of July 2025, the Senate Committee on Public Accounts revealed allegations of ₦3.3 trillion in unremitted revenue and contract racketeering involving top NNPCL officials.

Sixty-five years after independence, the institution that manages our primary source of wealth remains a haven of corruption and mismanagement.

NEPA/Power Sector: The national electricity grid failed 12 times in 2024. Sixty-five years after gaining independence, Nigeria continues to struggle to provide reliable power. Nigeria produces around 12,000 MW of electricity but can only transmit about 4,000 to 5,000 MW due to grid inefficiencies.

Our Football Clubs – The Death of National Pride:

Even our sports, once a symbol of national joy and unity, have been ruined by the same pattern: mismanagement, corruption, and neglect.

IICC Shooting Stars of Ibadan: Shooting Stars won the African Cup Winners’ Cup in 1976, becoming the first Nigerian club to secure an international trophy. They are one of Nigeria’s most decorated clubs, alongside Enyimba, Enugu Rangers, and the now-defunct Stationery Stores, although they haven’t won any major trophies since 1998.

After the Nigerian Football Association introduced a double-league format, Shooting Stars was relegated to the lower division in 2006 but earned promotion in 2009. A club that once brought pride to Nigeria in Africa now struggles to stay afloat domestically.

Enugu Rangers International FC: Rangers International, founded in 1970, is the only Nigerian club never to have been relegated from the top division. They won their sixth title in 1984 but did not reach another cup final in the 1990s, and their highest league finish was third place in 1998.

Like most clubs in Nigeria, Rangers is owned by the state government, and for the past three decades, the club’s management has had to operate on a shoestring budget that makes other organizations seem lavish. After a 32-year title drought, they finally won the 2016 Nigeria Premier League, their first championship since 1982, and repeated the feat in 2024.

But even this success occurred despite state government neglect, not because of support. During their 2016 title run, Rangers’ players were owed wages and match allowances.

Port Harcourt Sharks FC: Sharks were nearly relocated to Abeokuta in 1998 due to crowd issues. In protest, they missed the last six games of the 1998 Professional League, finished at the bottom with 32 points, and were suspended for two years. In 2016, Sharks FC merged with Dolphins FC to form Rivers United FC, a merger driven not by strength but by financial difficulties.

These clubs, which once made Nigeria proud by producing legends like Rashidi Yekini, Segun Odegbami, and Christian Chukwu, have been reduced to shadows of their former glory. State governments that own them provide barely enough funding to survive, let alone compete internationally.

Our Universities: From “Africa’s Most Beautiful” to Decay

Obafemi Awolowo University (formerly University of Ife):

Obafemi Awolowo University was founded in 1961, and classes commenced in October 1962 as the University of Ife, established by the regional government of Western Nigeria. Designed by Israeli architect Arieh Sharon, the campus includes buildings constructed between 1963 and 1980, recognized as part of the Bauhaus international heritage and as one of the most iconic examples of modernist campus architecture in Africa.

The campus was once celebrated as “Africa’s Most Beautiful Campus,” and it remains an architectural marvel. But beyond the beautiful facade lies a harsh reality of neglect.

Behind the respected image of Africa’s Most Beautiful Campus lies a troubling truth: students face daily struggles with unhygienic and poorly maintained restrooms across the campus, particularly in male hostels such as Adekunle Fajuyi Hall, Awolowo Hall, and Angola Hall. Students complain about foul odors, broken fixtures, poor lighting, and, most importantly, a lack of water supply to flush waste, which leads to discomfort and serious health hazards.

The Students’ Union Building, once praised as a modern facility after its 2022 renovation, has now fallen into disrepair, with both toilets closed due to neglect.

Due to inadequate government funding and deteriorating infrastructure, OAU established a ₦1 billion Advancement Foundation in 2021 to explore alternative sources of funding, underscoring the decline of federal universities, which now rely on private donations to maintain basic facilities.

University of Ibadan and Teaching Hospitals:

The University of Ibadan and its teaching hospital, University College Hospital, were once the pride of West Africa. Established in 1952 to train medical personnel for Nigeria and the West African sub-region, the hospital originally had 500 beds. Today, it has expanded to 1,000 beds.

However, our universities and teaching hospitals fall far short of their potential. Talented Nigerian doctors and researchers leave in large numbers for the UK, US, and Canada because we lack basic research equipment, competitive salaries, and functional systems.

The irony? Nigerian leaders travel abroad for medical care in hospitals staffed by Nigerian doctors who left because we didn’t build world-class institutions at home.

The Education Crisis: We’ve Run Everything Down

In the 1970s and 1980s, almost everyone attended government schools. They were the pride of the nation, well-funded, adequately staffed, with quality infrastructure. Government schools produced Nigeria’s top talents. But 65 years after independence, we have systematically destroyed public education.

The Collapse of Government Schools:

The Nigerian government allocates only about 7% of the national budget to education, which is well below the UNESCO recommended minimum of 26%. Most public schools lack basic infrastructure, such as laboratories, libraries, electricity, and quality learning environments, with existing infrastructure in terrible condition or below acceptable standards.

In some public schools, there is a lack of proper sanitary facilities; therefore, the ‘bush’ is used as a substitute. It is common for government school classes to have over 60 students, well above the recommended number, with only one teacher assigned to them.

Many schools lack basic amenities such as classrooms, desks, libraries, and labs. In rural and conflict-affected areas, students learn under trees or in run-down classrooms without chairs, textbooks, or teachers.

The Flight to Private Schools:

Disappointed with government-funded education, even poor Nigerian families are increasingly turning to private schools, with many resourceful individuals transforming dilapidated or unfinished buildings into affordable private schools.

The decline of public institutions has created a market opportunity for private education. Private schools can cost as much as $3,000 per term. Today, most parents, except those without the means, choose private schools because of the higher quality and service they offer.

In many states, government officials send their children abroad or to expensive private schools while neglecting public education. The same politicians who dismantled government schools send their own children to private schools or abroad, and their actions are the ultimate hypocrisy.

Nigeria now has approximately 13 million out-of-school children, accounting for 20% of the global out-of-school children population.

Consider this: A generation ago, government schools were excellent and accessible to all. Today, Nigerians find it hard to afford private schools because we’ve ruined government schools through corruption, underfunding, and intentional neglect.

Roads and Infrastructure:

Currently, 80% of Nigeria’s road network is in poor shape, hindered by a lack of funding and the effects of climate change. Covering a land area of 923,768 square kilometers and a population of over 220 million, Nigeria has about 200,000 km of roads, with 63% unpaved and most in poor condition.

A report ranked Nigeria as having the sixth-worst road infrastructure in Africa. We performed better than only Rwanda, Guinea, Burundi, Madagascar, and The Gambia.

What Others Achieved in Less Time:

While we prayed and made excuses, others took action.

Singapore (Independent 1965 – 60 years ago):

GDP per capita: $72,000+ (Nigeria: ~$2,000)
Zero tolerance for corruption; leaders are prosecuted and jailed.
World-class infrastructure, education, and healthcare
Universal access to quality public education.
Built on discipline, planning, and strict accountability
South Korea (Post-war 1953 – 72 years ago):

Rose from ashes to emerge as a technological powerhouse.
Global leader in electronics, automobiles, and entertainment.
Leaders who stole were prosecuted, with several former presidents imprisoned.
Made significant investments in education, research, and development (R&D).
Free, top-tier public education system
Malaysia (Independent 1957 – 68 years ago):

A diversified economy beyond just natural resources
Robust public education system
Consistent governance and strategic long-term planning
United Arab Emirates (Formed 1971 – 54 years ago):

Converted the desert into a worldwide business center
Top-tier public and private schools
Economic diversification despite oil wealth
What did these nations possess that we do not?

Not prayer houses. Not oil wealth (most had less than us). Not natural resources.

They had:

Accountability: Corrupt leaders truly faced consequences
Meritocracy: Competence outweighs tribe or religion
Investment in public services: Quality schools, hospitals, and roads for all citizens.
Long-term planning: 20-50 year development visions, carried out consistently.
Rule of law: Systems greater than individuals
Zero tolerance for mediocrity: Standards enforced strictly
The Bitter Truth About Our Choices:

For 65 years, we have:

Celebrated wealth without examining its origins
Voted based on tribe and religion rather than competence
Permitted corrupt politicians to steal and then gave them chieftaincy titles.
Undermined public institutions that served everyone and established a two-tier system where only the wealthy can afford quality services.
Refused to prosecute the powerful.
Accepting mediocrity for ethnic solidarity
Prayed instead of took action
We had over $400 billion in oil revenue over 65 years. Where is it? In Swiss bank accounts. In Dubai real estate. In London properties. Anywhere but in Nigerian infrastructure, education, or healthcare.

We Have No Other Country, So We Must Confront Reality

Yes, America, France, and China experienced corruption. In the 18th and 19th centuries, they prosecuted robber barons, broke up monopolies, reformed institutions, and advanced their progress.

Nigeria in 2025 isn’t competing with 19th-century Europe. We’re competing with 21st-century China, India, Vietnam, Rwanda, and Ethiopia, nations that are advancing while we debate whether our problems are spiritual.

What Nigeria Needs at 65:

Accountability, not prayer points: Prosecute corrupt officials, recover stolen funds, and set examples that scare future looters.
Meritocracy over tribe: Stop voting for incapable people just because they’re “one of us.” Prioritize competence first.
Rebuild public institutions: Properly fund government schools, universities, and hospitals. Restore their excellence so all Nigerians can access quality services.
Education revolution: Raise the education budget to at least 20% of the national budget. Renovate schools. Pay teachers adequately. Improve infrastructure.
Consequences for failure: Singapore sometimes executes corrupt officials, yet we give them national honors. Which approach works?
Economic diversification: We continue to depend on oil after 65 years. Our agricultural sector, once the backbone of our economy, has collapsed.
The Final Reflection:

At 65, Nigeria is not a young country discovering itself. We are a failed state making excuses.

Our parents and grandparents attended excellent government schools. Today, we resort to begging, borrowing, and stealing to send our children to private schools because we have destroyed what was built for us.

Obafemi Awolowo University was once Africa’s most beautiful campus with world-class facilities. Today, students cannot flush toilets.

NNPC was supposed to make us wealthy. Instead, $20 billion disappears and no one faces jail.

Prayer gave us hope. But hope without action is empty. God will not come down from heaven to fix NEPA, prosecute corrupt governors, rebuild schools, revive Ajaokuta Steel, start a new shipping line, restore our football clubs, or repair roads. We have to do it ourselves.

After 65 years of prayer resulting in corruption, poverty, and decay, perhaps it’s time to try:

Taking action instead of just praying
Accountability Instead of excuses
Merit rather than sentiment
Systems over strongmen
Prosecution versus protection
Investment in public services rather than private enrichment
Countries younger than us have surpassed us multiple times. Not because God favors them more, but because they prioritize accountability over prayer meetings, action over excuses, and nation-building over nation-looting.

Happy 65th Independence Day, Nigeria.

We deserve more than this. And change starts by facing the truth: Our problems are not spiritual. They’re structural, systemic, and self-inflicted. Only we can fix them, not through prayer, but through accountability, action, and the courage to demand better.

The choice is ours. Another 65 years of excuses and prayers? Or, finally, building the Nigeria we should have been all along, where government schools function effectively, universities thrive, hospitals provide quality care, and every citizen has access to quality services, regardless of their wealth.

Our parents built it. We tore it down. Will we rebuild it for our children? Or will we continue to pray as everything falls apart?

Opinion

A Vindicating Truth: A Factual Presentation on the Supreme Court’s Intervention in the ADC Leadership Matter

Published

23 hours ago

May 4, 2026

Eric

By Comrade IG Wala

To All Nigerians, Party Stakeholders, and Lovers of Democracy,

In the life of every great political movement, there comes a moment where the noise of confusion meets the silence of the Law. For the African Democratic Congress (ADC), that moment arrived on April 30, 2026.

For months, the ADC was held in a state of judicial paralysis caused by a lower court order that froze the party’s activities. This order did not just affect a few leaders, it threatened to delete the ADC from the Nigerian political map and disenfranchise millions of supporters ahead of the 2027 General Elections.

Today, we present the facts of the Supreme Court’s intervention to ensure that every Nigerian, from the city centers to the grassroots, understands that Justice has spoken, and the ADC is alive.

The Three Pillars of the Supreme Court’s Ruling:

1. The End of Paralysis (The Status Quo Order)!

The Supreme Court, led by Justice Mohammed Garba, was clear and firm: the Court of Appeal’s order to maintain a “status quo” was improper and unwarranted. The apex court recognized that you cannot freeze a political party indefinitely without a trial. By setting this aside, the Supreme Court rescued the ADC from a leadership vacuum that was being used to justify de-recognition by INEC.

2. The Restoration of Administrative Legitimacy.

By nullifying the appellate court’s freeze, the Supreme Court effectively restored the David Mark-led National Working Committee to its rightful place. This means that for all official, administrative, and electoral purposes, the ADC now has a recognized head. The party is no longer a ship without a captain; the doors of the headquarters are open, and the party’s name remains firmly on the ballot.

3. The Order for a Fresh Trial on Merits.

True to the principles of fair hearing, the Supreme Court did not simply gift the party to one side. Instead, it ordered the case back to the Federal High Court for an accelerated hearing. This is a victory for the Truth. It means the court is not interested in technicalities or stopping the clock, it wants to see the evidence, read the Party Constitution, and deliver a final judgment based on the Right vs. Wrong.

Note: I will drop the 7 prayers made to Supreme Court by ADC in the comment section.

A Message to Our Members and Supporters.
To our members who have felt a sense of fear, apprehension, or a lack of confidence in the Nigerian courts, let your hearts be at peace.

It is a delusion to believe that gross injustice can simply walk through the doors of our highest courts unnoticed. This matter is currently one of the most publicized and people-centric cases in Nigeria. In such a bright spotlight, the Judiciary acts not just as a judge, but as a shield for the common man.

The Law is not a tool for the crafty, it is a searchlight for the Truth.
Inasmuch as they say the Law is blind, it sees with perfect clarity the difference between a lie and the truth, between right and wrong. The Supreme Court’s refusal to let the ADC be strangled by procedural delays is proof that the system works for those who stand on the side of justice.

Our confidence is not in personalities, but in the Process. We are returning to the Federal High Court not with fear, but with the armor of Truth.

The Handshake remains strong, the vision is clear, and our participation in the 2027 elections is now legally anchored.

Stand tall. The ADC has been tested by the fire of the courts, and we have emerged not just intact, but vindicated.

Signed,
Comrade, IG Wala.
02/04/26. — with Shareef Kamba and 14 others.

Opinion

The Police is Your Friend and Other Lies We No Longer Believe

Published

1 day ago

May 4, 2026

Eric

By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)

There was a time in Nigeria when the phrase The Police is Your Friend was not a national joke. It was a civic assurance, a symbolic handshake between the state and its citizens. It represented the ideal of a civil security architecture built on trust, service, and protection. Today, that once reassuring slogan has decayed into a bitter irony. It no longer evokes safety; it provokes fear. It no longer signals partnership; it signals danger. What should have been the soul of Nigerian civil state relations has become a cruel parody of our lived experience at checkpoints, stations, and on the streets.

The Nigerian security apparatus has undergone a transformation so profound that it now resembles a predatory machine rather than a protective institution. The sight of a police patrol vehicle, which should ordinarily bring comfort, now triggers anxiety. Citizens instinctively brace themselves, not for assistance, but for extortion, harassment, or violence. We are not merely witnessing isolated incidents of misconduct. We are watching a pattern of state enabled brutality unfold in real time, a pattern so consistent that it feels like a televised execution of the social contract. In this grim theatre, the Nigerian state often appears not as the protector but as the principal aggressor.

On Sunday, April 26th 2026, the quiet air of Effurun in Delta State was shattered by the crack of a service pistol. What should have been an ordinary Sunday afternoon became the final chapter in the life of twenty-eight year old Mene Ogidi. A viral video, barely two minutes long, captured the horrifying scene. Ogidi sat on the dusty ground, his hands tied behind him with a rope. He was unarmed, exhausted, and pleading in his mother tongue for a chance to explain himself. Standing over him was a man in plain clothes, a man sworn to protect the very life he was about to extinguish. Assistant Superintendent of Police Nuhu Usman raised his pistol and fired two shots at close range into the body of a restrained, helpless citizen.

This was not a confrontation. It was not a crossfire. It was not a struggle for a weapon. It was an execution. A daylight assassination carried out by a state paid officer who felt so insulated by impunity that he performed his violence in front of a digital audience. The collective outrage that followed was not simply about one death. It was the eruption of a nation that has watched this script repeat itself far too many times.

Barely days later, in Dei-Dei Abuja, another life was cut short. A National Youth Service Corps member was shot inside his father’s compound. Authorities described it as a mistake during a crossfire, but the silence that followed spoke louder than any official explanation. These tragedies are not anomalies. They are symptoms of a deep institutional rot, a rot that has turned the badge into a license for violence rather than a symbol of service.

Extrajudicial killings in Nigeria represent a direct assault on the fundamental right to life and the presumption of innocence. When a law enforcement officer assumes the roles of accuser, judge, and executioner, the very foundation of the state begins to crumble. In the case of Mene Ogidi, the Delta State Police Command admitted that the officer acted in gross violation of Force Order 237, the regulation governing the use of firearms. This admission is significant because it reveals that the problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the collapse of discipline, the erosion of accountability, and the entrenchment of a culture of impunity.

Between 2020 and 2025, Nigerian security agencies were implicated in nearly six hundred violent incidents against civilians, resulting in more than eight hundred deaths. The Nigeria Police Force accounted for over half of these fatalities. These numbers paint a disturbing picture. The institutions funded by taxpayers to provide security have become one of the greatest threats to their safety.

The psychology behind this brutality is rooted in the absence of consequences. When officers believe that nothing will happen after they pull the trigger, the threshold for using lethal force drops to zero. In the Effurun case, reports suggest that the suspect was even transported to a station after the initial shooting, only to be shot again. This level of cruelty reflects a complete dehumanization of the citizenry. The victim is no longer seen as a person with rights. He becomes a disposable suspect. This mindset is a legacy of the defunct SARS unit, whose methods and mentality continue to shape policing culture. Rebranding SARS into SWAT or the Rapid Response Squad means nothing if the same men, trained in the same violent ethos, continue to operate with the same predatory instincts.

The Nigerian police system has evolved from a flawed institution into what many citizens now describe as a state sponsored cartel. The Zero Tolerance mantra often repeated by the Inspector General of Police, Olatunji Disu, has become a public relations slogan that evaporates at every checkpoint. The immediate dismissal and recommended prosecution of ASP Usman and his team may satisfy the public’s immediate hunger for justice, but it does not address the deeper institutional vacuum that allowed an officer to believe he could execute a restrained suspect without consequence. If accountability only occurs when a video goes viral, then we are not being policed. We are being hunted by a uniformed gang that is occasionally caught on camera.

This raises critical questions. Where were the superior officers? Where was the Area Commander while this culture of execution was taking root? Command responsibility in Nigeria remains a myth. Until a Commissioner of Police is removed for the actions of their subordinates, there will be no internal incentive to reform. The decay is structural. We are recruiting frustrated individuals, training them in aggression rather than professionalism, and unleashing them on a population they are conditioned to view with suspicion and contempt.

The mistake narrative used in the Abuja NYSC shooting reflects this tactical incompetence. A professional force does not mistake a youth corper in his bedroom for a combatant. Nigerians are effectively subsidising their own endangerment, paying for the bullets that cut down their brightest young citizens. A nation cannot survive this level of uniformed recklessness. The state has lost its monopoly on violence to its own agents. When police officers fear the citizen’s camera more than they respect the citizen’s life, the system has failed.

Five years after the historic 2020 End SARS protests, the systemic reforms promised by government remain largely unfulfilled. Only a handful of states have implemented the recommendations of the judicial panels or compensated victims. The National Human Rights Commission reported in July 2025 that it had received over three hundred thousand complaints of abuses. This staggering figure reflects the scale of the crisis. While the current Inspector General has introduced new regulations to align the Police Act of 2020 with operational realities, the gap between a gazetted document in Abuja and a patrol team in Delta remains vast.

The solution to this bloodletting must be radical and structural. First, police oversight must be decentralised. Relying on Force Headquarters in Abuja to discipline an officer in a remote community is inefficient and ineffective. Each state should have an independent, citizen led oversight board with the authority to recommend immediate suspension and prosecution without interference from the police hierarchy.

Second, Force Order 237 must be overhauled to strictly limit the use of firearms to situations where there is an immediate and verifiable threat to life. Under no circumstances should a restrained or surrendering suspect be shot.

Third, Nigeria must address the mental health and welfare of police officers. Men who live in dilapidated barracks, earn inadequate wages, and operate under constant stress are more likely to lash out at the public. However, poverty cannot be an excuse for murder. Welfare reform must go hand in hand with strict accountability.

Finally, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. The trial of ASP Usman and others like him should be public, transparent, and swift. It must serve as a deterrent that resonates in every police station across the country. The era of secret disciplinary rooms must end. Nigeria must invest in technology driven policing, not only in weapons but in body cameras and digital accountability systems. When officers know they are being recorded, hesitation replaces recklessness.

A NATIONAL CALL TO ACTION

The era of Orderly Room secrecy must end. Nigeria must decentralise police disciplinary trials, moving them from closed sessions in Abuja to open, civilian led inquiries in the states where the abuses occur. A National Firearms Audit is urgently needed. Every officer must account for every round issued, and any missing ammunition should trigger automatic suspension for the entire chain of command.

The National Assembly must fast track the Victims of Police Brutality Trust Fund, ensuring that compensation becomes a legal right funded directly from the budgets of offending commands. Nigeria must stop being a nation of post script outrage. Command responsibility must become law. If an officer under a Commissioner’s watch executes a handcuffed suspect, that Commissioner must lose their job alongside the shooter.

The blood of Mene Ogidi and the NYSC member in Dei Dei is a stain on our national conscience. It is a reminder that as long as one Nigerian can be tied up and shot without trial, no Nigerian is truly safe. Silence is no longer an option. Waiting for the next viral video is no longer acceptable. The time to demand change is now.

Opinion

Kwankwaso-Obi Anti-Coalition Alliance and the Perception of the North

Published

2 days ago

May 3, 2026

Eric

By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

Let’s not sugarcoat it, what is unfolding is not just political maneuvering for 2027, but a carefully calculated roadmap to 2031. Anyone who believes Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is acting out of patriotism or prioritizing Nigeria above his personal ambition is simply ignoring the pattern before us. His willingness to deputise Peter Obi is not born out of ideological alignment or national interest, it appears to be a strategic move aimed at one target weakening Atiku Abubakar and ensuring he does not emerge as president in 2027.

Kwankwaso’s real calculation seems anchored in 2031. He understands that as long as Atiku remains active and contesting, his own presidential ambition struggles to gain traction, especially in the North where Atiku’s influence remains deeply rooted. By positioning himself in a way that could undermine Atiku now, he potentially clears the path for himself later, when he can conveniently lean on the “it is the turn of the North” narrative with stronger moral leverage. This is not about helping Obi win, it is about ensuring Atiku is completely removed from the equation.

It is also important to state plainly that Kwankwaso is fully aware of his electoral limitations in this arrangement. He knows he cannot significantly attract Northern votes for Obi beyond a few pockets, even within Kano State. And even there, the good people of Kano are far more politically aware and discerning than to be swayed purely by sentiment. This makes the entire proposition even more questionable, if the electoral value is limited, then the intention behind the alliance becomes even clearer. It suggests that even if he joins an Obi ticket, it is not driven by a genuine commitment to Obi, the Igbo, the South-East or Nigeria but by a broader personal calculation.

Northerners must understand that this is a long game, and every move appears deliberately designed. Kwankwaso seems cautious not to overtly confirm growing suspicions that he is working, directly or indirectly, to the advantage of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Yet, many are beginning to connect the dots. The belief that there is an underlying alignment is gaining ground, especially when actions repeatedly result in one outcome, a divided North that weakens its collective electoral strength, a repeatation of 2023 in a different style. The alignment of Kwankwaso’s political godson and the governor of Kano Abba Kabir Yusuf with Tinubu only fuels this perception, suggesting a dual-front approach: one operating directly and visibly, the other indirectly and subtly.

This is not the first time such a pattern is being observed. Many Northerners still recall similar dynamics from 2023, and recent developments have only intensified the conversation. In fact, within just the last 24 hours, the level of criticism and open dissatisfaction directed at Kwankwaso across Northern Nigeria has been unprecedented. What was once dismissed as mere suspicion of a quiet alliance is now, in the eyes of many, being confirmed by actions seen as disruptive to any meaningful coalition.

For Kwankwaso, this moment carries significant weight. The long-circulating “sellout” label, which many had hesitated to firmly attach, now appears to be finding a resting place in public discourse. Should he once again position himself outside a collective Northern arrangement, that perception may become permanently entrenched.

The implications for the North are serious. Voting Obi because of Kwankwaso, which is unlikely, could fracture an already consolidated political base, reduce its bargaining power, and ultimately produce outcomes that do not reflect its true strength. The North has never historically rejected a dominant figure like Atiku in favor of a subordinate position, nor has it embraced a configuration where its most established candidate is sidelined. The idea that the region would choose Kwankwaso as a deputy while overlooking Atiku as a president is not just improbable, it runs contrary to established Northern political behavior.

What is at stake goes beyond individual ambition. The North is fully conscious of the stakes and increasingly resolute in its direction. There is a growing determination to stand firmly behind its own Atiku Abubakar, to protect its collective political strength, and to resist any arrangement that appears designed to divide it. The signals are clear, the North has decided, and it will not fall into what many perceive as calculated traps, whether from Kwankwaso or from forces seen as working against its cohesion and democratic leverage….

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com