Opinion
The Oracle: The NASS Cannot Amend the Constitution Through the Back Door (Pt. 3)
Published
4 years agoon
By
Eric
By Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
We conclude our discourse on Section 84(12) today.
THE SUPREMACY OF THE CONSTITUTION
I commend the landmark judgment of Justice Evelyn Anyadike, for protecting the sanctity of the Constitution – the fons et origo; the grundnorm; which I have always described as the Oba, Eze and Emir of our laws. The Constitution constitutes the birth certificate of a nation. It highlights a Nation’s sovereignty and dignity.
The supremacy of the Constitution as against all other laws and Acts is provided for in section 1(1) and 1(3). By virtue of section 1(3) thereof,
“if any other law is inconsistent with the provisions of this Constitution, this Constitution shall prevail, and that other to the extent of the inconsistency be void”.
This supremacy has been severally emphasised in a plethora of cases. In UGBOJI V. STATE (2017) LPELR-43427(SC), the Nigerian apex court, per Amiru Sanusi, JSC (Pp. 23-23, paras B-D), held thus:
“My lords, permit me to reiterate that the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, had by Section One, made provision to emphasise or assert its supremacy. By that provision, any law/statute or provisions thereof that runs riot and violent to the provisions of the Constitution or is in conflict with the constitutional provision is null and void to the extent of inconsistency. See A.G. ONDO STATE V. A.G. OF THE FEDERATION AND ORS (2002) 9 NWLR (Pt 772) 226.”
Consequently, where the provisions of the Constitution conflict with the provisions of Acts or Bills passed by the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly, the former prevail. See also the cases of OLAGBENRO & ORS V. OLAYIWOLA & ORS (2014) LPELR-22597(CA); A.G. ABIA STATE V. A.G. FEDERATION (2006) 16 NWLR (Pt. 1005) page 265 at pages 290 and 291; AINABEBHOLO V. EDO STATE UNIVERSITY WORKERS FARMERS MULTI-PURPOSE CO-OPERATIVE SOCIETY LTD. & ANR. (2007) 2 NWLR (Part 1017) page 33 at page 50, paragraph G and P, 151 paragraphs C-D.
Indeed, the apex court has held in ISHOLA V. AJIBOYE (1994) 6 NWLR (Pt 352) 506, that the Constitution is not only supreme when another law is inconsistent with it, but also when another law seeks to compete with it in an area already covered by the Constitution. This is called the doctrine of covering the field. See AG, ONDO V. AG, FEDERATION (2002) 9 NWLR (Pt 772) 222; AG, OGUN STATE V. AG, FEDERATION (1982) 1-2 SC 7; SARAKI V. FRN (2016) LPELR-40013(SC); INEC V. BALARABE MUSA (2003) 3 NWLR (Pt 806) 72; NWANGWU V. UKACHUKWU & ANOR (2000) LPELR-6913(CA).
Consequently, it is clear that section 84(12) is loudly unconstitutional, null, void, of no effect whatsoever and was dead on arrival. As dead as dodo! This is because the Electoral Act (Amendment) Act, 2022, in section 84(12) imposed fresh hurdles on the part of political appointees to contest election during their party Congresses and conventions. The section is a direct frontal attack on and confrontation with the sanctity and supremacy of the Constitution. In that respect therefore, Justice Anyadike was correct to have struck down the section.
It must also be emphasized here that the Constitution reserves the right to expressly make provisions, and such provisions are usually interpreted literally.
An Act, Bill or even courts, cannot read into, or add words to the Constitution, nor subtract from it. As a result, the golden latin maxim of EXPRESSIO UNIUS EST EXCLUSION ALTERIUS – the explicit mention of one thing is the exclusion of another – applies to the Constitution. The Constitution has expressly provided for factors that disqualify aspirants who seek to contest elections in Nigeria. See PORTS AND CARGO HANDLINGS SERVICES CO LTD & ORS V. MIGFO (NIG) LTD & ANOR (2012) LPELR-9725(SC); EHUWA V. ONDO STATE INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION & ORS (2006) LPELR-1056(SC); and, WEST AFRICAN UTILITIES METERING & SERVICES LTD V. AKWA IBOM PROPERTY AND INVESTMENTS CO LTD (2019) LPELR-47089(CA).
The NASS has no vires to add to, or subtract from same. Consequently, section 84(12) of the amended Electoral Act is patently null and void, unconstitutional, unlawful, and of no effect whatsoever. I thank Justice Evelyn Anyadike for giving it a well deserved burial through her refreshing judgment.
THE POLITICAL SPECTRE LOOMING IN THE ENTIRE AMENDED CLAUSE
NASS V. BUHARI
I have, as ever always, in this outing, tried to avoid discussing the politics of the amendment brouhaha and concentrate only on my dissertation of the law on the subject matter. Otherwise, if we were to look at the politics of it, many questions immediately spring up for answers. For example, when did we ever witness the 9th NASS oppose President Buhari’s budgets, bills, letters, actions or requests? When did the NASS ever challenge or overrule Buhari’s nepotic, prebendalistic, tribalistic, cronyistic, religious and sectionalistic appointments in the last 7 years? I cannot remember. Or, can you? When did the “Mr-take-a-bow” Senate (my pet name for the present red chamber, for never ever properly screening public appointees (always telling them to take a bow and go); and for always kowtowing to Mr President’s serial requests for humongous loans that haemorage Nigeria ever oppose Buhari? We are talking about loans that await us like booby traps and sentinels at the door steps of generations yet unborn. I cannot remember when the NASS ever opposed Buhari. Or, can you?
THE ROLE OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL IN THIS SUIT
When did the Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, ever refuse to appeal a judgement and spontaneously act the judgment with such automatic alacrity, in obeying Justice Anyadike’s order of court, as we just witnessed? Remember how court judgments and orders were serially disobeyed in the El Zakzaki and Ibrahim Dasuki cases? Would Malami have taken the same steps if the judgment had gone against him and the government? I think not.
THE ISSUE OF JOINDER
Why were the NASS (which initially passed the law), and INEC the implementor of the law not joined in the suit, at least, as INTERESTED and PROPER parties, even if not as NECESSARY parties? See GREEN VS GREEN (1987) NWLR (PT 61) 481.
VOIDANCE OR DELETION?
Why would the Attorney-General seek to delete the offensive section 84 (12) as ordered by the Judge? A court’s duty stops at voiding an Act or law; but not to delete or repeal it. That is a job for the legislature or the Law Revision Commission. When did the Attorney-General (a top player in the Executive) possess statutory powers to delete Acts of the Legislature when laws are normally gazetted by the Legislature after the President and Governor had respectively signed bills into law? One should have thought that merely voiding the Act was sufficient until future amendment of the Act and consequential deletion of the offensive section, based on the court’s judgment in striking it down.
VENUE OF THE SUIT
By the way, why was the case filed at FHC in far away Umuahia, Abia State, when the Attorney-General works and resides in Abuja; and when the NASS and INEC (interested parties) are also located in Abuja? Was it an act of forum-shopping and Judge-shopping? I do not know. Or do you?
LOCUS STANDI
On locus standi, I do not agree with those who questioned the locus standi of Chief Nduka Edede, the plaintiff. Every Nigerian has the locus standi to question the validity of any statute he believes is unconstitutional.
In the case of AKINPELU & 20 ORS. V. AG OYO STATE (1985) 5 NCLR 557, it was held as follows:
“In my view, the question of locus standi vis-à-vis our present Constitution, cannot be adequately thrashed out without considering the effect of Section 4(8) of the Constitution…. In other words, the subsection places on the court a supervisory jurisdiction over the legislative powers by the National Assembly and a House of Assembly. As any citizen is affected by a new law enacted by the legislature, it seems to me therefore that such citizens should be accorded the right to challenge the constitutionality of such enactment. In the case in hand, I accept his evidence adduced by the plaintiffs that they reside in Lagelu Local Government and that they pay rates to Lagelu Local Government Council”.
In line with this trend of thought, the court in EJEH V. AG, IMO STATE (1985) 8 NCLR 390, relied on the causa célèbre of ABRAHAM ADESANYA V. PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERATION (1981) 2 NCLR 358, and laid down three principles thus:
“ (1) It behoves any person who is convinced that there is an infraction of the provisions of the Constitution to be able to go to court and ask for appropriate relief if relief is required.
(2) A defendant should be wrong in challenging the locus standi or the capacity of a plaintiff to sue, when the cause of action is intended to keep the law and the Constitution of the country serene and inviolate.
(3) Any person whose interest, obligation or rights are regulated by any law of general application is an interested party in a cause, matter or suit involving the determination of the validity or constitutionality of such law, notwithstanding that such a person is not made a party in the proceedings”.
In the said apex case of ADESANYA (supra), celeral Justice Kayode Eso, JSC (of blessed memory) had held, most lucidly that:
“It has to be accepted that our Constitution has undisguisedly put the Judiciary in a pre-eminent position, a position unknown to any other Constitution under the Common Law, where the Judiciary has to see to the correct exercise of the legislative powers by the National Assembly”.
There are too many questions begging for answers in the way and manner the amendment was handled.
WAY OUT OF THE APPARENT CONUNDRUM
To avoid the present confusion and apparent bad blood generated by the protagonists and antagonists of section 84(12), the following steps could be taken immediately:
Firstly, the NASS should, in its ongoing Constitutional amendment exercise, amend section 66(1)(f) of the Constitution, to specifically include the following category of persons: “all political appointees by whatever name called” ,as persons who must give 30 days notice to be able to contest election.
Secondly, the NASS itself, political parties, politicians, lawyers, NGOs, members of the Civil Society and all those who are aggrieved by Justice Evelyn Anyadike’s judgment, should apply to the Court of Appeal for joinder in the suit as interested parties to force an appeal, or prosecute any appeal arising therefrom. This is legally permissible under the Constitution (section 243 of the party sought to be joined can show that he ought to have been joined in the suit. Court of Appeal Act and Rules. See the cases of MUDASIRU & ORS. V. ONYEARU & ORS. (2013) LPELR- 20354 (CA); KATAMI V. KATAMI (2018) LPELR- 46417 (CA); MOUKARI & ANOR V. WILLIAM & ORS (2021) LPELR-54860 (CA); IN: RE ELEMA (2018) LPELR- 46233 (CA); WAZIRI V. GUMEL (2012) LPELR-2843 (SC). I believe such an application will be granted without much ado. Thirdly, where the Attorney-General willfully refuses to appeal the judgment, such aggrieved persons can challenge the deletion of section 84(12) in a fresh suit. Let us develop our jurisprudence. Let us expand new vistas and expound the frontiers of the law through judicial decisions. Let us situate our arguments within the proper legal regime and constitutional organogram of our laws, devoid of political sentiments, emotions and morality. There is a wide gulf between the “lex lata” (the law as it is) and the “delege ferenda” (the law as we would want it to be). I have observed that many analysts usually anchor their arguments on morals and ethics. Jurisprudence and law are not morality. Such moralists are advised to seek refuge at the pulpits in our churches, monasteries; or mosques; or even shrines. But, certainly not hard-cold law. (Concluded).
FUN TIMES
“A man mistakenly told his wife, Adam didn’t pay bride price for Eve. She pointed out that God was Eve’s dad and HE took ribs”.- Anonymous.
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“Justice in the life and conduct of the State is possible only as first it resides in the hearts and souls of the citizens”. (Plato).
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By Eric Elezuo
Anybody that knows what Barr Nyesom Wike, who is now the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) stood for prior to the events leading to the 2023 General Elections would be highly shocked, surprised or even disappointed at the trend of events in Rivers State, which boldly has the signature of the former and immediate past governor on it.
To the political watchers, observers and practitioners alike, Wike has been an epitome of deliver good governance, shine as much as you can when it’s your turn, and bow out respectfully when you conclude your tenure, leaving your successor, irrespective of the part you played in his emergence, to perform as he could without interference. But that notion seems to have exited through the backdoor since Wike’s political godson, Siminalayi Fubara, became governor of Rivers State on May 29, 2023.
Though feelers of high handedness or excessive demand of state’s resources against Fubara by Wike has not been officially confirmed, the fact that is starring everyone in the face has remained the governor’s inability to perform maximally as a result of Wike breathing uncomfortably down his neck, and using the instrumentality of the state House of Assembly, which is unequivocally loyal to him, making it difficult to further address the House as Rivers House of Assembly
From reports, the travails of Fubara in the hands of Wike and his House of Assembly dated back to the period around August 2023, barely three months into the administration. Events suggested that Fubara was choking under Wike’s stranglehold, and attempted a self-rescue. It backfired as Wike came after him with the full strength of his controlled-Assembly, and then the full federal might.
In a nutshell, the Assembly has on three occasions attempted to impeach Fubara with the third right now domiciled with the judiciary amid court injunctions.
What is more tiring in the renewed fights between Fubara and Wike-House of Assembly, lies in the fact that both the governor and members of the Assembly, who are giving voice to Wike’s songs, just came back from a six-month suspension occasioned by President Bola Tinubu’s State of Emergency declaration.
One would have thought that lasting peace has arrived even as all the state political institutions including the executive and legislative arms have joined the All Progressives Congress (APC), but the reverse seems to be the case. The House of Assembly has invoked Section 188 of the Nigerian Constitution to begin an impeachment proceedings against the governor. They accused him of Gross Misconduct, spread into eight grievous crimes.
But much as the House of Assembly is speaking through the Speaker, Martin Amaewhule, the real voice being heard by Nigerians is the voice of Wike, who controls almost all elected officers in the state.
Rivers State revel in the reputation of being the treasure of the nation, yet in close to three years, no meaningful development has been witnessed as a result of squabbles and skirmishes between the executive and the legislature with Wike in the driver’s seat.
At a time in his history, Wike denounced and condemned godfatherism in politics. It is sad that he is the one playing the intimidation card today after all he has been through in his political life, and all he has confessed with his month.
While it is imperative that Fubara should acknowledge his political godfather, Wike should understand that he has played his part in Rivers State, and is obligated to allow Fubara play his, or wait for the next election to mobilise to vote him out. But the fact from all indication says the bone of contest is on political agreement more than constitutional infraction. And that renders the whole process more shameful.
The pride of Rivers State, not those of individuals, is at stake, and needs to be salvaged. Wike should shealth his sword, and let peace reign.
The House of Assembly belongs to Rivers people, and not Wike.
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Opinion
Re-engineering the Mind: A Pathway to Freedom for Peoples, Corporates and Nations
Published
5 days agoon
January 17, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke PhD
“The most formidable borders we must cross are not geographic, but cognitive. True sovereignty—for peoples, corporates, or nations—begins with the courageous act of dismantling the internal architectures of limitation and rebuilding with the materials of our own authentic possibilities.” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD
We live in a world shaped by history, yet our future is not predetermined by it. One of the most profound challenges facing individuals, corporations, and nations, particularly in contexts like Nigeria and Africa—is the legacy of mental colonialism. This isn’t merely a historical discussion; it’s about the unconscious frameworks that continue to dictate how we think, what we value, and what we believe is possible. Decolonizing oneself from this “mental slavery” is the essential first step toward delivering genuine, self-determined possibilities. This process requires honesty, courage, and a deliberate reclamation of thought.
Understanding the Invisible Chains
Mental slavery is the internalization of a worldview where the former colonizer’s culture, systems, and standards are seen as inherently superior, universal, and the sole benchmark for progress. It manifests in subtle ways: the devaluation of local languages and knowledge, the preference for foreign goods and credentials over local ones, and the persistent narrative that real solutions must always come from outside. This mindset creates a ceiling on imagination, fostering dependency and a crippling doubt in one’s own innate capacity to innovate and lead.
The Personal Journey: Reclaiming Your Inner Narrative
For the individual, decolonization is a deeply personal journey of unlearning and rediscovery. It starts with critical self-reflection.
- Questioning Knowledge: It asks, “Whose history am I learning? Whose definition of beauty, success, and intelligence have I accepted?” It involves actively seeking out and valuing indigenous philosophies, like the Ubuntu concept of “I am because we are,” not as folklore but as viable, sophisticated frameworks for living.
- Redefining Value: It means measuring personal success not only by proximity to Western lifestyles but by contributions to community, by cultural continuity, and by personal integrity aligned with one’s own roots.
- Language as Liberation: It recognizes the power of language to shape reality. Embracing one’s mother tongue in thought and creative expression becomes an act of resistance and a reconnection to a distinct way of seeing the world.
The Corporate Transformation: From Extraction to Ecosystem
Businesses and organizations are often perfect mirrors of colonial logic, built on hierarchical control, resource extraction, and the standardization of Western corporate models. Decolonizing the corporate sphere requires a fundamental shift in purpose and practice.
- Beyond Exploitation: It moves from a model that extracts value (from people, communities, and the environment) for distant shareholders to one that generates and circulates value within local ecosystems. It prioritizes regenerative practices and community equity.
- Innovation from Within: It rejects the mere copying of foreign business playbooks. Instead, it looks inward, developing uniquely African management styles, products, and solutions that respond to local realities, needs, and social structures. It sees the informal sector not as a problem, but as a reservoir of resilience and ingenuity.
- Partnership Over Paternalism: It abandons the “savior” complex—the idea that development is “delivered” from the outside. A decolonized corporate entity positions itself as a humble partner, listening to and amplifying local agency and existing expertise.
The National Project: Reimagining Governance and Identity
For nation-states like Nigeria, the legacy is etched into the very architecture of the state: borders that divide ethnic groups, economies structured for export of raw materials, and educational systems that glorify foreign histories.
- Institutional Reformation: True decolonization necessitates the courageous reform of institutions. This means auditing legal systems, constitutions, and national curricula to root out colonial biases and integrate indigenous knowledge and juridical principles.
- Economic Sovereignty: It demands a strategic, deliberate reduction of dependency. This involves prioritizing regional trade (like the African Continental Free Trade Area), adding value to natural resources locally, and investing in home-grown technology and manufacturing. It is a pivot from being a primary commodity exporter in a global system designed by others to being an architect of one’s own economic destiny.
- Cultural Agency: On the global stage, a decolonized nation defines itself. It conducts diplomacy based on its own historical experiences and philosophical foundations, not merely by aligning with blocs formed by colonial histories. It tells its own stories, controlling its narrative.
Nigeria and Africa: The Crucible of Challenge and Promise
Africa, with Nigeria as its most populous nation, is the undeniable focal point of this global conversation. The continent’s challenges are real, but they are too often diagnosed through the very colonial lens that contributed to them. Nigeria’s specific struggle—to forge a cohesive national identity from its stunning diversity, to manage resource wealth for the benefit of all, and to overcome governance failures—is a direct engagement with its colonial past.
The “African Renaissance” envisioned in frameworks like Agenda 2063 is, at its heart, a decolonial project. It seeks an Africa integrated by its own people’s design, powered by its own intellectual and cultural capital, and speaking to the world with confidence and authority.
A Universal Call: Why the Wider World Must Engage
This is not a project for the formerly colonized alone. The wider world, including former colonial powers and global institutions, has a responsibility to engage.
- Acknowledgment and Equity: It begins with a sincere acknowledgment of historical injustices and their modern-day economic and political echoes. It requires moving from a paradigm of charity and aid to one of justice, fair trade, and equitable partnership.
- Enriching Humanity: Ultimately, decolonizing the mind enriches all of humanity. It frees everyone from the limitations of a single, dominant story about progress and human achievement. It opens the door to a world where multiple ways of knowing, being, and creating can coexist and cross-pollinate, leading to more resilient and innovative global solutions.
Conclusion: The Freedom to Imagine Anew
In this moment of global reckoning and transformation, the work of mental decolonization is not a luxury; it is an urgent necessity. It is the hard, internal work that must precede lasting external change. For the individual, it delivers the profound possibility of wholeness. For the corporation, it unlocks sustainable innovation and authentic purpose. For nations like Nigeria and for the African continent, it is the non-negotiable foundation for true sovereignty and transformational progress.
The ultimate deliverable is freedom—the freedom to imagine a future unbounded by the past, and the agency to build it.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke is a Distinguished Ambassador For World Peace (AMBP-UN); Nigeria @65 Leaders of Distinction (2025); Recipient, Nigerian Role Models Award (2024); African Leadership Par Excellence Award (2024).
He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
Dele Momodu’s Arrival: Day ADC Became Heavier
Published
6 days agoon
January 16, 2026By
Eric
By Dr. Sani S a’idu Baba
What does loyalty mean to you in friendships, family, or work? To me, loyalty is staying true, honest and supportive even when it’s hard. That truth defines my relationship with Chief Dele Momodu, whom I more often refer to as the pride of Africa. My loyalty to him is non-negotiable. It is not seasonal, transactional, or driven by convenience. It is rooted in conviction. So, the moment he collected his membership card of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) in his hometown of Ihievbe, Owan East, Edo State, I did the same in Kano. In that instant, distance dissolved, and purpose aligned. What happened yesterday was not just a decamping; it was a declaration. A declaration that the long, hard road to Rescue, Recover and Reset Nigeria has gained one of its most formidable travellers.
This is indeed a remarkable day for the ADC. While many defections into political parties come and go with the tides of ambition, Dele Momodu’s entry stands apart, loud in meaning, deep in symbolism, and heavy with consequence. For the ADC, this is not merely the acquisition of a new member; it is the embrace of a movement-builder, a conscience-keeper, and a bridge across Nigeria’s fractured divides, and these qualities are evident in his record.
First, Dele Momodu’s political pedigree is rare and refreshing. In an environment where political loyalty often bends toward power, he has never been part of the ruling party throughout his entire political life. This is not stubbornness; it is principle. It means he understands opposition not as noise-making, but as nation-guarding. He knows how to put governments on their toes firmly, intelligently, and fearlessly. The ADC has gained a man perfectly schooled in democratic vigilance, one who knows that true progress is sharpened by principled opposition.
Second, the ADC has gained a tested pro-democracy fighter in Dele Momodu. He paid a personal price during the military era for resisting dictatorship and standing firmly for democratic rule in the Third Republic. That history of sacrifice now translates into a major advantage for the ADC: a leader with the moral authority, experience, and courage to constitutionally, peacefully and intellectually confront the growing threat of a one-party state and one-man dictatorship. With Dele Momodu in its fold, the ADC is better equipped to defend democracy and lead the national effort to recover Nigeria from authoritarian drift.
Third, he is widely recognized as one of the most principled and loyal politicians Nigeria has produced. When Dele Momodu commits, he commits fully. No half-measures. No double games. No conditional loyalty. If he belongs to a party, he supports it wholeheartedly and unconditionally. For the ADC, this is priceless. In a time when political parties struggle with internal contradictions and wavering allegiances, here is a man whose word is his bond and whose presence strengthens internal cohesion.
Fourth, the ADC has attracted not just a member, but a truth-teller. Dele Momodu derives pleasure in saying the truth as it is, without varnish, without fear, without apology. Parties rise or fall not only by their slogans but by their capacity for honest self-examination. With Momodu in the ADC, the party gains its greatest advisor and most reliable mirror. He will celebrate what is right, challenge what is wrong, and insist on moral clarity. This is how serious political institutions are built.
Fifth, Dele Momodu is a magnet. He attracts highly responsible, competent, and patriotic Nigerians from every corner of the country. Many see him as a part-time and independent politician, one whose ultimate allegiance is not to party symbols but to Nigeria’s soul. That perception is powerful. It means that wherever he goes, Nigerians are ready to follow, to join, and to support. By welcoming him, the ADC has sent a clear signal to the nation: this is a home for credibility, courage, and Nigeria first politics.
Wherever Dele Momodu goes, Nigerians at home and in the diaspora admire him effortlessly. He never gets tired of engaging, mentoring, inspiring, and mobilising. Without any noise, he becomes a vehicle of mass mobilisation. With him, the ADC’s message will travel farther than billboards, deeper than rallies, and faster than propaganda. This is influence earned through decades of credibility, not imposed.
I speak from experience. I was the North-West Coordinator of the Dele Momodu Movement in 2022 when he contested the presidential primaries under the PDP. I later served as his agent at the primaries held at the Moshood Abiola Stadium, Abuja, on May 28, 2022. I went round with him all over Nigeria, and from that experience, I came to truly understand the perception of the ordinary Nigerian about the extraordinary pedigree of Dele Momodu, how people see him as consistent, authentic, accessible, and genuinely committed to Nigeria’s progress.
Sixth, the ADC has attracted a great promise-keeper in Dele Momodu. Let me back this claim with facts. I was among those who accompanied him to the screening before the PDP presidential primaries. When he came out and journalists asked him questions, his response was characteristically clear and sincere: it is totally about Nigeria, nothing personal. He went further to announce the promise he took during the screening, that he would support whoever emerged as the party’s candidate to victory, and he kept that promise. As great globetrotter that he is, no one can easily recall when last Dele Momodu stayed in Nigeria for months, working assiduously for the success of his party and its candidate, His Excellency Atiku Abubakar. While many others who took the same promise were busy throwing tantrums, he was on the field, mobilising, advocating, and delivering. That was a promise kept.
But beyond politics lies the most compelling asset Dele Momodu brings to the ADC: his story. The turbulent but triumphant journey of his life can draw tears not only from the over 140 million Nigerians living in extreme poverty today, but from anyone who understands struggle. It is a story that melts hearts across class, age, and geography. Relatable. Poignant. Edifying. It speaks directly to the Nigerian who feels forgotten by birth or battered by circumstance. It tells you that you may be a rejected stone today, penniless, down and out but you can become a chief cornerstone tomorrow. Not by cutting corners, but by patience, consistency, building networks of influence, embracing hard work, and staying faithful to your dream. Perhaps this is why Dele Momodu is arguably the Nigerian mentor with the highest number of mentees across every nook and cranny of this country, myself included. His mentorship culture is organic, generous, and transformational. He opens doors, builds people, and multiplies hope. For the ADC, this is a strategic advantage that cannot be overstated. A party that attracts Dele Momodu automatically attracts thousands of thinkers, professionals, youths, and patriots he has inspired over decades.
Dele Momodu is in a class of his own. Naturally unique. Authentically Nigerian. Globally respected and travels road less travel. His life proves that greatness can rise from adversity, and leadership can be forged without bitterness. With his entry into the ADC, the party has not just caught a “big fish”; it has netted a tide-changer. Yesterday, in Ihiebve, history was made. From Edo to Kano, from the grassroots to the global stage, a new chapter has begun. The ADC is no longer just preparing for the future, it is recruiting it. And with Dele Momodu on board, the mission to Rescue, Recover and Reset Nigeria has found one of its strongest voices and most trusted hands.
The journey ahead is demanding. But with men of principle, truth and influence like Chief Dele Momodu, the ADC is no longer asking Nigerians to believe. It is giving them a reason to.
Dr Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com
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