Opinion

Between TOS Benson and Folake Solanke; A Beleaguered Love Story

Published

7 years ago

March 23, 2019

Eric

By Hon Femi Kehinde

Duke Orsino in ecstasy and fantasy, had sang melodiously in Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night-
“If music be the food of love, play on;
give me excess of it, that surfeiting,
the appetite may sicken, and so die”.

Duke Orisono was insanely in love with a wealthy and resistant lady, who was in mourning of her brother and was annoyed, by Orsinos inappropriate attention. The Duke had stalked himself sick with his own passion. He was described as a “melancholic poseur.”

Chief Sogboyega Odulate alias “The Blessed Jacob”, otherwise known as “Alabukun”, was Folake Solanke’s illustrious, notable, distinguished and prominent father. He patented the popular “Alabukun” drug. Folake was his doting daughter.

On the 30th day of January, 1948, the Alabukun family suffered a tragic loss, in a ghastly motor accident. In that car ( Austin 10), there were six occupants- Dr. Albert Olukoya Odulate, Folake, Femi, Dele, Segun Odulate and the driver. Albert had just qualified as a medical doctor, from the United Kingdom, having studied abroad for a decade. The car somersaulted, on the old Lagos-Abeokuta Road, near Ifo. The car was a welcome gift from Chief Odulate, to his son, who had brought glory to the family, by being qualified as a medical doctor.

The driver died on the spot and Dr. Albert Odulate was also wounded with fractured skull. He was rushed to the hospital and died the following day, just over two weeks, after he had returned from the United Kingdom, as a qualified medical practitioner. It was certainly one loss too many. “Blessed Jacob,” took this painful loss, with stoic and dignified candour. In the course of condolence and commiseration visits, Theophilus Owolabi Shobowale (TOS) Benson, also visited Jacob Odulate, to express his deep and sincere condolence. During this visit, he sighted a stunning beautiful lady-Folake Odulate. He asked after her, and was told, that she was one of the Odulate’s children, that survived the accident. His luscious eyes, ever since, couldn’t leave the legendary Cleopatra.

The story of Duke Orsino, in melancholic love, with a mourning lady in Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night, is apt and in simlitude, with the love tango of TOS Benson and Folake Odulate. TOS Benson approached the lady and he met instant resistance. TOS was 31 years, having been born on the 3rd of July, 1917, and Folake was a 16 year old lady, born, on the 29th of March, 1932, at Abeokuta. Despite the resistance, TOS Benson, began exploratory discussions, with the “Blessed Jacob”. Perhaps, certainly, not taking no for an answer.
T.O.S Benson, was also born into an aristocratic family in Ikorodu, Lagos. He attended the CMS Grammar School in Lagos and joined the Nigerian Customs Service at the age of 20, in 1937 and left the customs service in 1943, to pursue a law studies in London. He studied law at Lincoln’s Inn, and was called to the Bar in 1947. He returned back to Nigeria and went straight into law practice and politics. He joined the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC). He also supported and developed the career of his younger brother-Bobby Benson, by encouraging him to develop his Touring Theatrical Group, into a full band orchestra, called the Jam-Session in 1948, having bought the group an imported band set.

Bernard Olabinjo Bobby Benson, was equally distinguished and established in his calling. He was a tailor, boxer and a sailor in the Merchant Navy. With his wife, they had established the Bobby Benson Theatrical Party. He played guitar and saxophone, while his wife, Cassandra, danced.

The Bobby Benson jam session played swing, dive, samba and calypsos, and later began to play popular highlife music, with their first hit- Taxi Driver:- “taxi driver gbemi o, mofe lo ri ololufe mi o.” This popular hit, was followed by several others- “Gentleman Bobby”, “Ma fe”, “Nylon Dress”,” Niger Mambo” and “Iyawo se iwo lo se mi.”

His popular Caban Bamboo Night club, later converted to the popular hotel Bobby. Bensons innovation in music and style, was a precursor of the popular juju music, of the likes of IK Dairo, Ebenezer Obey, King Sunny Ade, Orlando Owoh, Fatai Rolling Dollars and others.

Benson in his musical career, had on his band stand, prominent musicians like- Roy Chicago, Eddy Okonta, Sir Victor Uwaifo, Bayo Martins, Zeal Onyia. Victor Olaiya, was also a trumpeter in Bobbys band.
Bobby Benson died in Lagos on Saturday, the 14th of May, 1983 at the age of 61 years.

Whilst Bobby Benson held sway in musical showmanship, his senior brother- T.O.S Benson, also had his own brand of Political showmanship.

With exotic head gears, horses, a braze band, expensive cars, stunning women, generosity, sensational court cases and over painted and flaming jeeps; Benson captured the Lagos political space, in a grand style.

Benson was certainly, the greatest crowd drawer politician in Lagos. Whether in his office at Customs street, Lagos, or in his house at 25, Thorburn avenue, Yaba, Lagos, you will always be amazed at the impressive crowd, massing round him.
What brings this crowd really to T.O.S Bensons door? He said-

“Oh, some of them come about their cases in court, while many others come to discuss politics. My only regret, is that they dont often allow me to go and work for money. Somebody ought to tell them, that since they expect me to share my earnings with them, it is only fair that they should allow me to go and work”
In his quiet moment, Benson also rhapsodised:-

“I am with those who believe that greatness consists of realizing always that the other fellow, in spite of his poverty, exists and can be useful. He who must lead the people must be one of the people. I am one of the people in spite of my expensive car. It has cost me plenty to get to the top and I mean to stay there.”

In 1950, Benson was elected into the Lagos State Council and later became the Deputy Mayor of Lagos, on the platform of NCNC. He enjoyed untainted supports and loyalty, of the cosmopolitan electorates of his constituency in Yaba, Lagos, who were mainly Igbos. In 1951, TOS Benson, alongside Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe, Adeleke Adedoyin, A.B. Olorunnimbe and Trade Unionist H.B. Adebola, were elected to the Lagos seats in the Western House of Assembly, having defeated their opponents from the Action Group. Benson became a National officer of the NCNC and was a participant in the constitutional conferences in London, in 1953, 1957, 1958 and the Independence Constitutional Conference of 1960. He was Chief Whip in the House of Representatives, and Chairman of the Western Committee of the NCNC. He was re-elected to the Federal House of Representatives in the 1959, Federal election.

In 1959, he became the Nigerian first Minister of Information, in the newly created Ministry of Information and was the driving force, behind establishing the Voice of Nigeria (VON), Radio and Television services of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. It is interesting to note that, the Awolowo government in the Western Region had established, the first Television Station in Africa, in Agodi, Ibadan, in November, 1959. Interestingly too, Folake Solanke, first woman Commissioner in the Western State of Nigeria in November, 1972, was also Chairman of the Western Nigerian Government Broadcasting Corporation (WNTV/WNBS), that took off in 1959. During the Western Region crisis of the early 1960s, NCNC was torn between aligning with the United Peoples Party (UPP) of SLA Akintola and the Action Group of Obafemi Awolowo. Some factions of the NCNC, joined the UPP to form the NNDP, while the other faction of the NCNC, joined the Action Group to form the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA). Benson joined the UPGA faction of the NCNC, led by Dr. Michael Okpara and Chief (Mrs.) H.I.D Awolowo.

As Federal Minister, TOS Benson stood for an election and won. But just a few weeks later, his election was nullified by a Lagos Supreme Court, following an election petition, filed against him by his Action Group opponent- Mr. S.O Onitiri. But Hon Benson appealed and won.

He was carried shoulder high by the NCNC leaders in the yard of the Supreme Court, where they were joined, by hundreds of his admirers. When a group of NCNC Ministers arrived at the scene, the show became something quite sensational and eclectic. Benson and his fellow Ministers decided on the spur of the moment, to transfer it from the courtyard, to the House of Representatives.

With Benson in front, they led their way, with mincing steps, into the hall of the House, which rose with thunderous applause, to welcome the hero back to his Ministerial seat.

On Minister Bensons entrance, many members of the opposition were stunned.
Benson in the run up of the 1964 elections, lost the primary election of his party and was defeated by his constituency aide- Maduagwu Moronu, an Igbo man. Benson resigned from the NCNC and eventually ran as an independent candidate. He won the election and continued to function as Minister of Information, until the Military putsch of January 15, 1966. He was in Military detention from March 1966 until 2nd of August, 1966, four days after the second Military Coup of General Yakubu Gowon. Benson in his lifetime as a lawyer, became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria and also held prominent title of Baba Oba of Lagos, despite being a native of Ikorodu.
Despite this chequered, distinguished and challenging life of TOS Benson, perhaps, the most troublesome story of his life, was his love tango, with Folake Odulate, later Solanke, that started in 1948.

Folake Odulate later wrote- “In our collective state of trauma and vulnerability, Benson, became known to the family as a sympathizer, willing to comfort my distraught father in his anguish.”
Odulate was really blessed and very successful. According to Folake, “Blessed Jacob” was a genius, a versatile entrepreneur and a brilliant man of vision who lived decades beyond his time.”

His Alabukun products, which he patented 1918, had become a trailblazer in the Nigerian Pharmaceutical industry. The products, Alabukun Mentoline (a soothing balm), Alabukun APC, now “Alabukun” powder and the Elizir ( an equivalent of the present day Viagra), still sells in the market today in Nigeria and some West African countries. He had a huge complex of buildings at Kemta, Abeokuta, consisting of one-two storey building, one-three storey building, a chalet, a court yard, stores and other facilities. He also had properties in his home town in Ikorodu, Imota and a property at 23, King George,Yaba, Lagos, Nigeria. Suitors will certainly find this family attractive.

In 1950, TOS exploratory discussions, started between the Benson and Odulate, and the possibility of hooking up Folake, with TOS Benson, through an arranged marriage. In 1951, the two families met and did engagement without Folake in attendance, at the marriage ceremony. Folake relocated to the United Kingdom in 1951, for further studies and this provided, perhaps, an escape valve for her. As soon as she arrived in London, she wrote a letter to Benson, and told him point blank, that she should be counted out of the arranged marriage. She said-“ I thought very deeply about my future , I came to a firm decision that the talk between Papa and Benson about an arranged marriage could never be for me.”

Folakes elder sister, Stella Olubukola Odulate had also, married a fellow Ikorodu brethren- Micheal Odesanya, whose senior brother and mentor, was Chief S.O Gbadamosi, a frontline politician of the first Republic. Michael, later retired, as a Judge of the High Court of Lagos. Micheal Odesanya in his legal carrier, before going to the Bench, was a consummate advocate. Michael spoke the English Language with flourish and had an Oxford accent. Following the pattern of the first indigenous law partnership of Thomas, Williams and Fani-Kayode (Solicitors), he also in 1952, went into a law partnership with Chief SLA Akintola and Chief Chris Ogunbanjo, in a law partnership of Samuel, Chris and Michael (Solicitors). SLA became Premier of Western Region on the 15th of December 1959 and the partnership was mutually dissolved in 1962.

A year after Folakes arrival in the United Kingdom, she met the real love of her life, Toriola Fehisitan Solanke and on the 6th of October , 1956, the marriage was solemnized. Toriola Solankes father, was equally well known to “Blessed Jacob.” He was a station Manager at Lafenwa Train Station, at Abeokuta and they had a very cordial relationship. But despite this marital bliss, of Folake and Teriola, Benson still remained unyielding and unbending. In 1957, Benson had become the Chief Whip of the Nigerian Parliament and was a member of delegation to London, to discuss the Independence of Nigeria.

Despite the seriousness of this delegation, to the United Kingdom (and its effect on Nigerias future independence), TOS Benson,seized the opportunity of this visit, to arrange with a cousin of Folake (now Mrs. Solanke), to lure her to his cousins house, where he could perhaps, talk to her all over again and convincingly too. On the 25th of May, 1957, Folake paid visit to her cousin, in a house on Flanders Road, Chiswich, London, where, to her utmost shock, dismay and bewilderment, Benson, her old suitor, came in just after she had arrived and quickly went to business, to convince Folake that she should marry him. Folakes persistent answer was immediate rebuff and a No for an answer. She said-“I told him quite categorically, in the presence of Afolabi (cousin ), what I had been telling him, my father and others for six years, that I could never marry him. As he still refused to take no for an answer, I told him that I was already married. Benson said he did not care, about my marital status and that he would do everything to destroy my husband and I in Nigeria.” TOS Benson did not stop at that, and according to Folake-“ as soon as Afolabi left the room, I got up from my chair, to leave the room, but suddenly , Benson grabbed my left hand and started trying to remove my engagement ring by force. I struggled as hard as I could, but he overpowered me and violently forced my engagement ring off my finger. In the course of the assault, my open-ended gold bracelet wrist watch, also came off my wrist.” She further said- “ my gold engagement ring, had two diamonds set on either side of the blue sapphire. I pleaded with him to return my ring and wrist watch to me, but he flatly refused. He then put the two items in one of the pockets in his flowing Agbada. Benson locked the door and kept the key in one of his numerous pockets”.Folake, caught between the devil and the deep blue sea, did the unthinkable-“There was no way I was going to remain in the apartment, which for me had suddenly become a place of violence and unlawful detention , after all the pleas had failed to recover my precious possession from him, and with the door locked against me, I reached for the telephone. Instinctively, I made for the window to jump out”. Luckily, the windows had no burglary proofs unlike Nigeria.
As a result of this escape ,audacity and boldness, Benson realized it was no longer a tea party affair. He called Folakes cousin- Kayode, who promptly came into the room and they both persuaded her to come back. Despite her escape, Benson nevertheless held unto her ring and wrist watch. Folake Solake reported this case to the Police.
On the 1st of June, 1957, the London Metropolitan Police arrested Benson and arraigned him before Acton Magistrate court, London, for stealing a ring and wrist watch valued at £41( Fourty one pounds) from a woman —Folake Solanke. He was alleged to have forcibly robbed her of her ring and wrist watch on the 25th of May, 1957. He (T.O.S), was granted bail with two sureties. The court ordered a remand for two weeks, which meant he could not leave London that period. On Saturday, June 15, 1957, the case went on at the Magistrate Court, to determine whether Benson had a case to answer. The prosecutor, Victor Durand QC, called two witnesses- Investigating Police Officer and Mrs. Folake Solanke. At the end of the trial, the court ruled, that TOS Benson, had a case to answer and thereafter, transferred the case to London Criminal Court, popularly known as “Old Bailey”. The two day trial, commenced on the 27th of June, 1957, before sir Gerald Dodson, who was recorder of London. There was a Jury of 12 persons, to determine the case.
TOS Benson pleaded not guilty to the charges. The prosecutor , Mr. Durand, thereafter, presented the investigating Police Officer- Mr. Phillips, to the witness box . Phillips tendered the written statement of the Plaintiff to the court, together with plaintiffs engagement ring as exhibits. The plaintiff, Folake Solanke entered the witness box, to give her testimony and was led in evidence, by Mr. Durand. She narrated how the assault took place, and how the defendant, forcefully removed her engagement ring and wrist watch. She also told the court, how she got married to her husband, Toriola, on October 6, 1956. She further told the court, that she had told the defendant and her father, that she could not marry the defendant as far back as in 1951, and that she was never interested in the proposed arranged marriage. The plaintiffs husband, Dr. Solanke, also gave evidence , corroborating his wifes evidence.

T.O.S Benson, then gave his own evidence. He denied that he forcefully removed the plaintiffs engagement ring and wrist watch. He told the court, that it was the plaintiff, who gave him the ring to give to her father. He also told the court, how he gave the plaintiff, a cheque containing money for her education. T.O.S Benson through his lawyer, Mr. Dingle Foot, called 12 witnesses, that represented the crème de la creme of Nigerian politics. They include, the Late Chief M.T Mbu. The greatest shock however, was bringing the plaintiffs father, Chief Jacob Odulate to the court. The father testified against his daughter. The court room, was parked full with Nigerians, as the story also hit the headlines of major newspapers, in London and Lagos. Folake Solanke further said:- “There were also others who came simply to hurl abuse and curses and threat on me. The unprintable taunting and vituperation, did not elicit one single response from me. I held my head high and the police gave me every protection.” After the trial, the judge adjourned the case to July 1, 1957. TOS Benson was eventually discharged and acquitted by the court.

The court matter, was certainly a clash between modernity and tradition, boldness and audacity, to stand firm, on a picked choice-Toriola Solanke. Chief TOS Benson, could still not forgive Folake Solanke for not marrying him. He taunted her at every opportunity. When Toriola Solanke died, he hired a band to taunt her, saying that, he an old man, had outlived her husband. Until his own death, Chief Theophilus Owolabi Sobowale Benson SAN, never forgot and never forgave the bride he lost to Toriola Solanke.

The beauty of Folake Solankes story- A lady of many firsts amongst which are:
First lady state commissioner in the Western State of Nigeria, 1972.
First lady Chairman of the Board of WNTV & WNBS, 1972.
First lady Senior Advocate of Nigeria, 1981.
First lady Governor of Zonta International, District 18 (Africa) 1982.
First non-Caucasian to be elected international president of Zonta International; 1992; is better captured in her magnum Opus- “Reaching For The Stars,- the authobiography of Folake Solanke.”

In sweet juxtaposition, sometime in 1961, T.O.S Benson as Nigerias Minister for Information and Parliamentarian, was in Liberia with Prime Minister- Tafawa Balewa, for a conference. Oprah Mayson, daughter of Hon. Johnson Bolo Mayson and Lilly Mellisa Mayson, who had just returned from her studies, in the United States of America, was also at the conference. She had obtained a BSC Degree in Education from Maurise Brown College in Atlanta Georgia USA, in 1958, and a Masters of Art Degree in Education, from Atlanta, University, Atlanta , Georgia, USA. She also obtained Diploma in Administration from Pittsburg University in 1961, and Certificate in Communication from Michigan University. She became an instant celebrity in Liberia, upon her return to the Country, with a top job in the government. At the conference, TOS Benson saw her and proposed to her, and a year after, it ended up in marriage. Oprah Benson, returned to Nigeria and worked as a Registrar in the University of Lagos after marriage, and was in 1973, installed as Yeye Oge of Lagos by Late Oba Adeyinka Oyekan of Lagos.
Evidently, TOS Bensons eyes, prowls for beauty!
May his gentle soul, continually, find peaceful repose with the Lord.

Opinion

The Stockholm Syndrome in the Delta

Published

7 hours ago

May 25, 2026

Eric

By Boma Lilian Braide Esq.

The water remembers. It remembers when we were queens and kings of the creeks, when our voices carried across the rivers like thunder, and when no external force could dictate the terms of our existence.

Today, as a daughter of the Ijaw nation, I look at our political landscape and my heart breaks into a thousand pieces. The recent withdrawal of Pastor Tonye Cole from the political race reopened a wound that never properly healed. I immediately texted him a single, urgent question: “Why?” His response was a resigned, familiar phrase; “It is well.” At that exact moment, my thoughts were screaming so loudly inside my head, “Not again!” It felt like a brutal repetition of an old script. Every single time, without fail, they treat the Ijaw man badly, pushing him out of the room where decisions are made.

This leadership class continually trades our birthright for political crumbs, leaving me with a profound sadness I cannot shake. Every four years, we are forced to watch the same exhausting, predictable cycle play out. We have become the laughing stock of the Nigerian politics. We roar like lions in the morning, only to allow ourselves to be led like sheep to the slaughter house by nightfall. This pattern is not merely a string of tactical errors. It is a structural and psychological condition that has calcified into our political culture. We begin every election season with unparalleled bravery, massive energy, clarity, and a list of demands. We mobilise, we protest, we declare our rights. Yet at the decisive moment we fold. We trade collective power for personal gain. We accept crumbs while the harvest is taken from our lands allowing our leaders to be used as mere pawns, chess pieces, and foot soldiers on a board completely controlled by outsiders.

Call it what it is, a political Stockholm syndrome. When a people are held hostage by extractive systems for generations, they can begin to see the captor as a provider. When political actors poison our rivers, burn our gas, and extract our wealth, then return during elections with token gifts, the damaged political imagination can mistake those gifts for benevolence. A motorcycle, a solar lamp, a bag of rice, or a ten thousand naira note becomes a substitute for structural justice. We applaud the giver and forget the theft.

This is not a partisan indictment. The major parties have all participated in this system. From the coastal edges of Ondo and Edo, through Rivers and Bayelsa, to the riverine communities of Delta and Akwa Ibom, the script is the same. Political machines arrive with cash and spectacle. They leave with votes. They do not stay to build roads, to clean oil spills, to fund health care, or to restore fisheries. They do not invest in education or in the infrastructure that would make our communities resilient. They know they do not have to. They know that the combination of poverty, fragmentation, and short-term survival instincts will deliver the votes they need.

The spectacle in Rivers State is instructive. The conflict between an incumbent and a predecessor is not only a personal rivalry. It is a mirror of a deeper structural problem. An Ijaw son may occupy the governor’s office, but the expectation of loyalty to an external power broker remains. When disagreements arise, the Ijaw polity does not close ranks. Instead, it fractures. Elders, youth groups, and political actors align with different external centres of power. We tear ourselves apart while the larger system remains intact.

Delta State offers another painful example. The region produces a disproportionate share of the oil wealth that sustains the state and the nation. Yet Ijaw communities are routinely relegated to secondary roles in governance. The highest offices are often out of reach. When an Ijaw candidate shows real ambition, the pressure to step down, to accept a consolation prize, or to be bought off intensifies at the last minute. The result is a steady stream of symbolic representation and token appointments that do not translate into structural change.

Even Bayelsa State, our most homogenous political home, has not been immune. The state has been turned into a dependent outpost. Political life there is often conducted under the shadow of Abuja. During elections, communities are militarized. Young people are paid paltry sums to snatch ballot boxes and intimidate their neighbours. The leaders who emerge from such processes rarely prioritize environmental remediation, health care, or education. They prioritize survival within the national political economy.

Why do we accept this? Part of the answer lies in a minority complex that has been cultivated over generations. We have been taught to believe that because we are numerically small and geographically dispersed across several states, we cannot set national terms. That belief is false. Our geographic position along the southern maritime border gives us leverage. Nigeria’s economy cannot function without the peace of our creeks. Yet we negotiate from a position of weakness because we lack a unified, non-partisan political command structure.

Other major ethnic blocs in Nigeria have developed cultural mechanisms that protect collective interests across party lines. They maintain consensus on key strategic questions and punish those who betray the collective. The Ijaw political house, by contrast, is fragmented. We are divided into Western, Central, and Eastern blocs. Internal jealousy and rivalry consume us. When an Ijaw son or daughter rises to prominence, it is sometimes their own people who are recruited to pull them down. This internal sabotage is a major reason we are treated as expendable by national political machines.

Our representatives in national assemblies and federal boards are often the most silent and compliant. They vote for policies that harm our region because they want to protect their personal seats and committee positions. We have forgotten the intellectual foundation of our struggle. Our fathers did not rely on muscle alone. They fought with logic and strategy.

Harold Dappa Biriye used constitutional arguments to demand minority rights during the pre-independence conferences. Isaac Adaka Boro presented a detailed economic manifesto during the twelve-day revolution, exposing the systematic underdevelopment of the Delta. The Kaiama Declaration of 1998 linked environmental justice with true federalism in a way that remains a model for strategic political thinking. Today, that intellectual tradition has been eroded by a culture of thuggery, praise singing, and the pursuit of quick money.

The social and economic costs of our political submission are visible everywhere. Schools sink into the mud. Primary health centres lack basic medicines. Women die in childbirth because there are no functional boats to transport them to urban hospitals. Rivers that once sustained us are coated with crude oil. Gas flares burn day and night, releasing toxins that cause cancers and respiratory diseases. In any functioning democracy, such environmental devastation would provoke electoral punishment. But our people accept ten-thousand naira, wear party uniforms, and return the same leaders to office.

This pattern is not only morally wrong. It is strategically suicidal. The global energy transition is underway. The world is moving away from fossil fuels. In a few decades, crude oil will no longer be the primary driver of the global economy. When that happens, the Nigerian state’s willingness to distribute minor rents, amnesty stipends, and pipeline contracts will evaporate. If we remain politically domesticated and economically dependent, we will be discarded once our resources lose value. We will be left with a ruined environment and a population unprepared for the modern economy.

Breaking this cycle requires a radical transformation of our political behaviour. It requires both immediate reforms and long-term institution building.
First, we must refuse to sell our votes for temporary relief. If politicians bring money during elections, take it because it is a fraction of your stolen wealth, but enter the voting booth and vote fiercely against them if they have not delivered real, systemic progress. The act of taking money and voting against the giver is not a moral ideal. It is a pragmatic tactic that recognizes the reality of survival while asserting political agency.

Second, we must create a culture of community accountability. Any Ijaw politician, elder, or youth leader who sells out the collective interest for personal gain must face social consequences. They should be stripped of traditional honours, excluded from community gatherings, and greeted with public disapproval rather than celebration. The cost of betrayal must be made higher than the reward offered by external actors.

We must also institutionalize our collective strength. The Ijaw nation needs a permanent, non-partisan political and economic council composed of our finest minds. This council should include intellectuals, legal experts, economists, and community builders from across the globe. Its mandate would be to define a multi decade Ijaw National Agenda that transcends party lines. Any Ijaw person entering politics should be bound by that agenda. Any external political force seeking our cooperation should be required to commit to its verifiable execution.

Again, we must build strategic alliances with other coastal minority groups. From Calabar to Badagry, the coastal communities share common interests in environmental protection, maritime economies, and regional development. A unified coastal voting bloc would create a political force that no national party can ignore. Such an alliance would also strengthen bargaining power for federal resource allocation and environmental remediation.

Fifth, we must shift our economic focus from pipelines to the blue marine economy. Our future lies in the ocean. We must invest in community owned industrial fishing fleets, deep sea shipping logistics, local shipbuilding yards, and aquaculture networks. We must develop port infrastructure and maritime training centres. Economic independence is the foundation of political courage. When our communities can fund their own schools, hospitals, and water systems through independent marine enterprises, we will no longer beg for crumbs.

Sixth, we must invest in education and leadership training. Political courage is not loud rhetoric. It is disciplined strategy. We must train a new generation of leaders who understand constitutional law, public finance, environmental science, and international trade. We must teach negotiation skills, coalition building, and institutional design. The Ijaw struggle must be intellectualized and professionalized.

Seventh, we must reclaim our narrative. For too long our story has been told by others. We must document our history, our legal claims, and our environmental evidence. We must use the courts, the media, and international forums to hold polluters and complicit officials accountable. We must turn our lived experience into verifiable claims that can be litigated and publicized.

Finally, we must practice disciplined solidarity. Political unity does not mean uniformity of opinion. It means a shared commitment to core strategic objectives. It means agreeing on red lines that cannot be crossed. It means supporting candidates who commit to the Ijaw National Agenda and sanctioning those who betray it.

The hour is late. The cost of our political naivety is visible in every polluted river, every jobless youth, and every broken promise. We cannot enter another election cycle with the same broken playbook. We must reject transactional politics and demand structural change. We must hold our leaders accountable and refuse to celebrate personal appointments that bring no collective benefit.

We must heal ourselves of this political Stockholm syndrome. We must stop loving the systems that destroy us and begin the difficult work of building lasting political infrastructure. The future of the Ijaw nation depends on our ability to transform our pain into strategic power. The water is watching. The spirits of our ancestors who resisted colonial domination are watching. We must rise, cleanse our minds of dependency, and stand with dignity. The era of last minute surrender must end. The time for strategic, sovereign Ijaw political courage has arrived.

Opinion

Leadership in Africa: Forging a New Era of Self-Reliance, Unity and Global Relevance (Pt. 3)

Published

2 days ago

May 23, 2026

Eric

By Tolulope A. Adegoke

“True leadership in Africa is not the pursuit of power, but the courage to serve — to turn the pain of yesterday into the promise of tomorrow, to bind broken hearts into one destiny, and to raise a continent where every son and daughter can stand tall, not by pulling others down, but by lifting one another higher.” – Tolulope A. Adegoke, PhD

Building upon the foundational principles and practical pathways discussed in Parts 1 and 2, this continuation explores the deeper implementation strategies, institutional reforms, cultural shifts, and long-term vision required to translate African leadership into tangible, sustainable transformation. It addresses the realities on the ground while offering forward-looking, actionable recommendations that can help Africa move from potential to performance on both regional and global stages.

Institutional Reforms as the Backbone of Transformative Leadership

Visionary leadership without strong institutions is like a beautiful dream without a foundation. Africa’s progress depends on building institutions that are resilient, transparent, and people-centred.

Leaders must prioritise civil service reform, judicial independence, and anti-corruption mechanisms that are not only punitive but preventive. For example, Rwanda’s use of performance contracts (imihigo) for public officials has created a culture of accountability and results. Similarly, Ghana’s strong electoral commission and relatively independent judiciary have helped sustain democratic stability. These models show that when institutions are strengthened, leadership becomes less about individual charisma and more about systemic effectiveness.

Regional institutions such as the African Union, ECOWAS, SADC, and the East African Community must also be reformed. They need greater financial autonomy, faster decision-making processes, and clearer enforcement mechanisms. The African Union’s current efforts to reform its Peace and Security Council and operationalise the African Standby Force are steps in the right direction, but they require consistent political will and adequate funding from member states.

Cultural and Mindset Transformation

Leadership that builds Africa must also transform mindsets. Many of the continent’s challenges are rooted in colonial-era thinking, dependency syndromes, and a culture of short-termism.

Progressive leaders should invest in cultural renewal programmes that celebrate African excellence, innovation, and resilience. This includes supporting the creative industries — Nollywood in Nigeria, Afrobeats music, and contemporary African literature — which are already projecting positive African narratives globally. Educational systems must move beyond rote learning to foster critical thinking, ethical reasoning, and entrepreneurial spirit.

Youth leadership development is particularly crucial. With over 60% of Africa’s population under the age of 25, the continent’s future depends on preparing young people not just for jobs, but for leadership. Initiatives like the African Union’s Youth Agenda and national youth service programmes should be expanded and made more impactful.

Economic Transformation and Self-Reliance in Practice

True self-reliance requires deliberate economic restructuring. Leaders must champion value addition in agriculture, mining, and natural resources. Instead of exporting raw cocoa, cotton, or crude oil, African countries should invest in processing facilities that create jobs and capture more value domestically.

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) offers a historic opportunity. When fully implemented, it can boost intra-African trade, reduce dependence on external markets, and create new industries. Leaders who actively remove non-tariff barriers, harmonise standards, and invest in cross-border infrastructure will be remembered as the architects of Africa’s economic renaissance.

Public-private partnerships (PPPs) should be strengthened, with clear frameworks that protect national interests while attracting responsible investment. Countries like Morocco and Ethiopia have shown how strategic industrial policies can attract foreign direct investment while building local capacity.

Global Relevance: Africa as a Solution Provider

Africa must stop seeing itself solely as a recipient of global solutions and begin positioning itself as a contributor. The continent’s vast renewable energy potential, youthful population, and rich biodiversity give it unique advantages in addressing global challenges such as climate change, food security, and digital innovation.

Leaders who understand this will invest in research and development, patent African innovations, and engage confidently in global forums. The success of African pharmaceutical companies during the COVID-19 pandemic and the growth of African tech unicorns demonstrate that the continent can compete and lead when given the right environment.

A Balanced and Hopeful Conclusion

Africa stands at a historic crossroads. The challenges — poverty, inequality, climate vulnerability, and governance gaps — are real and significant. Yet the opportunities — a youthful population, abundant natural resources, cultural richness, and growing regional integration — are even greater.

Leadership remains the decisive variable. When leaders rise above narrow interests to serve the collective good, Africa does not just survive — it thrives and offers the world new models of resilience, innovation, and inclusive growth.

The path forward requires a new covenant: between leaders and citizens, between nations and regions, and between Africa and the global community. This covenant must be rooted in trust, mutual accountability, and shared vision. With the right leadership — courageous, ethical, inclusive, and strategic — Africa can forge a new era of self-reliance, unity, and global relevance.

The question is not whether Africa can rise. The question is whether its leaders, supported by an awakened citizenry, will summon the will, wisdom, and courage to make that rise unstoppable. The world is watching, and history is waiting to record the choices made in this decisive decade.

Africa’s story is still being written. With visionary leadership, it can become one of triumph, dignity, and global excellence.

Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com

Opinion

A Familiar Kind of Tragedy by Adeoye Inioluwa

Published

3 days ago

May 22, 2026

Eric

The recent attacks on school communities in Oyo and Borno states have once again forced the country into a familiar emotional cycle — shock, grief, statements, and questions that briefly dominate public attention before gradually fading into silence.

What makes this cycle more unsettling each time is not only the incident itself, but the growing sense that it no longer feels entirely unexpected.

No society is completely free of insecurity. That much is understood. But what often defines public confidence is not the absence of incidents; it is the clarity, consistency, and visibility of response over time.

People do not only want to hear that action will be taken. They want to understand what has changed since the last time similar words were spoken.

Schools are supposed to represent safety at its most basic level. They are meant to be spaces where children are temporarily removed from the uncertainties of the outside world, not exposed to them. So when violence reaches those spaces, it does more than disrupt learning — it disrupts trust.

In the immediate aftermath, responses are often swift in tone. Condemnation is expressed. Sympathy is extended. Assurances are made. These reactions are necessary, but the challenge lies in what follows after the statements are made.

Because for those directly affected, the consequences do not end when public attention moves on.

There is also a broader national concern that emerges in moments like this: the increasing difficulty of distinguishing isolated incidents from a pattern. When similar events recur across different locations and times, they begin to reshape how communities perceive safety itself.

At that point, the issue is no longer only about response, but about prevention — and more importantly, about whether prevention is visibly evolving in a way that matches the scale of concern.

Citizens are not only listening for reassurance. They are watching for evidence that lessons from previous incidents have been fully translated into action. This includes how vulnerable spaces are secured, how intelligence is applied, and how quickly gaps are identified before they are exploited again.

Without that visible progression, reassurance risks becoming routine, and routine reassurance gradually weakens public confidence.

There is also a quiet emotional cost that is rarely acknowledged. Each new incident does not erase the memory of the previous one; it adds to it. Over time, this accumulation creates a national fatigue — a troubling adaptation to repeated distress.

In such a climate, the most important responsibility is not only to respond after events, but to reduce the conditions that allow them to repeat.

Because ultimately, the measure of any serious response is not how firmly it is stated in moments of crisis, but how clearly it reshapes what happens next.

And if that shift is not visible, then the unanswered questions will continue. Not out of impatience, but out of necessity.