By Babatunde Jose
“Democracy must fall because it will try to tailor to everyone. The poor will want the wealth of the rich, and democracy will give it to them. Young people will want to be respected as elderly and democracy will give it to them. Women will want to be like men and democracy will give it to them. Foreigners will want the rights of the natives and democracy will give it to them. Thieves and fraudsters will want important government functions, and democracy will give it to them. And at that time, when thieves and fraudsters finally democratically take authority because criminals and evil doers want power, there will be worse dictatorship than in the time of any monarchy or oligarchy.” Socrates (470-399 B.C.)
Since antiquity and through the modern era, democracy has been associated with “rule by the people”, “rule by the majority”, and free selection or election, either through direct participation or elected representation, respectively. However, it has not been without its flaws.
Some critics of democracy would agree with Winston Churchill’s famous remark, “No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all-wise. Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.”
Other critics, however, may be more prepared to describe existing democratic regimes as anything but “rule by the people”.
The challenges to democracy are many, especially in neo-colonial states like ours where the principles and practices of democracy have been polluted by military dictatorship and ethos.
There are roadblocks to a strong democracy in Nigeria at all levels of government. Conflict—triggered by political competition and communal, ethnic, religious or resource allocation rivalries—poses a major threat to democracy. Corruption pervades the daily lives of Nigerians. Many government institutions do not adequately engage with citizens or the private sector and lack the capacity to carry out their mandates. Further, civil society lacks both the capacity and the resources to effectively engage with the government and advocate for change.
There is a tendency for people in government to live in the Rose Garden and dismiss the people as ignorant. This would be a wrong approach as it was in the past, as it is now, as it would always be. The people have both the need and the right to know. At the risk of over-simplification, it is the duty of government to continuously explain to the people and re-build their trust and confidence, even when the matter appears mundane, self-evident, and self-explanatory. One of the major risks of democracy is that those who govern may be dealing with a patently dumb population, but the people must never be treated as dumb, because they may be quick to learn and ask the right questions and their dumbness could become historical wisdom. True sovereignty in that regard belongs to the people. Power belongs to the people as the lesson has been learnt in such places as France in 1789, 1830, and 1848 and in Brazil in 1835, 1964 and 1972. – Reuben Abati
The fundamental hindrance to the survival of democracy in Nigeria lies in the obvious division of the ruling class elite along ethnic, religious, regional and class lines. Such factionalism, coupled with the historical mistrust and hostility during colonial and post-colonial period deals a deadly blow to our democracy experimentation.
In the same vein, there is pervasive insecurity about the state given the insatiable appetite for power by our elites that they tend to narrow the social base of power in terms of those who are obliged to share in its exercise.
These exclusionary tendencies reach beyond the elite to the rest of society leading to clash of identities, especially ethnic identities. This tendency has always reared its ugly head in Nigeria’s polity following the demand by the various ethnic groups that it is their turn to produce the next president for the country thus dividing the nation along ethnic lines which is not healthy for the country’s democracy. As such, when political struggles are constituted around such ideas and social formations, they tend to be very intense and violent leading to ethnic conflicts.
Related to the political impediments toward the survival of democracy in Nigeria is the economic angle, wherein the practice of democracy since 1999 has been characterized by severe economic and social problems. Paradoxically, economic development does not inevitably produce liberal democracy, nor is democracy necessarily compatible with development since economic development promotes social inequality and is anti-democratic.
The basic paradox of democracy and democratic processes is that those who have power tendentiously have no interest or inclination to democratize, for democratization entails the redistribution of power against those in power and those who are privileged.
One of the key drivers of democratic decay is intense polarization, where political opponents begin to regard each other as existential enemies, something we recently witnessed following the last presidential elections.
Another issue is the threat economic inequality poses to the survival and viability of democracy. Pernicious and indirect ways in which unequal economic resources diminishes the quality of democracy, through voting, institutional design, campaign spending, and media.
Another set of debates regards whether institutional reforms can provide solutions to some of the problems afflicting our democracy. Thus, we bring together constitutional scholars and students of electoral and other institutions to examine institutional innovations aimed at improving the quality of established democracies. These include electoral reforms (e.g., debates over ranked preference voting systems), and tinkering with the political structure.
Frequent policy changes hinder economic growth. For this reason, many people have put forward the idea that democracy is undesirable for a developing country in which economic growth and the reduction of poverty are the top priority.
It is not inevitable in a democracy that elections will be free and fair. The giving and receiving of bribes, the threat or use of violence, treatment and impersonation are common ways that the electoral process can be corrupted.
Politicians and special interests have attempted to manipulate public opinion for as long as recorded history. Opinion polls before the election are under special criticism. Furthermore, the disclosure of reputation-damaging material shortly before elections may be used to significantly manipulate public opinion.
To legitimize this point, it is often mentioned that Adolf Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany in 1933 by a democratically elected government. One of the glaring by-products of democracy. In the same vein, Muhammadu Buhari was elected on the basis of the propaganda of the ‘Change’ mantra. We all know the outcome.
In modern democratic systems, it is possible to elect incompetent representatives into political office. So, all it takes is to win the primaries and one is sure to enter into office.
Electoral appeals in democracies can be delayed. Judgment can be declared after all those involved in the case become old or even die! This is because of the option of multiple appeals in different courts. This is again due to political interference or corruption.
For a democracy to work, the leaders and the people should have ethics, love for the nation, respect for hard work, honesty, integrity, and justice.
It’s important to note that these challenges are not inherent flaws of democratic systems, but rather problems that can arise in the practice of democracy. Many democratic systems also have checks and balances in place to mitigate these challenges and promote accountability, transparency, and fairness. Nevertheless, addressing these disadvantages and improving democratic governance is an ongoing process that requires vigilance, engagement, and continuous efforts to strengthen democratic institutions and practices.
Most elections in the fourth republic have been flawed, and with questionable credibility. Violence is a lingering feature of elections in Nigeria. Voter turnout has steadily decreased as voters have become disillusioned and apathetic by the recycling of political candidates, the lack of internal democracy in political parties, and the failure of government to deliver real progress.
To many Nigerians, democracy seems to have few benefits. Between 2015 and 2022, the democratically elected government of Buhari presided over worsening security, continuing corruption, and two recessions. Nigeria became the poverty capital of the world, consistently ranked as one of the world’s most corrupt nations.
But the ENDSARS movement showed the democratic dynamism of young Nigerians. And technology has helped demands for better government to transcend old ethnic, religious, and linguistic divides. Unfortunately, ENDSARS did not produce a political party and in many ways its separation from traditional politics was its power. But it showed a hunger for more democracy, not less, among Nigerians and a solidarity among Nigeria’s enormous population of young people.
Nigeria needs more young people to engage with politics, offer new ideas and run for office on issues which affect all Nigerians, from employment and security to climate and energy policy. Nigeria also needs its youth committed to the kind of long-term civic activism and community organizing which expands the narrow focus on electoral cycles, strengthens democratic institutions, and delivers long-term change.
Nigeria’s democracy can only be strengthened through a revolutionized political system, better quality political parties, more independent and diversified media, a stronger electoral management body and well-resourced judiciary.
Law enforcement and security forces must be devoted to constitutional democracy rather than regime security and protecting elites. And entrenched networks of patronage and privilege need to be weakened.
Sustaining democracy in Nigeria will require more than just free elections. It will also mean ending a system in which corruption is not just tolerated, but widely encouraged and hugely profitable. – Chinua Achebe.
Democracy has not yet delivered a considerable uplift in living standards for most Nigerians. But it remains the only system of government which can offer the hope of reconciling the extraordinary plurality of religions, ethnicities, and political traditions of its large population. According to my friend Tatalo, democracy is not dead, but retarded.
Barka Juma’at and happy weekend
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