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Tinubu Shares Ideas On How To Tackle COVID-19
Published
6 years agoon
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By Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu
POLICY BACKGROUND
The coronavirus has changed the modern world with a velocity un-foretold. To protect their populations, nations have taken unprecedented steps in closing down cities, halting socio-economic activities and quarantining vast numbers of people.
Given the lethality of the disease, the public health measures have been prudential. If such action were not taken, the toll of this pandemic might rival the 1958 Asian Flu which took over 1 million people or, worse, the 1918 Spanish Flu where an estimated 50 million people passed away.
While the public health measures may save lives, their economic consequences have been brutal enough to place large numbers of people in a different form of jeopardy. We face a trade-off between certain pandemic and possible widespread depravation. Having to make this dismal trade-off between a currently incurable sickness and significant economic contraction is a dilemma no nation wishes to face. However, it is the one upon us.
The Nigerian government acted wisely to suppress the virus. Our health system and medical facilities simply cannot cope with legions of cases. The capacity and aptitude of government are more suited to dealing with the economic fallout of the public health restrictions than in dealing with the medical complexities of a contagion no one fully understands.
The economic pain suffered by the private sector can be counterbalanced by government fiscal and monetary policies that stimulate the flagging economy. We dare not underestimate the twin dangers posed by the virus itself and the economic consequences of the public health response. Our goal must be that the people live neither with disease nor in hunger. This situation presents a historic chance to establish a more beneficial social contract between government and the governed. If we so utilize thismoment, it will be recorded as a pivotal one in our national history. If we allow this moment to slip, history will not be obliged to treat us with great mercy.
THE ECONOMIC SITUATION
To stop the viral spread, the world has gone into self-induced economic contraction. Most recessions have their roots in crisis born first in the financial sector. We should sound an even louder alarm when contraction befalls the financial sector and real economy at the same time. When both experience steep downturn simultaneously, there exists the true danger of descending into something worse than recession.
The global economy has turned against us. Oil prices have steeply fallen. The price may rebound but not nearly enough to return to customary levels. The resultant revenue loss impairs the naira exchange rate. In general, the price of imports per unit has become dearer. Thus, wise policy suggests limiting our imports during this emergency in order to save hard currency and protect the exchange rate.
Nigeria’s private-sector economy can be divided into three broad sectors: 1) Agriculture, 2) Service and 3) Industry. Each sector has been affected by this crisis but with different degrees of severity and, in some instances, in entirely different ways.
Most Nigerians are engaged in low-level agricultural production in rural areas. Thus far, the coronavirus is mostly in urban areas and not in rural communities. Because of their relative isolation and the nature of their work, most farmers can continue their vocation. This means the supply of domestically produced food staples should not materially fall. With the reduction in imports, demand for their crops should accordingly rise. Unfortunately, that increased demand cannot translate into actual sales because of the drop in aggregate income suffered by the urban population. This loss of demand, coupled with restrictions on movement and on public marketplace hours, creates great uncertainty for farmers.The uncertainty means farmers and consumers cannot engage in adequate and rational price discovery. The cost of the same item may vary significantly from one location to another. Additionally, farmers engaged in non-food crop production will suffer much greater uncertainty as well as greater lost demand for their products than those who cultivate staple foods.
The farmer is burdened with too much uncertainty for any good to come of it. Government can do a lot to diminish the uncertainty by assuring farmers a minimum price for select staples. This can be done through reestablishment of commodity boards. See Recommendation 3 below for more detail.
The urban work force is mostly engaged in the service sector with aminority of workers involved in industrial manufacturing. Much of the urban labor force has been made idle. Hiring of services such as hair care, taxi driving, artisanal crafts, tailoring, etc., will be substantially deferred at this moment. These people work in businesses that are mostly small and medium-sized. The firms do not have ample cash reserves nor can they borrow funds given the high interest rates.
Unemployment has quickly skyrocketed to levels only witnessed in economic depressions. Many families have no money at all. Otherfamilies have very little money, perhaps enough to last a few more days. Yet, real life is not some abstract economics book where a person can immediately adjust his demand for goods strictly correspond with his supply of money. Despite the paucity of money, demand for life’s essentials cannot fall below the minimum required to survive. The money-less family still needs food, water, shelter and, to a lesser degree, utilities. In a compassionate society, they should not be made to do without.
Most families need relief. If relief is not forthcoming, these families risk hunger and its attendant suffering and woes.
SITUATION WITH BUSINESSES
Most businesses are small, service-sector oriented ones that have beenroughly battered by the crisis. Without relief, many of these small businesses will permanently close even when things begin their return to normal.
The financial sector too has suffered. Foreign investment has shrunk as has domestic borrowing. Large businesses also struggle because aggregate demand for their products and services has fallen. Yet, help to banks and large business is relatively simple. Such aid can be rapidly provided by the CBN. The CBN can lend large amounts of virtually non interest loans to these firms with the proviso that the companies maintain their existing payrolls.
If we must hold to the restrictive public health measures, the people will need economic relief. Activating Trader-moni and other programs will help many small-scale traders but not the average wage earner who just lost his job. Resort to the strategic grain reserves will blunt hunger but the finite reserve cannot cover all who are in danger. If we do not take additional steps to stimulate the economy and answer the demand for food, we risk a deep economic contraction that will prove difficult to cure. The worst of this dark potential can be avoided if government is prepared to act in ways that not only feeds people but protects the basic contours of our private-sector economy so that it can more quickly revive once normal conditions return.
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
Recessionary forces outweigh inflationary ones at this time. The agricultural sector mostly intact but hurt in part. The service and manufacturing sectors have been weakened and urban employment severely battered. The economy will suffer palpable contraction unless government enacts countervailing measures.
1. SUSPEND/AMEND 5 PERCENT DEFICIT LIMIT OF THE FISCAL RESPONSIBILITY LAW.
The Fiscal Responsibility Act prohibits fiscal deficit of more than 5 percent of GDP. This provision was fashioned after the Maastricht Treaty governing membership in the Eurozone. Eurozone members never honoured the deficit ceiling even in normal times; it was too impracticable and deflationary to abide. Given the exigencies of the current moment, the Eurozone has completely ignored the Maastricht limits.
The fiscal responsibility limit, while perhaps well intentioned, is, to say the least, inapt for a nation in our economic situation. The provision is based on two inaccurate assumptions.
The first myth is the belief that national government fiscal deficits are always harmful. The second is that economic conditions will always be “normal” even for the long-term.
Deficits run by a national government in its own currency are part of modern governance. The United Kingdom has run a continuous, ever-growing deficit since 1694. It is not the worst for it. Running that deficit wisely was instrumental in turning the island kingdom into the pre-eminent world empire. For 90 percent of its existence, the US has run annual deficits. During this extraordinary time we face, both the UK and U.S. will record the largest yearly deficits in their histories. China and India follow suit by implementing unprecedented stimulus packages.
A government deficit serves to enrich the private sector. A deficit means government spends more than it takes in. That extra amount goes to the private sector. As such, national government deficits boost private sector growth and activity. The only legitimate concern with deficit spending is inflation. However, in the present case, the threat we face is more recessionary than inflationary. A bit of inflation is the cost we should be prepared to pay to avert severe contraction.
Second, the efficacy of the law unduly hinges on the long-term clairvoyance of the legislature that wrote it and on the questionable soundness of the assumption that times will always be normal. No fiscal legislation can predict the future in perpetuity. The best fiscal rules provide sufficient leeway for future leaders to respond to the conditions of the day. Since the Fiscal Responsibility Act was first passed in 2007, Nigeria has already experienced three abnormal periods. The 2009 financial and banking crisis heavily affected us. The 2015-16 oil price recession heavily affected us. The present crisis is now heavily affecting us.
In normal times, the provision constitutes a handcuff on the federal government’s ability to stimulate economic growth. In the current situation, the provision is a mean straitjacket blocking the federal government from taking the steps required to salvage the economy at a time when only the federal government can do so.
The best step would be to suspend the 5 percent budgetary limit for this fiscal year. Alternatively, the limit should be raised to 25-30 percent to allow the federal government more room to make the minimum expenditures necessary to save the economy and the people.
2. EMERGENCY SUSTENANCE PAYMENTS
With the fiscal latitude provided by lifting the budgetary limit, government can render emergency sustenance relief to most Nigerian households, especially the recently unemployed, via cash payments.
This will blunt hunger, maintain aggregate demand in the domestic economy and help sustain private-sector markets to the extent possible. Directed towards needy and modest households, such expenditure mustbe heavily weighted to local produce, not to imports. This will help mute inflation.
Such payments can be done in either one or in a combination of three ways. First, we can designate a stipend for every household. The amount should be enough to pay for the monthly needs of an “average” household for food and other basics. While this may somewhat penalize larger families, perfection cannot be had at this time. Second, the stipends could be given as a form of emergency unemployment insurance to those who can prove they were relieved of employment due to the crisis. This would be more targeted at the actual victims of the crisis but harder to administer. This stipend would also have to be extended to owners of small and medium- sized businesses.
Third, we could render some form of payroll support to companies and businesses that seek to retain workers albeit they may not be fully employed. The stipend could help companies stay in operation while maintaining workers on their payroll. By maintaining workers, the company can more swiftly return to full operation when normalcy returns.
Payment of these stipends will require hiring additional government workers to augment the existing bureaucracies to implement this program. This administrative requirement will help boost employment and aggregate consumer demand.
Payments can be made quickly by using the BVNs of prospective recipients to make direct deposits into individual bank accounts. This will encourage those without bank accounts to establish such accounts. This process will bring millions of people into formal banking. It will also be safer and not lead to the types of violence and crime that might follow physical cash transfers.
3. AGRICULTURAL MARKET AND COMMODITY BOARDS
The agricultural sector is perhaps the least affected by this crisis. This is fortunate as it is the most important tool in mitigating the threat of widespread hunger. Yet the agricultural sector is still beset by uncertainty over prices and supply.
To maintain adequate supply of food and ensure price stability, government should re-establish commodity boards for strategically important crops. These boards will specify a guaranteed minimum-maximum price range for these crops in order to maintain and stabilize farm incomes as well as consumer prices.
4. FARM TO MARKET FACILITATION
In addition to the work of the boards, the government and the boardsmust take additional action to improve the transportation of goods from farm to market. Constructing new storage facilities in major urban centres will help maintain supply, keep prices lower and also provided employment for those constructing and maintaining the storage berths.
5. IMPORT SUPPRESSION
At this time, imports generally hurt the economy because they siphon much needed hard currency. It is imperative that we drive down our level of imports. The sole exceptions to this rule are medicine, essential raw materials and vital products such as petrol imports that we do not produce in sufficient quantities. On some essentials, we may even lower taxes and tariffs.
All other imports should be strictly discouraged through a mixture of policy measures including luxury taxes, higher tariffs and higher import processing fees due to the partial closure of ports of entry due to the coronavirus.
6. MAINTAIN AND EXPAND SCHOOL FEEDING PROGRAMS
Even with schools closed to classroom instruction, we should continue the school feeding program at participant schools. But we must also do more. The program must move beyond its pilot status by expanding it to as many schools in as many states as we can, consistent with applicable public health measures. By expanding this program, we help feed our most vulnerable children while creating extra jobs and bolstering food production and farm incomes.
7. DIPLOMATIC PUSH FOR DEBT RELIEF
African Finance and Foreign Ministers should join a coordinated effort for debt forgiveness, a “Debt Jubilee.” Alternatively, the World Bank and other DFIs should agree to a wholesale rollover of the debt of African nations by reducing the interest rate burden of African nations by at least one half.
8. FINANCIAL SECTOR MEASURES
The CBN should lower interest rates to single digits. This may spur some private sector and will lower the charge on government deficit spending.
To ensure the health of commercial banks, the CBN should give liberal access to its discount window at a virtual zero interest rate policy. To assist large businesses maintain operations and their payrolls, the CBN can give conditional interest free loans. Conditions could include firms maintaining their work force and even hiring an extra 10 percent for 2-3 months but at more reduced wage. These additional workers should be youth hired under a temporary internship or training program.
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Israeli Ambassador Accuses Iran of Spreading Terror, Sponsoring Extremist Activities in Nigeria
Published
4 days agoon
March 6, 2026By
Eric
Israeli Ambassador to Nigeria, Michael Freeman, has accused Iran of sponsoring extremist activities in Nigeria and other parts of the world, alleging that Tehran supports groups aimed at destabilising countries while pursuing its hostility against Israel.
Freeman made the remarks on Friday while speaking during an interview on The Morning Show on Arise News.
The envoy claimed that Iran is the only country within the United Nations that openly expresses a desire to destroy another sovereign state, referring to repeated threats against Israel.
According to him, the Iranian government has, over several decades, supported militant groups and terror organisations around the world in pursuit of that objective.
Freeman alleged that Iran has backed groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah, adding that Tehran was also behind the October 7 attack carried out by Hamas against Israel.
He further claimed that Iranian activities aimed at spreading instability have been observed across several regions, including Europe, Australia, and parts of Africa.
Speaking specifically about Nigeria, the Israeli ambassador alleged that the Islamic Movement of Nigeria receives backing from the Iranian government.
According to Freeman, statements of support from Iran’s leadership, including posts by Ali Khamenei on social media, have openly indicated such ties.
He said: “The issue here is about Iran. Iran is the only country in the world, in the United Nations, who expressly desires to wipe another country off the face of the earth. Iran has stated its very policy is to destroy Israel. Is to wipe Israel off the map is to make sure they kill every single person and no regime, no country that has an express desire to destroy Israel, and it’s not only an expressed desire.
“We’ve seen over 47 years, they’ve taken all the actions they can in order for that to happen. We’ve seen them sponsor terror organizations. They were behind October the seventh massacre of Hamas. We’ve seen them sponsoring Hezbollah. We’ve seen them acting in Europe. We’ve seen them acting in Australia. We’ve seen them acting in Nigeria.
“We’ve seen these people acting all across the world in order to spread disturbance for them to try and carry out their aim of destroying Israel, and Israel will not allow another country to have nuclear weapons when they’ve expressly stated they want those weapons to destroy Israel”.
“I think that it is well documented. We know that there are certain movements, for example, the Islamic movement of Nigeria is sponsored and is backed by the Iranian regime. This is not me saying this, we’ve seen that documented by the Iranian regime.
The Supreme Leader posted on X his support and his backing there. So that’s very open. And there are other areas as well that Iran is working for, destabilizing, not only Nigeria, but all of West Africa.”
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Why Nigerians Must Reject INEC’s Revised Timetable – ADC
Published
1 week agoon
February 28, 2026By
Eric
By Eric Elezuo
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), during the week, released a fresh elections timetable, with major amendments to accommodate the just passed and signed Electoral Act 2026 by the National Assembly and President Bola Tinubu respectively.
Following the repeal of the Electoral Act, 2022 and the enactment of the Electoral Act, 2026, which introduced adjustments to statutory timelines governing pre-election and electoral activities, the Commission has reviewed and realigned the Schedule to ensure full compliance with the new legal framework.
Accordingly, the Commission has resolved as follows:
- Presidential and National Assembly Elections will now hold on Saturday, 16th January 2027 as against the earlier stated February 20, 2027
- Governorship and State Houses of Assembly Elections will now hold on Saturday, 6th February 2027 as against the former date of March 6, 2027
Also in accordance with the approved Schedule of Activities, the electoral bidy noted in the revised timetable that:
Conduct of Party Primaries, including resolution of disputes arising from primaries, will commence on 23rd April 2026 and end on 30th May 2026.
Presidential and National Assembly campaigns will commence on 19th August 2026.
Governorship and State Houses of Assembly campaigns will commence on 9th September 2026.
As provided by law, campaigns shall end 24 hours before Election Day. Political parties are strongly advised to adhere strictly to these timelines. The Commission will enforce compliance with the law.
But in a swift reaction, the opposition coalition, African Democratic Congress (ADC), rejected the revised 2026–2027 general election timetable, describing it as a politically biased schedule designed to favour the re-election agenda of President Bola Tinubu, and calling on all Nigerians to speak up enmasse to reject the revised timetable.
The ADC, in a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, on Friday argued that the new deadlines and compliance requirements under the Electoral Act 2026 create near-impossible hurdles for opposition parties seeking to field candidates.
On February 13, INEC initially scheduled the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections for February 20, 2027, while the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections were fixed for March 6, 2027.
The timetable, however, faced objections from some Muslim stakeholders who noted that the dates coincided with the 2027 Ramadan period.
Following the concerns, the National Assembly amended Clause 28 of the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, reducing the required election notice period from 360 to 300 days, allowing INEC to adjust the election dates.
Subsequently, INEC released a revised schedule on Thursday, signed by its Chairman, Joash Amupitan, moving the Presidential and National Assembly elections to January 16, 2027, and the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections to February 6, 2027.
Reacting, the ADC said the requirement that political parties submit a comprehensive digital membership register by April 2, 2026, effectively bars opposition parties from participating.
The party stated: “The African Democratic Congress rejects the updated 2026–2027 electoral timetable released by the Independent National Electoral Commission. What has been presented as a routine administrative schedule of the upcoming general elections is, in fact, a political instrument carefully structured to narrow democratic space and strengthen the incumbent administration ahead of the 2027 general elections.
“According to the timetable, party primaries are to be conducted between April 23 and May 30, 2026, just 55 to 92 days from today. However, more significant is that, pursuant to Section 77(4) of the Electoral Act 2026, political parties are required to submit their digital membership registers to INEC not later than April 2, 2026.
“That is only about 34 days away. Section 77(7) further provides that any party that fails to submit its membership register within the stipulated time shall not be eligible to field a candidate. These are not routine administrative rules but are deliberately constructed barriers designed to exclude the opposition from participating in the election.”
The party further noted that Section 77(2) of the Electoral Act 2026 requires the digital register of members to contain name, sex, date of birth, address, state, local government, ward, polling unit, National Identification Number (NIN) and photograph in both hard and soft copies, while Section 77(6) prohibits the use of any pre-existing register that does not contain the specified information. It warned that failure to meet these requirements would lead to disqualification.
The ADC questioned the fairness of the digital membership requirement, noting that the ruling All Progressives Congress began its registration process in February 2025, long before the requirement became mandatory.
“It is not a product of foresight but insider advantage. They knew what was coming. They therefore had one full year to carry out an exercise that other political parties are expected to complete in one month, during which they must collect, process, collate and transmit large volumes of digital data to INEC under the threat of exclusion. This is practically impossible.
“Democratic competition is based on a level playing field that does not give any contestant an undue advantage. A system where one party exploits incumbency to gain a one-year head start on a requirement that other parties only became aware of when it was nearly too late is a rigged system.”
The ADC said it has joined other opposition parties in rejecting the Electoral Act 2026, adding that the INEC timetable is equally rejected as it appears designed to serve what it described as a self-succession agenda.
“Let it be clear that ADC will not take any action that appears to confer legitimacy on a fraudulent system. We are reviewing our options and will make our position known in the coming days,” the party said.
The party also called on civil society organisations, democratic stakeholders and Nigerians to scrutinise the timetable and demand fairness, stressing that democracy cannot survive when electoral rules are structured to produce predetermined outcomes.
The party has consistently accused the Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) of scheming to silence the opposition as the 2027 General Elections draw closer, citing his manipulation of state governors and Assembly members from jumping ship, and settling with the ruling party.
Presently, the president’s party has a total of 31 out of 36 states governors, more than majority of the national and states Houses of Assembly.
A frontline publisher and chieftain of the ADC, Chief Dele Momodu, has warned that Tinubu is gradually transforming into full-blown dictatorship, stressing that his second term in office would turn state governors into ‘total slaves’.
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Second Term for Tinubu Will Turn Governors into Total Slaves, Dele Momodu Warns
Published
1 week agoon
February 28, 2026By
Eric
Chairman, Ovation Media Group, and former presidential aspirant, Aare Dele Momodu, has expressed strong concern over what he described as growing political support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu among state governors across the country.
The media entrepreneur cautioned that allowing Tinubu to secure a second term in 2027 could, in his view, lead to excessive concentration of power. He particularly criticized what he described as a growing wave of opposition figures aligning with the ruling All Progressives Congress> (APC).
Momodu referenced reports of opposition governors, including Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri, allegedly moving closer to the ruling party, describing the development as politically troubling.
According to him, some governors are allegedly competing to demonstrate loyalty to the president ahead of future elections.
“The governors are fighting to ensure Tinubu wins a second term, fighting to be the biggest thug for him. If a man in his first term can capture the bodies and souls of Nigerians this way, imagine what he would do with a second term. It will be a full-blown dictatorship, and the governors will regret it as they become total slaves to him,” Momodu said.
He concluded by urging Nigerians to remain vigilant and actively protect democratic institutions, warning that unchecked consolidation of political power could threaten the nation’s democracy and future stability.
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