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Pendulum: The Lions Won’t Let You, A Review of Fighting Lions

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By Abiodun Adeniyi

He has never hidden his reverence for the 13th Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, Bashorun Moshood Abiola. He has severally celebrated the legendary multi-tasking ability of the late politician, just as he has nearly waxed songs about Abiola’s phenomenal energy, his native intelligence, his prowess with proverbs and his networking skills.

Abiola’s expertise in combining the past  and the modern, the present and the absent, all in the pursuit of opening up the mind for better understanding of situations have not also been lost on him. As if a genetic protégé, he has been faithful to Abiola’s epistemic disposition, as he has been to his political and business philosophies.
It has been the path of foremost journalist, entrepreneur, writer and columnist, Dele Momodu, while bestriding the Shakespearean “straight and narrow path(s)” of existence.
The highlighted Abiola traits are interestingly coterminous with Momodu’s effervescent nature, his philosophic approaches and his apostolic drive for social change.
Check him out as well: He is at home with proverbs, especially of the Yoruba genre, just as he is naturally enlivening, besides penchants to radiate a positive verve, capable of melting even the hardest of the stones, just like Moshood Abiola.
Excited in the open, and at once humble at a closer range, Momodu exemplifies the textbook difference between the person in the public face and the one in the private face. Public impressions are constructed based on media portrayals, representations and posturing. They are moderated by closer contacts disproving or affirming presumptions, in the subtle back and forth world of the definition and discerning of reputation. While some may misunderstand Momodu in the distance as disinterested, he comes personable, witty, friendly, and humorous on closer approach.
Obviously experimental in nature and confident of the multiple traits he bears, just like his mentor Abiola, Momodu would no doubt go some more length in his strides. Also a Bashorun (of Oke-Ila), like Abiola (who was of Ibadan), he soon stepped onto the political space, angling for the topmost position in the land-the nation’s presidency; and again, like his mentor remarkably did.
The story of his foray into presidential politics is one capable of evoking mixed feelings. Was it audacious, well meaning, or adventurous? That seems some of the questions that Ohimai Godwin Amaize seeks to answer in the book “Fighting Lions: The Untold Story of Dele Momodu’s Presidential Campaign”
Amaize wrote from a vantage position. He was manager of Momodu’s presidential campaign when he ran for president in 2011. Technically a participant observer therefore, Amaize chronicled their campaign travels, tours and detours, from the point of view of an insider, and a witness to bravery, appointments and disappointments, pleasures and pains, downs and lows, aside the Janus face of man, coming after the Greek idol, with its especial temporality in  gazing forward and backwards.
Himself a writer, journalist and new media enthusiast, Amaize did not just embark on a teleological rendition of the campaign experiences, but attempted to give meanings to their experiences, making deductions, doing reflections and reflexions, in a bid to situate the character of man within time and space, through the prism of the rambunctious Momodu.
In setting out from his “If not us…Who?”, as the first chapter is titled, Amaize underlined the thinking in town that political contestation is just for the other person-not for me! It should not be so in the ideal sense, which justifies the courage to come against the “lions” as Momodu did.
The writer in Momodu has countlessly made him to tell his own story of how he grew from Ife to Lagos, how he mutated from a budding writer to a celebrated editor and columnist and how he has extended his paths to pro-democracy activism, to exilic exploits, and then to the mission to serve. Momodu is ordinarily expressive and volunteering, believing that his experiences are good enough to motivate and to inspire, and that there is no price without process, no gains without losses, and no advantage without disadvantages.
It explains why Amaize did not dwell too much on “The Dele Momodu Story” and racing quickly to the question of “Who Says the Youth Can’t Lead”, where he challenged subtle narratives about the unpreparedness of the Nigerian youths to lead.  The youth is often derided, albeit in hush, covert tongues, as a reluctant set, which cannot be trusted just yet. Even though there is no evidence for this, the impression is real, and evening up to a perception of neglect.
Using Momodu’s case, he argued that the youth are more than ready to lead, especially for their depth, their energy and the new world of innovation, where the world is essentially technology driven, and where the youths are playing a critical role. Momodu, he maintains, exemplifies not just that kind of youth oriented leadership, but one that can galvanize the youth towards nation building, as partly shown in his decision to choose him as his campaign manager, irrespective of his age.
Amaize then noted the place of the voters in the electioneering process, especially against the background of suspected elite cynicism. The elites, he regretted would be reluctant in backing the youth, or one who is not a member of the establishment. They would prefer an old order, where patterns and particularities are predictable, and where change will regrettably not come from.
Amaize revealed how the campaign was not reckoned with despite the towering image of Momodu, and how elites wrote off their chances, apriori, in what  undermined the influence of the voters. They powered on, regardless, because “we were confident about one thing: it’s the voters who decide the outcome of elections, whether they vote or refuse to cast their votes” It is therefore a case of “It’s the Voters, Stupid”.
Other than elite cynicism were other shades of cynics, naysayers, and friends who felt the Momodu campaign was not a serious one. These set doubted he genuinely wanted to be president. They thought he was just out to shine, and to be counted. The more they tried to convince them the more they doubted them. Close friends left him to his cause. Mentors were circumspect, while fellow runners were suspicious. Rather than being discouraged, Momodu was rather encouraged.
He pushed and pushed, despite personalities, individuals, and parties’ betrayals, testifying to the thinking that you are what you want to be. Amaize captured this as much in use of the Charles Swindoll words: “The real tests of courage are much quieter. They are the inner tests, like remaining faithful when nobody’s looking, like enduring pain when the room is empty, like standing alone when you are misunderstood”
And determined to pull through the maze of doubts the campaigners knew they must deploy the tool of unity. They must be coordinated, integrated and inclusive. They were therefore concerned about ensuring supporters both at home and abroad spoke with a voice, moved in unison and assembled in as many centres as possible, towards the expression of their mission, vision and core objectives.
They no doubt did “Against All Odds” proving to the world that the campaign was not a joke, but a real interest in winning, in contributing to national growth and development. In the book, therefore, Amaize showed some of the downsides of the Nigerian system, revolving around the absence of belief, the nuance of faithlessness and the commodification of processes in a transactional arrangement that erodes values, virtues and a subscription to higher ideal.
He summed it thus: “It was an experience that forced our team to take a proper look at the critical factors that determine outcomes in Nigerian politics. We came to the disturbing conclusion that the very first factor was money. It was not policies, programmes or the people; it was money. The second factor was ethnicity; where you came from. The third factor was religion, and the fourth was popularity.”
Even so, Momodu was gratified that through the presidential contest, he became enriched, more informed and with a broader sense of perspective on things Nigeria. A practiced thinker on the Nigerian condition, he believes with the campaign experience, he is in a better stead to make quality, aposteriori submissions on the nation’s situations as seen through his columns, in interactions and in sundry media outings, consistent with his primary passion for social engineering.
Good book no doubt, Amaize has invited us to think along with them, in the manner the campaign did, but not before reading and digesting the thirteen-chapter text. Deserving of engagement, the literature is simply worth one’s time, even if the title “Fighting lions…” portrayed Momodu’s political travel as a combat, instead of the pursuit of a worthy cause. I will downplay that, anyway, and heartily recommend it to you. I hereby so do.

*Dr. Adeniyi, writer, public commentator and strategic and diasporic communication scholar, teaches Mass Communication at Baze University, Abuja.

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Israeli Ambassador Accuses Iran of Spreading Terror, Sponsoring Extremist Activities in Nigeria

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Israeli Ambassador to Nigeria, Michael Freeman, has accused Iran of sponsoring extremist activities in Nigeria and other parts of the world, alleging that Tehran supports groups aimed at destabilising countries while pursuing its hostility against Israel.

Freeman made the remarks on Friday while speaking during an interview on The Morning Show on Arise News.

The envoy claimed that Iran is the only country within the United Nations that openly expresses a desire to destroy another sovereign state, referring to repeated threats against Israel.

According to him, the Iranian government has, over several decades, supported militant groups and terror organisations around the world in pursuit of that objective.

Freeman alleged that Iran has backed groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah, adding that Tehran was also behind the October 7 attack carried out by Hamas against Israel.

He further claimed that Iranian activities aimed at spreading instability have been observed across several regions, including Europe, Australia, and parts of Africa.

Speaking specifically about Nigeria, the Israeli ambassador alleged that the Islamic Movement of Nigeria receives backing from the Iranian government.

According to Freeman, statements of support from Iran’s leadership, including posts by Ali Khamenei on social media, have openly indicated such ties.

He said: “The issue here is about Iran. Iran is the only country in the world, in the United Nations, who expressly desires to wipe another country off the face of the earth. Iran has stated its very policy is to destroy Israel. Is to wipe Israel off the map is to make sure they kill every single person and no regime, no country that has an express desire to destroy Israel, and it’s not only an expressed desire.

“We’ve seen over 47 years, they’ve taken all the actions they can in order for that to happen. We’ve seen them sponsor terror organizations. They were behind October the seventh massacre of Hamas. We’ve seen them sponsoring Hezbollah. We’ve seen them acting in Europe. We’ve seen them acting in Australia. We’ve seen them acting in Nigeria.

“We’ve seen these people acting all across the world in order to spread disturbance for them to try and carry out their aim of destroying Israel, and Israel will not allow another country to have nuclear weapons when they’ve expressly stated they want those weapons to destroy Israel”.

“I think that it is well documented. We know that there are certain movements, for example, the Islamic movement of Nigeria is sponsored and is backed by the Iranian regime. This is not me saying this, we’ve seen that documented by the Iranian regime.

The Supreme Leader posted on X his support and his backing there. So that’s very open. And there are other areas as well that Iran is working for, destabilizing, not only Nigeria, but all of West Africa.”

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Why Nigerians Must Reject INEC’s Revised Timetable – ADC

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By Eric Elezuo

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), during the week, released a fresh elections timetable, with major amendments to accommodate the just passed and signed Electoral Act 2026 by the National Assembly and President Bola Tinubu respectively.

Following the repeal of the Electoral Act, 2022 and the enactment of the Electoral Act, 2026, which introduced adjustments to statutory timelines governing pre-election and electoral activities, the Commission has reviewed and realigned the Schedule to ensure full compliance with the new legal framework.

Accordingly, the Commission has resolved as follows:

  1. Presidential and National Assembly Elections will now hold on Saturday, 16th January 2027 as against the earlier stated February 20, 2027
  2. Governorship and State Houses of Assembly Elections will now hold on Saturday, 6th February 2027 as against the former date of March 6, 2027

Also in accordance with the approved Schedule of Activities, the electoral bidy noted in the revised timetable that:

Conduct of Party Primaries, including resolution of disputes arising from primaries, will commence on 23rd April 2026 and end on 30th May 2026.

Presidential and National Assembly campaigns will commence on 19th August 2026.

Governorship and State Houses of Assembly campaigns will commence on 9th September 2026.

As provided by law, campaigns shall end 24 hours before Election Day. Political parties are strongly advised to adhere strictly to these timelines. The Commission will enforce compliance with the law.

But in a swift reaction, the opposition coalition, African Democratic Congress (ADC), rejected the revised 2026–2027 general election timetable, describing it as a politically biased schedule designed to favour the re-election agenda of President Bola Tinubu, and calling on all Nigerians to speak up enmasse to reject the revised timetable.

The ADC, in a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Bolaji Abdullahi, on Friday argued that the new deadlines and compliance requirements under the Electoral Act 2026 create near-impossible hurdles for opposition parties seeking to field candidates.

On February 13, INEC initially scheduled the 2027 Presidential and National Assembly elections for February 20, 2027, while the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections were fixed for March 6, 2027.

The timetable, however, faced objections from some Muslim stakeholders who noted that the dates coincided with the 2027 Ramadan period.

Following the concerns, the National Assembly amended Clause 28 of the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, reducing the required election notice period from 360 to 300 days, allowing INEC to adjust the election dates.

Subsequently, INEC released a revised schedule on Thursday, signed by its Chairman, Joash Amupitan, moving the Presidential and National Assembly elections to January 16, 2027, and the Governorship and State Houses of Assembly elections to February 6, 2027.

Reacting, the ADC said the requirement that political parties submit a comprehensive digital membership register by April 2, 2026, effectively bars opposition parties from participating.

The party stated: “The African Democratic Congress rejects the updated 2026–2027 electoral timetable released by the Independent National Electoral Commission. What has been presented as a routine administrative schedule of the upcoming general elections is, in fact, a political instrument carefully structured to narrow democratic space and strengthen the incumbent administration ahead of the 2027 general elections.

“According to the timetable, party primaries are to be conducted between April 23 and May 30, 2026, just 55 to 92 days from today. However, more significant is that, pursuant to Section 77(4) of the Electoral Act 2026, political parties are required to submit their digital membership registers to INEC not later than April 2, 2026.

“That is only about 34 days away. Section 77(7) further provides that any party that fails to submit its membership register within the stipulated time shall not be eligible to field a candidate. These are not routine administrative rules but are deliberately constructed barriers designed to exclude the opposition from participating in the election.”

The party further noted that Section 77(2) of the Electoral Act 2026 requires the digital register of members to contain name, sex, date of birth, address, state, local government, ward, polling unit, National Identification Number (NIN) and photograph in both hard and soft copies, while Section 77(6) prohibits the use of any pre-existing register that does not contain the specified information. It warned that failure to meet these requirements would lead to disqualification.

The ADC questioned the fairness of the digital membership requirement, noting that the ruling All Progressives Congress began its registration process in February 2025, long before the requirement became mandatory.

“It is not a product of foresight but insider advantage. They knew what was coming. They therefore had one full year to carry out an exercise that other political parties are expected to complete in one month, during which they must collect, process, collate and transmit large volumes of digital data to INEC under the threat of exclusion. This is practically impossible.

“Democratic competition is based on a level playing field that does not give any contestant an undue advantage. A system where one party exploits incumbency to gain a one-year head start on a requirement that other parties only became aware of when it was nearly too late is a rigged system.”

The ADC said it has joined other opposition parties in rejecting the Electoral Act 2026, adding that the INEC timetable is equally rejected as it appears designed to serve what it described as a self-succession agenda.

“Let it be clear that ADC will not take any action that appears to confer legitimacy on a fraudulent system. We are reviewing our options and will make our position known in the coming days,” the party said.

The party also called on civil society organisations, democratic stakeholders and Nigerians to scrutinise the timetable and demand fairness, stressing that democracy cannot survive when electoral rules are structured to produce predetermined outcomes.

The party has consistently accused the Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) of scheming to silence the opposition as the 2027 General Elections draw closer, citing his manipulation of state governors and Assembly members from jumping ship, and settling with the ruling party.

Presently, the president’s party has a total of 31 out of 36 states governors, more than majority of the national and states Houses of Assembly.

A frontline publisher and chieftain of the ADC, Chief Dele Momodu, has warned that Tinubu is gradually transforming into full-blown dictatorship, stressing that his second term in office would turn state governors into ‘total slaves’.

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Second Term for Tinubu Will Turn Governors into Total Slaves, Dele Momodu Warns

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Chairman, Ovation Media Group, and former presidential aspirant, Aare Dele Momodu, has expressed strong concern over what he described as growing political support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu among state governors across the country.

Speaking during an interview on News Central TV, Momodu said he was shocked by the level of backing the president is reportedly receiving, warning that Nigeria’s democracy could face serious risks if the current political trend continues.

The media entrepreneur cautioned that allowing Tinubu to secure a second term in 2027 could, in his view, lead to excessive concentration of power. He particularly criticized what he described as a growing wave of opposition figures aligning with the ruling All Progressives Congress> (APC).

Momodu referenced reports of opposition governors, including Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri, allegedly moving closer to the ruling party, describing the development as politically troubling.

According to him, some governors are allegedly competing to demonstrate loyalty to the president ahead of future elections.

“The governors are fighting to ensure Tinubu wins a second term, fighting to be the biggest thug for him. If a man in his first term can capture the bodies and souls of Nigerians this way, imagine what he would do with a second term. It will be a full-blown dictatorship, and the governors will regret it as they become total slaves to him,” Momodu said.

He concluded by urging Nigerians to remain vigilant and actively protect democratic institutions, warning that unchecked consolidation of political power could threaten the nation’s democracy and future stability.

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