Opinion
The Oracle: Go to Court
Published
3 years agoon
By
Eric
By Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
The journalist and prose writer in me screams to manifest today. Far away from gladiatorial courtroom litigation and suffocating trenches. They urge me to move away today from the classroom, soapbox and television screen. I am today compelled to write on the topical trending issue of the moment – “GO TO COURT”. Yes, you heard me right: go to court. Nigeria is a great country, but a very interesting one with spectacular oddities and oxymorons. Every day is new. I love her to no end.
WHY GO TO COURT?
Politicians, sorry, Politricians, have popularised “Go to Court” in their morbid desperation to acquire power at all cost. By hook or by crook. They are desperados. They have been very successful in messing up our hard-earned democracy. They carry out unspeakable acts – bizarre acts drained of logic, legality, constitutionality and morality – and then tell you to your face, “Go to Court”. This is a sad sarcasm of their obvious derisive, pejorative and derogatory euphemism for our beleaguered justice–delivery systems.
What the Politricians are saying cheek-in-tongue, in effect, shorn of all pretences, affectation and braggadocio, is that they believe you cannot get justice in the courts. So, they taunt you to ‘go to court’. Before, during and after elections, they kill, maim, burn, thumbprint; steal and allocate ballot boxes and paper; steal BVAs machines; propel their candidates to “win at all costs”; select their winners; and collude with INEC to announce their preferred victors. Then, they humour you with, “Go to Court”. For you, my readers, if you do not like this my introductory part, please, do me a favour – go to court.
EXPANDING NIGERIA’S POLITICAL LEXICON
The new refrain in town – go to court – is therefore an obvious addition to our ever-elastic warped political lexicon. Webster, Oxford, Collins, Longman, Black – all Dictionary exponents – must be green with envy from their cold graves.
I have since added new words to our political vocabulary and encyclopedia – “Electionocracy”; “Selectocracy”; “Judocracy”; “Executocracy” and “Legislatocracy”. (see https://www.page36news.com, “Mike Ozekhome says we are not practicing democracy in Nigeria”; https://barristersng.com, Is this the Nigeria of our dreams?”; https://ThisNigeria.com, Nigeria is a captured state”.
THE FLAWED 2023 GENERAL ELECTIONS
The last Presidential, NASS, Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections were the worst I have ever witnessed in this contraption called Nigeria since the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates by Lord Frederick Lugard (22nd January, 1858 – 11th April, 1945), on the 1st of January, 1914, to found Nigeria. If you do not like this opinion of mine, go to court.
I guffawed when I heard President Muhammadu Buhari, in congratulating Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, on his presumed victory at the 25th February, 2023 presidential election, say, “None of the issues registered represents a challenge to the freeness and fairness of the elections”. Mr. President, did I hear you correctly sir? I can already see through the eyes of the minds of his handlers and coterie of media snipers, and those of Tinubu, calling me out. I can hear them telling me to “go to court” if I do not like the President’s biased stance expressed in the face of stiff challenge by his co-contestants. My simple response is, go to court if you do not like my own critique.
No sir, Mr. President. I humbly disagree, sir. The last elections were neither free, fair, transparent, honest, respectable, nor imbued with any iota of integrity and dignity. They represented an abysmal retrogression into Australopithecus stone-age election farce. The elections were clearly shambolic, unsystematic, mismanaged, violent, vicious; highly compromised; and drained of any local or international respect and recognition. The outright rejection of, or at best, very lukewarm tolerance of (not wholesome acceptance or embrace) by the international community, speaks volumes of the elections’ lack of rectitude and honour. Any final emergent product of the fundamentally flawed presidential election will have a moral burden to contend with – even if court judgements were to favour him. The moral burden will hang like an albatross, on his neck throughout his entire tenure of office. It will be more like an ignoble trophy or diadem. I shudder to conjecture the ricocheting effect and dire consequences this forebodes for Nigeria. I am not a seer or clairvoyant, but I can tell Nigerians categorically to brace up for harder times ahead. If you are not comfortable with these humble views of mine, then go to court.
THE “BINANIGATE”
The hallmark of this “go to court” mantra finally crystallised last week during the gubernatorial election in Adamawa state. The events there represent the shame of a country whose citizens, having experienced too many doses of travails, now appear unshockable. I have since been stressed and distressed. Can this shame be wiped off our electoral slate, or democracy syllabus? I do not know. Or, do you? The deeds and misdeeds that attended the Adamawa macabre dance of death remind me of the regretful and symbolic words of Macbeth, in William Shakespeare’s epic “Macbeth” (Act II, Scene II).
In bemoaning his unprovoked decision to assassinate King Duncan, Macbeth lamented that all the oceans of the world would not be capable of washing the blood from his hands. This was even before killing King Duncan. Hear Macbeth: “Will all great Neptune’s Ocean wash this blood clean from my hand? No, this my hand will rather the multitudinous seas incarnadine, making the green one red”. If you do not like my taking you back to Shakespearean literature to allegorize and metaphorize these points of mine, then, go to court.
Like many Nigerians, I keenly followed the Binani phenomenon – now “BinaniGATE” (most unfortunately). I like the Senator’s quiet mien, respectable carriage, calm disposition and ever-smiling exterior. She appears incandescent, even if shy. These qualities belied a steely, strong-willed “Margaret Thatcher” of an iron lady, who had taken Adamawa politics by storm, breaking down chauvinistic barriers, and mauling entrenched fixations and stereotypes. My love went straight to her, like the one I had for my late dear mother who died in 1997. I had grown up with my parents in Iviukwe town, in the 60s and 70s. I went to the farm, and far-flung streams with my late mother and late father, who died in 1992. I followed her to dig and plant into ridges, groundnut, beans, cocoyam, maize and yam. I fetched firewood from scorpion-infested dried trees. I fetched water from stagnant spirogyra-infested streams and dirty ponds, with calabashes. We then used alum to purify the water. So, I saw my mother in Binani. I also suddenly saw in Binani, my dear wife – my pillar of strength; my soulmate; my girlfriend; my confidant and sister; my mother and best friend in the world. For these reasons, and propelled by her top-notch political credentials, I, like many Nigerians, silently yearned that she won in a free, fair and transparent election. This, for me, notwithstanding that the big “home boys” holding fort in Adamawa are my elder and younger friends, respectively – former VP, Waziri Atiku Abubakar and Governor Ahmadu Fintiri. But what did we see? A damnatory and ruinous anti-climax.
A sad summersault indeed! Binani was declared “winner” of an election whose supplementary results were still being collated and counted. It was done by an unauthorized and illegal person – the State Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC) – rather than the INEC-appointed Returning Officer. This, even while she was trailing her main opponent, Governor Fintiri, by over 31,000 votes! Wonders shall never end. She had wanted to foist on INEC, the courts and sympathetic Nigerians (like me), a situation of fait accompli. She will then tell Fintiri to “go to court”. The INEC REC’s audaciousness and brazen acts appear modeled after the INEC leadership itself, which had condoned and facilitated huge electoral malpractices, and told Nigerians to go to court.
THE BACKGROUND TO THE FAILED COUP
Let us have a historical background to this electoral fraud which was actually, a failed coup d’etat.
On 18th March, 2023, Adamawa residents went to the polls, hopeful of the workings of democracy – a concept defined by Abraham Lincoln (with penetrating erudition) in his Gettysburg Declaration on 19th November, 1863, as “government of the people, by the people and for the people”. At the close of voting, sitting Governor, Ahmadu Fintiri, garnered a total of 421,522 votes to lead in 13 of the 21 LGAs of Adamawa State. He beat his closest rival, Aisha Dahiru (A.KA. Binani) by over 32,000 votes, as she trailed with 390,275 votes obtained in 8 LGAs. Mohammed Mele, a Professor of English at the University of Maiduguri, who was the INEC-appointed Returning Officer (and who is the only statutorily authorized person under section 25 of the Electoral Act, 2022, to declare governorship results and announce the winner), however, announced that the election was inconclusive. His reason was that the margin of victory by Fintiri was less that the total votes expected from 69 polling units in 20 LGAs affected by serious electoral issues. In those polling units, there are 42,785 registered voters. But those who collected their PVCs were only 36,955.
All very well and good, if, this was systematic and methodical. It was not. Why didn’t the same INEC use a similar yardstick to withhold declaring Governor Dapo Abiodun of Ogun State as the winner of the same 18th March, 2023 gubernatorial election, when the challenger, Chief Oladipupo Adebutu only trailed Abiodun by a mere 13,915 votes, with only 18,835 votes rejected? Why the duplicity and double standards by INEC in declaring Abiodun the winner then, as against its refusal to declare Fintiri the winner at the first election of 18th March, 2023, under the same circumstances? Abiodun and APC (and even INEC) had simply told Adebutu to go to court. Go to court, he has since done.
THE ADAMAWA CIRCUS SHOW
What happened next could be taken straight from a poorly acted local movie, with desperate script writers and caricature choreographers. It was like a dramatic circus show; a Baba Sala’s Alawada Keri Keri piece of histrionics.
During the supplementary election that took place on April 15, 2023, Fintiri had been clearly leading, with 19,337 votes, to Binani’s 6,513. The gap difference was 2, 824. This was, however, only in 10 LGAs of the 20 LGAs in which voting took place. When you add these 2,824 votes to Fintiri’s March 18 lead of 31,247, Fintiri was surely galloping home to victory with 34,071 votes ahead of Binani. Then some unseen hands struck. They usually behave like witches and wizards in a coven.
With results from 10 out of 20 LGAs already in, the Returning Officer adjourned proceedings to 11 am of the following day. Suddenly (like Fela Kuti of blessed memory would say), one Hudu Ari, the Adamawa Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), struck at 9 am, before the 11 am earmarked for the continuation. Surrounded and escorted by an armada of recruited armed-to-the-teeth Soldiers, DSS operatives, Civil Defence goons, the Police, and thugs, Ari casually strolled into the collation centre, brandishing a folded written piece of paper that contained no final result.
To the shock of all present, he proceeded to announce and declare Binani as the “winner” of the election, whose results were still being collated. The loser who was trailing behind by over 34,000 votes was declared “winner”. Their agenda? Go to court? And bam! Binani “accepted” her “victory”. She was undoubtedly part and parcel of the orchestrated charade and shameful events. If not, how would she have prepared an acceptance speech for results she had not yet seen or known about, just like others? How come only NTA (the Federal Government’s megaphone) was the only media that covered the vaudeville and travesty? In her 21 seconds clip of historical profanity and feminine remissness and delinquency, she told angry Adamawa citizens that “you’ve made history in electing the first female governor in our dear country, Nigeria. This will no doubt broaden political participation by encouraging our daughters, aunties, mothers and indeed our girl child”. Oh blimey! The sentiments! The emotionalism!
Binani not done, even audaciously approached the Federal High Court (yes, in fulfillment of the “go to court” carol), through an ex parte application and urged Justice Inyang Ekwo on 17th April, 2023, to give judicial imprimatur to her sins, in motion No FHC/ABJ/CS/510/2023. Ekwo was a “Daniel come to Judgement”. He rejected the ex parte application. The cerebral Jurist suo motu raised the critical issue of jurisdiction. He directed Binani’s Counsel to return on 26th April, 2023, to convince him that the court has jurisdiction over the matter.
For once, INEC acted swiftly, salvaging whatever remains of its bruised image in the Adamawa theatrics. It suspended further collation; recalled Ari to Abuja; declared null, void and of no effect, the purported declaration of Binani as winner, as it amounted to usurpation of the powers of the Returning Officer. It also vowed to petition IGP (Usman Baba) to investigate and possibly prosecute Ari. INEC also requested the SGF, Boss Mustapha, to brief Buhari (the appointing authority), about Ari’s show of shame.
Will Ari, the DSS, Police, Military, FRSC, Civil Defence Personnel and even Binani be prosecuted under sections 64, 120 and 121 of the Electoral Act, 2022, to set a clear signal that Nigeria is not a banana Republic? Only time will tell. But, for now, go to court. Did the alleged bribery with the sum of N2 billion actually change hands to bring about this attempted monumental heist and thievery? Who will dig in and inform Nigerians? Which rat will bell the cat? Only time will tell. But, for now, go to court.
As at today, Fintiri has been properly pronounced re-elected Governor of Adamawa State. For those who are dissatisfied with this, go to court. For those who enjoyed this write-up, go to court. For those who loathe what I have written, go to court. For all Nigerians, go to court. For the Judges who will sit over this election matters, go to court. Finally, for the court themselves that harbour the Judges who will hear the matters, go to court. Let us all go to court.
Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN, CON, OFR, FCIArb, LL.M, Ph.D, LL.D, D.Litt.
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Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet
Published
11 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Michael Abimboye
As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.
Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?
Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.
For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.
That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.
And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.
Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.
One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.
At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.
Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.
Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.
Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.
Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.
Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.
The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.
Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.
Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.
That matters.
In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.
Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.
In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.
Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.
And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.
Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.
A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.
Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.
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Dele Momodu: The Bridge Between Politics and the People
Published
18 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Adeoye Inioluwa
Across the Nigerian nation today, conversations have become remarkably similar. Whether in the crowded markets of Lagos, the farms of the North, the commercial centres of the East, or the towns and villages of the South-West and South-South, many Nigerians are asking the same questions. When will life become easier? When will the economy improve? When will businesses regain stability? When will citizens begin to feel safer and more secure in their daily lives?
The concerns are understandable.
The cost of living remains one of the most dominant issues confronting ordinary Nigerians. Food prices have become a source of daily anxiety for many families. Small businesses continue to struggle with rising operational costs. Young graduates face uncertainty about employment opportunities. For millions of citizens, conversations about economic indicators and policy reforms often feel distant from the realities they encounter every day.
Alongside these economic concerns are persistent security challenges. While progress may have been recorded in some areas, many communities still desire greater stability and peace. For ordinary citizens, security is not merely a policy issue. It is the ability to travel safely, conduct business confidently, and live without fear.
These realities inevitably shape the nation’s political mood.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office at a time when difficult economic decisions were already looming over the country. His administration has argued that several of its reforms are necessary steps toward long-term economic recovery and sustainability. Supporters maintain that difficult transitions are sometimes required to achieve lasting change.
However, politics rarely rewards intentions alone.
Citizens ultimately judge governments through their lived experiences. They assess leadership not only through policy announcements but through the practical impact of those policies on their everyday lives. As Nigeria gradually moves closer to another election cycle, public perception of the economy, security, and governance will inevitably influence political conversations.
This reality presents both a challenge and an opportunity for the opposition.
Among the leading opposition figures remains former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, a politician whose name has become deeply woven into Nigeria’s democratic journey. Over the years, Atiku has built a reputation as one of the country’s most enduring political figures, participating in some of the most consequential electoral contests in modern Nigerian history.
Yet the challenge before Atiku today is different from the challenge he faced in previous elections.
Recognition is not the issue. Nigerians know who Atiku Abubakar is. They are familiar with his political history, his public service record, and his positions on national issues. The real question is whether opposition politics can successfully connect with the frustrations, hopes, and aspirations of ordinary Nigerians in a way that feels genuine and convincing.
For many citizens, the next election may not simply be a contest between political parties or personalities. It may become a referendum on who best understands the realities confronting everyday Nigerians.
This is why politics must move beyond publicity.
In a period marked by economic pressure and public anxiety, voters are becoming increasingly resistant to carefully crafted political narratives that appear disconnected from their lived experiences. What they seek are leaders who understand their concerns and individuals capable of translating those concerns into meaningful political engagement.
For Atiku, this may require something more valuable than conventional image management.
It requires access to voices that understand the mood of the nation.
It requires people who can move comfortably between boardrooms and marketplaces, between policy discussions and community conversations, between political strategy and public sentiment.
It requires individuals who possess not only influence but perspective.
This is where Aare Dele Momodu enters the conversation.
Perhaps what makes Aare Momodu’s position unique is that politics was never originally his defining platform. Unlike many public figures who built their reputations entirely within political structures, Momodu’s journey was shaped through journalism, publishing, entrepreneurship, and public engagement.
For decades, he cultivated relationships across various sectors of society. Through his work in the media, he interacted with presidents, governors, business leaders, diplomats, entertainers, academics, professionals, and ordinary citizens. His network was built long before his deeper involvement in political affairs.
That distinction matters.
Because it means his influence extends beyond party structures and political loyalties. It is rooted in years of listening, observing, documenting, and engaging with people from different backgrounds and perspectives.
In many ways, Momodu represents an increasingly rare asset in contemporary politics: someone capable of understanding both elite conversations and grassroots realities.
Perhaps this explains why a man who was never primarily known as a politician now finds himself at the forefront of some of the country’s most important political conversations.
His relevance is not merely a product of political ambition. It is the result of decades spent building relationships, understanding public sentiment, and maintaining connections across different segments of Nigerian society.
As the political landscape begins to evolve ahead of 2027, such qualities may become increasingly important.
The next election will not be won solely through campaign slogans, social media strategies, or political advertising. It will be influenced by trust, credibility, and the ability to connect with citizens who are searching for answers in uncertain times.
For President Tinubu, the challenge is to convince Nigerians that current sacrifices will ultimately lead to meaningful progress.
For Atiku Abubakar and the opposition, the challenge is to persuade Nigerians that they offer a credible and compelling alternative.
And for those who operate around the corridors of political influence, the challenge is to ensure that leaders remain connected to the people whose lives are affected by every policy decision.
Nigeria’s future will not be determined by image management alone. It will be shaped by ideas, solutions, trust, and meaningful engagement with the concerns of ordinary citizens.
In a nation yearning for reassurance, leaders need more than advisers who can polish their public image. They need people who can help them hear the voices that matter most.
Those voices are not found in political echo chambers. They are found in the markets, the classrooms, the farms, the offices, and the communities where Nigerians continue to navigate the realities of everyday life while hoping for a better future.
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The Bridge Nigeria Needs: Reflections on Leadership, National Unity, and the Ati-Dele Conversation
Published
18 hours agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Anjorin Fehintola Stella
Nigeria today is a nation searching for reassurance.
Across the country, conversations increasingly revolve around familiar concerns; insecurity, economic hardship, unemployment, inflation, and the uncertainty surrounding the future. For many Nigerians, politics is no longer a distant contest among elites. It has become deeply personal, they wake up each day hoping for news that things are getting better.
Nigeria stands at a significant crossroads. The challenges before it are interconnected, Insecurity affects agriculture. Behind every headline about insecurity are real people, farmers afraid to return to their farms, traders worried about the safety of the roads, parents concerned about the future their children will inherit. Also, Economic hardship affects education and healthcare, Unemployment contributes to social instability. Weak institutions undermine public confidence.
The growing discussion around a potential partnership between Atiku Abubakar and Aare Dele Momodu offers an opportunity to reflect on the kind of leadership many Nigerians appear to be seeking in a period marked by pressure and widespread uncertainty. The conversation is therefore larger than two personalities. It is fundamentally about governance, national cohesion, credibility, and the qualities citizens increasingly expect from those who aspire to lead a complex and diverse nation.
For many observers, the Ati-Dele proposition presents an interesting answer.
Atiku Abubakar remains one of the most recognisable figures in Nigeria’s democratic history. His years in public service, particularly as Vice President, placed him at the centre of important national conversations about economic reform, governance, and development. He chaired the National Economic Council, championed the privatisation of public enterprises, and helped shape the institutional foundations of one of Nigeria’s most consequential periods of economic restructuring. His emergence as the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress for 2027, having won a primary widely described as one of the freest in recent memory, confirms that his political moment has not passed. It has arrived with renewed purpose.
Yet experience alone is rarely sufficient in a country as socially and culturally complex as Nigeria.
Leadership today requires not only the ability to formulate policy but also the ability to connect with people across regional, religious, ethnic, and generational divides. It requires bridge-builders. This is where the discussion often turns to Aare Dele Momodu.
For decades, Aare Dele Momodu has occupied a unique place in Nigerian public life and across Africa. As a journalist, publisher, entrepreneur, and public commentator, he has built relationships that extend across politics, business, traditional institutions, entertainment, civil society and youth culture. He did not inherit access, he created it. Through Ovation International, through decades of engaged storytelling, and through a personal network that spans every geopolitical zone, he has become something increasingly rare in Nigerian public life. A figure trusted across divides.
This is what made the partnership compelling. It brings together institutional experience and social reach, governance expertise and communication strength, political structure and cultural influence. Where Atiku offers the architecture of policy, Aare Dele Momodu offers the architecture of connection and in a democracy, both are essential.
The insecurity confronting the nation illustrates why this balance matters. For those directly affected, insecurity is not a policy debate. It is a daily reality of pain and fear. The same applies to the economy. Beneath every statistic are real people making difficult decisions about school fees, healthcare, transportation, housing, and survival. Citizens are not merely evaluating personalities. They are evaluating possibilities.
The bridge Nigeria needs is not merely political.
It is social. It is economic. It is cultural. It is national.
And as the country continues its search for stability, opportunity, and hope, the leaders who can help construct that bridge will continue to command the attention of a nation eager and ready to move forward.
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