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Behold The 62 Failed 2015 Election Campaign Promises of Muhammadu Buhari and APC

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When President Muhammadu Buhari was campaigning for the 2015 general elections, he and his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) made several promises to the electorates.

The promises were contained not only in the APC Manifesto but also in other campaign
documents and were canvassed by the party publicly.

The manifesto and campaign materials which contained all the party’s promises were made
available to the media and the public at the time.

The party’s campaign was based on the catchword “CHANGE” and was implemented in a most spiteful, abrasive and propagandistic forcefulness that crowded out every message of the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its President, Goodluck Jonathan.
At the end of the campaign, Mr. Buhari defeated President Jonathan and was sworn as Nigeria’s 15th head of government.

As advised by its former National Chairman, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, that the public should hold the party accountable, we have, therefore, extracted the APC’s promises as published in reputable newspapers like the Premium Times, The Cable, Next Edition, Sahara Reporters, Vanguard etc, and analysed how President Buhari has fulfilled them as the country approaches the 2019 elections.

From the reports published by the listed media organisations, we were able to extract 73 key promises made by the party in its much touted “Change” campaign and the analysis showed the APC failed woefully in fulfilling them.
Nigerians should therefore, call out the APC leadership and President Buhari to challenge our findings with facts and figures as we prepare for another season of elections.

THE PROMISES AND THE LEVEL OF FULFILLMENT

1. Ban on government officials from going abroad for medical treatment: FAILED
While he initially denied many forex to pay for their treatments abroad, President Buhari as of May 2018, had gone to the United Kingdom five times for the treatment of an undisclosed ailment. Apart from treating himself in the London hospital against the promise he made to end medical tourism by improving the quality of healthcare delivery in the country, his son, Yusuf was flown in an air ambulance to the UK for treatment of injuries he sustained in a power bike crash in Abuja. After his treatment, the boy was flown back to the country in a chartered aircraft; a situation which triggered a public outcry.
2. State and community: FAILED
While the government has largely paid lip service to community policing, President Buhari has led the campaign against the realisation of state police in the country. When asked about state police in an interview with Aliyu Mustapha of VOA in Washington, the president was quoted to have said, “I want the Nigerian Constitution to be consulted first and see what it says. If it says they should be allowed, then they should be allowed but don’t forget, how many times did we have to release money to states in the name of bailouts to enable them to pay salaries…” Asked whether he was convinced about state police, he answered, “I am not convinced. You cannot just give someone guns and ammunition, train him and refuse to pay him, you know what will eventually happen.” The interview was published by Premium Times on May 2, 2018.
3. Public declaration of assets and liabilities: FAILED
President Buhari had many times during the 2015 election campaign vowed to declare his assets and make the report public. However, he is yet to release the full report of his asset declaration to the public months to the end of his administration. Asked during his first media chat on December 30, 2015, the president said he has declared his assets four times but declined when pressed to release the document to Premium Times which had earlier sent an FOI request to the Code of Conduct Bureau to make the report available to it. The CCB had responded that only the president could authorise the release of the report to the media.
4. Introduction of National Gender Policy and offer of 35 per cent appointment to women:
FAILED
President Buhari reneged on this promise early in the life of his administration by appointing only six out of the 36 ministers he used in forming his cabinet in November 2015. Today, with the exits of Mrs. Kemi Adeosun after she was busted for using a fake NYSC discharge certificate and Amina Alhassan, who left to contest election in Taraba State, Mr. Buhari has not deemed it fit to replace the two ministers with new ones. This perhaps underscores why he told journalists in Germany after a meeting with the country’s Chancellor, Angela Merkel, on October 14, 2016, “I don’t know which party my wife belongs to, but she belongs to my kitchen and my living room and the other room.” He was standing next to Mrs. Merkel, who frowned at the comment.
5. Creation of three million jobs per year: FAILED
Instead of creating three million jobs per year which could have culminated in a total of 12
million jobs in four years, the unemployment rate under the Buhari administration has risen from 18.8 per cent in Q3 2017 to 23.1 per cent in the third quarter of 2018 according to a recent report by the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics (NBS). According to the Bureau’s Labour Force Statistics – Volume I released on December 19, 2018, the total number of people classified as unemployedwhich means they did nothing at all or worked for a few hours (under 20 hours a week) rose from 17.6 million in Q4 2017 to 20.9 million in Q3 2018.
6. The revival of Ajaokuta Steel Company: FAILED
Despite the above promise, the government is yet to take any concrete action to revive the giant steel company. The House of Representatives had on December 6, adopted a report calling on Mr. Buhari to terminate the re-concession deal on the national steel firm. The lawmakers made the call during the debate on the report of the ad-hoc committee set up to probe the failure of the steel company. They asked the government to take a cue from the United States and demonstrate a strong political will to resuscitate the Ajaokuta Integrated Steel plant by direct sourcing. The president is yet to take action on the appeal.
7. Creation of a Social Welfare Programme where a minimum of N5000 would be paid to
25 million poorest and most vulnerable citizens: FAILED
This campaign promise generated a serious controversy when the president denied he or the APC ever made such a promise contrary to one of the campaign billboards that was strategically placed at Mabushi Flyover. The billboard which carried the picture of Mr. Buhari and his Vice, Yemi Osinbajo, announced the duo would pay every unemployed graduate in the country N5,000. Till date, the government has not implemented the policy and the party has rather explained the failure away by blaming the PDP for looting the treasury even when a large number of members of the ruling party were PDP chieftains before they defected and became cleansed from every sin they committed.
8. Building one of the fastest-growing emerging economies in the world with a real GDP
growth averaging 10 per cent annually. FAILED
Instead of building one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, the Nigerian economy slipped into recession and has since been struggling amidst high inflation, high-interest rate and depleting foreign reserves. As at the last quarter of 2018, the World Bank said the projected growth of the economy in 2018 would drop from 2.1 per cent it had estimated for the country in April to 1.9 per cent.
9. Generation, transmission and distribution of at least 20,000 MW of electricity within
four years and increasing to 50,000 MW with a view to achieving 24/7 uninterrupted power
supply within 10 years. FAILED
As of December 2014, the total installed capacity of the country’s power plants was 7, 445 MW, available capacity was 4,949 MW and the average generation was about 3,900 MW. However, during campaigns, then Lagos Governor now Power, Works and Housing Minister, Babatunde Fashola, had boasted on Channels TV, “Power generation isn’t rocket science. It’s just a generator. So just remember that your ‘I better pass your neighbour’ in one million times in capacity but in one place.”

However, on August 3, 2018, while addressing a retreat for top officials of his ministry he said the generation capacity is 7000 MW while the distribution capacity stood at 5,222 megawatts, a situation that shows no improvement and far off the 4000 megawatts promised to be delivered yearly by the administration.
https://www.vanguardngr.com/2018/08/power-generation-rises-to-7000-mega-watts-fashola/
10. Empowerment scheme to employ 740,000 graduates across the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory. FAILED
There is no distinct empowerment scheme for graduates across the country as promised by the APC. This promise should not be confused with the N-Power scheme targeted at building vocational and apprenticeship skills.
11. Payment of allowances to the discharged but unemployed Youth Corps members for 12
months while in the skills and entrepreneurial development programme. FAILED
There is no evidence of any payment to discharged but unemployed youth corps members
anywhere in the country as promised by the ruling party during the 2015 election campaigns.
12. Establishment of a free-tuition and scholarship scheme for pupils who have shown
exceptional aptitude in science subjects at O/Levels to study ICT-related courses. FAILED
There is no evidence the Federal Government has initiated a free-tuition and or scholarship
scheme for primary school pupils anywhere in the country.
13. Creation of 720,000 jobs by the 36 states in the federation per annum (20,000 per state) FAILED
There is no evidence this promise has been fulfilled in any state of the Federation including those controlled by the APC.
14. Creating additional middle-class of at least 2 million new homeowners in our first year
in government and 1 million annually thereafter. FAILED
Instead of creating additional middle-class, more people have slipped into poverty to an extent Nigeria has overtaken India in the poorest of the poor index and is now considered the world headquarters of poverty.
15. Creating a National Conflict Resolution Commission to prevent, mitigate and resolve
civil conflicts within the polity. FAILED
There is no evidence to show the government has forwarded a bill for the creation of the
commission to the National Assembly.
16. Building six centres of excellence to address the needs of special education – FAILED.
There is no evidence the government has initiated the building of the centres of excellence for special education in any zone in the country.
17. Establishing a national mortgage system to lend funds at single-digit interest rates for
prospective homeowners. FAILED
The only new mortgage scheme established in the country was by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and supported by the World Bank, Ministries of Finance, Justice, Power, Works and Housing, Mortgage Bank Association and other stakeholders. It is called “My Own Home.” It was not initiated as part of the APC-led government policy.

18. Creating a national infrastructural development bank to provide loans at nominal
interest rates exclusively for this sector – FAILED
While a formal bank has not been established, the government in May 2018 approved the
establishment of a Presidential Infrastructure Development Fund (PIDF) to be managed by the Nigeria Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA) for investment in critical road and power projects across the country. This was followed by an approval by the National Economic Council (NEC) for the transfer of $650 million dollars to the NSIA from the Nigeria Liquefied Natural
Gas (NLNG) dividend account, as seed funding for PIDF. However, it is difficult to say how the PIDF has helped address the infrastructure deficit in the country so far.
19. Raising life expectancy level by an additional 10 years on average – FAILED
There is no indication that life expectancy has improved in the country, rather, many Nigerians have committed suicide than ever before and many have died as a result of gruelling poverty, hunger and poor healthcare delivery system in the country.
20. Construction of 3,000km of superhighways with service trunks – FAILED
The Federal Government has not constructed any superhighway in any part of the country a few months to the next general election.
21. Ensuring a minimum number of seats in the National Assembly are reserved for
women. FAILED
The APC government has not made any conscious move to ensure that a reasonable number of seats in the National Assembly are reserved for women. It has the least number of female lawmakers in the national legislature so far.
22. Making free education at primary, secondary and tertiary levels for Science,
Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) and education – FAILED
There is no evidence this policy has been implemented by the government.
23. Establishing a single ECOWAS currency by 2020 under Nigeria’s leadership: FAILED
There are no deliberate existing mechanisms set up by the government to ensure the realisation of the policy within the set timeframe.
24. Making naira stable at the international market – FAILED
The naira had spiralled downward from N199 on May 29, 2015, when President Buhari took
over office and was later ranked as one of the worst performing in 2016. At a point, it exchanged for N500 per $1 but now stand at N365 per $1 at the parallel market despite billions of dollars pumped out by the CBN to stabilise it.
25. Early identification of talents and making them participate in games locally and
internationally to enable them to become professionals – FAILED
There is no deliberate government policy to achieve this.
26. Giving up to 20 per cent of the national budget for the educational sector while also
making substantial investments in training quality teachers at all levels –FAILED
The government has failed in this promise. It has never allocated up to 10 per cent of the national budget for education since it came into power. Currently, university lecturers are on strike while their Polytechnic counterparts have threatened to also embark on industrial action. The situation of the country’s education sector is far from improving.
27. Establishing world-class sports academy and training institutes- FAILED
The administration has not established any sports academy or training centre in any part of the country.
28. Amending the Nigerian Constitution to ensure devolution of powers, duties, and
responsibilities to states in order to entrench true Federalism – FAILED
President Buhari and the APC have continuously mocked proponents of restructuring and have denied they ever made the promise.
29. Establishing a strong business relationship with top emerging economies including
Brazil, Russia, India and China (BRIC) and other strategic partners around the world –
FAILED
The government has not done anything tangible in this direction as the relationship between Nigeria and the countries within the designated economic blocs has remained the same.
30. Consolidation of INEC to reduce and if possible, eliminate electoral malpractices in the
country’s political space – FAILED
The Buhari government has done very little to strengthen INEC and has also failed four times to sign into law, the Electoral Act Amendment Bill which many believe would have paved the way for a relatively free, fair and credible election. It is on record that INEC was part of the drafting of the bill.
31. Implementing a full erosion and shoreline protection across the country – FAILED
The government is yet to initiate any action to protect the country’s shoreline while many states are being taken over by erosion.
32. Protecting the rights of women as enshrined in the 1999 Constitution – FAILED
While the government has not taken any concrete action to protect the rights of women in the country, it has failed to defend women whose rights are grossly violated. For instance, Eunice Olawale, who was killed in Abuja while preaching and Bridget Agbahime killed by a mob in Kano for alleged blasphemy. Many cases of women’s rights violation still abound across the country including their ridiculous sentencing to the kitchen and the “other room.”
33. Boosting the Nigerian football league to make it as competitive as other national leagues – FAILED.
The government has not initiated any action to improve the quality of the national league and other sports in the country.
34. Balancing the economy across the regions and the creation of six Regional Economic
Development Agencies (REDAs) to drive competitiveness – FAILED
The government has not created any regional economic bloc and or agency and has thus failed abysmally in its promise.
35. Full implementation of the National Identification Scheme – FAILED
There is no evidence to show the government is vigorously pursuing the implementation of
national identification project as it promised during the campaign. The National Identity
Management Agency which was created by previous administration has not been given any
additional push to ensure every Nigerian is identified.
36. Development of national sanitation plans to clean up the country – FAILED
There is no evidence the government has initiated a national sanitation plan for the country.
37. Creation of a Commodity Board to ensure the best pricing for selected crops and
facilitate storage of agricultural products – FAILED
No action has been taken to create a commodity board in the country even in the face of
government’s boastings about increased food production.
38. Providing full disclosure to the media of government contracts over N100m, prior to
award and during implementation at a regular interval – FAILED
Apart from publishing tender notices in the government-owned tender brochure, the government has not released details of its contracts and tender processes to the media.
39. Funding Nollywood to fully develop into world class movie industry so it can compete
on good terms with Hollywood and Bollywood – FAILED
There is no evidence the government has provided an incentive to Nollywood since it came into power except the interaction the president had with artists, filmmakers and others at the Aso Villa, he has not assisted them with funds.
40. Amending the Constitution to remove immunity from prosecution for elected officers in
a criminal case – FAILED
The government has not sent any bill to the National Assembly to remove immunity from
criminal prosecution or any kind of immunity whatsoever.
41. Making policies to halt the pollution of coastal lines, rivers and waterways in the Niger
Delta and other parts of the country – FAILED
No extra action has been taken by the government to protect the coastal lines or river lines in any part of the country.
42. Reforming and strengthening the justice system for efficient administration and
dispensation of justice with the creation of special courts for accelerated hearing of
corruption, drug trafficking, terrorism and ancillary cases – FAILED
The government has not created any special court to address any of the areas indicated above.
Instead, the president has consistently disobeyed court orders and violated court rulings in many cases. Sambo Dasuki, El- Zakzaky have been granted bails by several courts but are still being held in custody.
43. Increasing national health expenditure per person per annum from less than N10, 00o
to about N50, 000 – FAILED
The government has not taken any action to make good this promise.
44. Reducing maternal mortality by more than 70 per cent within four years – FAILED
This is still a tall dream over three years after the APC government came into power. Bill Gates had in March of 2018 said that Nigeria is one of the worst places on earth to give birth and 4th country with the worst maternal mortality rate only ahead of Sierra Leone, Central African Republic and Chad.
45. Abolition of state of origin and replacing it with state of residence to ensure Nigerians
are Nigerians first, before anything else – FAILED
No action has been taken to make the promise a reality.
46. Creating a Crime Squad to combat terrorism, kidnapping, armed robbery, militancy, ethno-religious and communal clashes in the country – FAILED
The government has not created any crime squad for the purpose stated above. Instead we have had an upsurge in all of these crimes.
47. Making Information Technology, Manufacturing, Agriculture and Entertainment key
drivers of our economy – FAILED
Very little or nothing has been done to drive the national economy on the bases of these sectors.
48. Creating a N300 billion Regional Growth Fund (average of N50bn in each geo-political
zone) to be managed by the REDAs – FAILED
No action has so far been taken to actualize this electoral promise.
49. Amending the Constitution and the Land Use Act to create freehold/leasehold interests
in land along with matching grants for states to create a nationwide electronic land title
register on a state by state basis – FAILED
No serious action has been taken to fulfill this promise
50. Building of at least one functioning airport in each of the 36 states – FAILED
The APC government has not built a single new airport in any part of the country. It has,
however, completed the projects that were initiated by the Jonathan administration.
51. A constitutional amendment to oblige local governments in the country to publish
minutes of their meetings, service performance data, and spending over N10 million –
FAILED
There has been no constitutional amendment to address the above issues and even local
government autonomy which was included in the last constitutional amendment was not passed as only 10 states voted in support of the policy.
52. Construction of an airport in Ekiti State – FAILED
The government has not initiated any action to establish an airport in Ekiti State as was promised during the 2015 campaigns.
53. Reduction of HIV/AIDs infection rate by 50 percent and other infectious diseases by 75
percent – FAILED
There are no baseline data to show that the country has reduced HIV/AIDS infection rate by 50 per cent and or other infectious diseases by 75 per cent as promised.

54. Ensuring that political officer holders earn salaries and emoluments as determined and
approved by the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Commission (RMFAC).
The government has not taken any action to ensure that this policy comes into effect even as the National Assembly, CBN, NNPC, NDDC and other government agencies and parastatals still pay far higher perks than what is recommended by RMFAC.
55. Ending gas flaring and ensuring sales of at least half of gas produced within the country
FAILED
Nothing serious has been done to stop gas flaring by oil companies operating in the Niger
Delta. It was only in October 2018 that the government issued a directive to multinational oil firms to stop flaring by this year and increased the penalty by 600 per cent. Until the non-flaring regime comes into effect, the government cannot appropriate it as an achievement.
56. Prompt passage of the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) and addressing local content
issues in the oil and gas sector – FAILED
The government has not given the accelerated attention it promised towards the passage of the PIB Bill. Close to the end of its tenure, it is yet to push for the passage of the law.
57. Establishment of at least six new universities of science and technology with satellite
campuses in states of the Federation – FAILED
The government is yet to establish a single university of science and technology in any part of the country.
58. Increasing the number of doctors from 19 per 1000 population to 50 per 1000 –
FAILED
Instead of attracting more doctors, the country has witnessed a huge brain drain in the health sector than ever before. Even the president has no confidence in the nation’s healthcare delivery system and has consistently gone to the UK for treatment and for his son.
59. Strengthening operational and legal instruments to discipline members of the Armed
Forces over confirmed cases of human rights violations – FAILED
No serious action has been taken by the government to discipline errant officers and men of the Nigerian Armed Forces in the face of gross human rights abuses. Instead, the Presidency has always defended the Armed Forces anytime international bodies like Amnesty International,
Human Rights Watch etc, released reports indicting the military of rights violations.
60. Free maternal and child healthcare services – FAILED
The Federal Government has not initiated free maternal and childcare services in any part of the country.
61. Upgrading all Federal Government-owned hospitals to world-class facilities within five
years – FAILED
None of the federal government-owned tertiary institutions has been upgraded to world-class standard since the administration came into power.
62. The defeat of Boko Haram and the rehabilitation and reintegration of repentant
insurgents – FAILED

Boko Haram is still unleashing terror on many parts of the Northeast and has recently intensified attacks in Borno and Yobe states. More soldiers have been killed by the insurgents than in the past while morale has gotten to its lowest ebb among troops resulting in protests and mutiny.

Signed:
Hon. Celestine Eronmosele
Mandate Protection Vanguard (MPV)
c/o G. H Agoro Chambers
8 Ijaye Road, Opposite Shogunro Estate
1st Gate, Ogba
Lagos.

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Who Gets the Blame When Opportunities Disappear? The South Africa Example

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By Anjorin Fehintola Stella

As South Africa approaches June 30, the date set by certain anti-immigrant groups as deadline for undocumented migrants to leave the country, tensions surrounding immigration have once again captured national and international attention. These groups have argued forcefully and publicly that foreigners are responsible for rising unemployment, escalating crime, and increasing pressure on already overstretched public services such as hospitals, schools, and housing. The debate has sparked strong and deeply divided reactions across the continent, raising urgent concerns about xenophobia, social cohesion, human rights, and the future of African unity at a time when continental cooperation has never been more necessary.

Yet beneath the headlines and the heated rhetoric lies a deeper and more unsettling question; Why do immigrants so often become targets during periods of economic and social uncertainty? And what does the persistence of this pattern tell us about how societies respond when the gap between expectation and reality becomes too painful to confront honestly?

The current tensions in South Africa are not simply about immigration. They reflect broader and far more complex struggles over identity, opportunity, belonging, and the distribution of scarce resources in a society still grappling with the deep and unresolved legacies of apartheid and structural inequality. To reduce the debate to a question of who should or should not be in the country is to miss what is truly at stake, both for South Africa and for the wider African continent.

Throughout history, societies facing economic hardship have repeatedly searched for visible and identifiable groups to blame for problems that are in reality deeply structural and systemic. This is not a uniquely South African phenomenon. It is a recurring pattern in human social behaviour that has appeared across cultures, continents, and centuries. In post-World War One Germany, economic devastation and national humiliation were channelled into blame directed at Jewish communities, with catastrophic consequences. In the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, rising unemployment across parts of Europe fuelled hostility toward immigrant communities in countries including Greece, Hungary, and the United Kingdom. In the United States, periods of economic contraction have historically coincided with surges in anti-immigrant sentiment directed at whichever group happened to be most recently arrived and most visibly different from the majority. The pattern is consistent, when jobs become scarce, living costs rise, and opportunities diminish, frustration seeks an outlet, and that outlet is rarely the complex institutional and policy failures that actually caused the hardship.

This phenomenon is commonly and usefully referred to as scapegoating. Rather than confronting the structural causes of social and economic challenges, which are difficult to understand, slow to change, and rarely produce a satisfying emotional response, public frustration is redirected toward groups that are politically vulnerable, socially distinct, and easy to identify. Immigrants fit this profile in almost every society where they are present in significant numbers. They look different, speak differently, worship differently, and occupy a social position that makes them easy to portray as outsiders who do not belong and therefore do not deserve the resources they are perceived to be consuming.

South Africa’s situation reflects many of these dynamics with particular intensity, shaped by a history that makes its current crisis both understandable and deeply tragic.

Despite being one of Africa’s most industrialized and developed economies, South Africa continues to experience some of the highest levels of unemployment on the continent and indeed in the world. Official unemployment figures have consistently exceeded thirty percent in recent years, with youth unemployment reaching even more alarming levels. Economic inequality, as measured by the Gini coefficient, remains among the highest of any country on earth. Millions of South African citizens continue to live in poverty, in informal settlements without adequate sanitation or electricity, with limited access to quality healthcare, education, and economic opportunity. These are not new problems. They are the accumulated product of centuries of colonial exploitation and decades of apartheid, a system that was specifically designed to concentrate wealth, land, and opportunity in the hands of a small racial minority while deliberately excluding the majority from the formal economy.

For many South Africans, the promise of economic transformation that accompanied the end of apartheid in 1994 and the dawn of democracy remains painfully and visibly unfulfilled. While political freedom was achieved, and while the legal architecture of racial discrimination was dismantled, economic inclusion has proven far more difficult and far slower to realize. Land remains heavily concentrated. Corporate ownership remains skewed. Access to capital, education, and professional networks continues to reflect the inequalities of the past. This disconnect between the political promises of liberation and the economic realities of daily life has contributed to growing frustration and disillusionment, particularly among younger South Africans who were born after apartheid ended and who cannot understand why freedom has not yet translated into opportunity.

In such an environment, immigrants often become symbols of broader anxieties that have little to do with immigration itself. Many foreign nationals living in South Africa come from Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Somalia, Ethiopia, and other parts of the continent. They operate small businesses in townships and urban centers, work in informal sectors, provide services, and seek economic opportunities that are unavailable or severely constrained in their home countries. Their presence within local communities creates visibility. And that visibility, in a context of scarcity and frustration, can generate the perception that they are taking jobs, occupying business spaces, or accessing services that rightfully belong to citizens.

This perception, however, frequently diverges significantly from the evidence. Research on the economic impact of immigration in South Africa and elsewhere consistently shows that immigrants do not simply take jobs from citizens. They also create jobs, start businesses that employ local workers, fill skills gaps in sectors where domestic supply is insufficient, and contribute to local economies through their spending, taxation, and economic activity. A Nigerian shopkeeper in a township is not stealing an opportunity from a South African. In many cases, that shopkeeper has created a service, employed assistants, and provided affordable goods in a community that was previously underserved. The relationship between immigration and unemployment is complex, contested among economists, and cannot be reduced to the simple arithmetic of more people competing for fewer jobs.

Consider, for example, the experience of a Zimbabwean trader who crossed into South Africa after Zimbabwe’s economic collapse in the late 2000s. Having lost his savings and his livelihood to hyperinflation and political instability, he arrived with little more than skills and determination. Over years of persistent effort, he built a small clothing stall, then a shop, then a small enterprise employing three South African workers. He pays rent to a South African landlord, buys stock from South African suppliers, and contributes to the local economy in ways that are invisible in anti-immigrant rhetoric but very real in the daily life of his community. His story is not exceptional. It is representative of countless immigrants whose contributions are routinely overlooked in debates that reduce their presence to a threat.

The reality is that unemployment, poverty, and inequality in South Africa cannot be meaningfully explained by immigration. These challenges are the product of historical dispossession, inadequate education infrastructure, insufficient investment in skills development, failures of governance and service delivery, and the structural features of an economy that has not succeeded in creating opportunities fast enough to absorb its growing population. These are the real causes of South Africa’s economic distress. They are difficult to address, require sustained political will, and do not lend themselves to simple solutions or satisfying emotional narratives.

However, complex explanations rarely generate the same emotional response as simple ones. When people experience prolonged hardship, when they watch their children go hungry, when they cannot afford school fees or medical care, when they have applied for jobs repeatedly and been rejected, the desire for immediate and identifiable answers becomes overwhelming. In that state of distress, a narrative that points to a visible group of outsiders as the source of the problem offers something that structural analysis cannot, a clear villain and the emotional relief of righteous anger. This is not a failure of intelligence. It is a very human response to pain. But it is a response that, when translated into policy or action, produces injustice rather than solutions.

The consequences of xenophobic sentiment extend far beyond those who are directly targeted. When anti-immigrant hostility becomes normalized in public discourse, it weakens the social trust upon which functioning communities depend. It creates fear and suspicion where cooperation and mutual support are needed. It divides communities along lines of origin and nationality at precisely the moment when shared challenges require collective response. In South Africa, where the wounds of racial division already run deep, the addition of nationality-based hostility adds another layer of fracture to a society that is still in the long process of healing.

For the immigrants themselves, the impact of this hostility can be devastating and sometimes fatal. South Africa has experienced multiple episodes of deadly xenophobic violence over the past two decades, including the widespread attacks of 2008 in which over sixty people were killed, and subsequent outbreaks in 2015 and beyond. Shops and homes were looted and burned. Families were displaced. People who had built lives over years lost everything in days. Many of those targeted had lived in South Africa for decades, raised children there, built businesses, and considered it home. In moments of mob violence, none of that mattered. What mattered was that they were perceived as foreign.

The South African experience raises uncomfortable but necessary questions about African solidarity and the meaning of continental unity in practice. Africa has a long and rich tradition of intra-continental migration. People have moved across the continent in search of pasture, trade, education, employment, and safety for thousands of years. These movements have contributed to cultural exchange, the spread of knowledge, economic growth, and the complex and vibrant diversity that characterizes African societies today. The idea that Africans should be hostile to other Africans seeking opportunity within the continent sits in painful tension with the values of solidarity and shared humanity that African political and cultural traditions have long celebrated.

As African countries continue to pursue greater economic and political cooperation through frameworks such as the African Continental Free Trade Area, which envisions the free movement of goods, services, and eventually people across the continent, the challenge will be to translate those institutional commitments into genuine cultural and social acceptance at the community level. Trade agreements and policy frameworks matter enormously. But they cannot achieve their full potential in societies where ordinary people view fellow Africans as threats rather than as partners and neighbors.

None of this means that governments should ignore legitimate concerns about border management or the pressures placed on public services by large-scale immigration. Every sovereign nation has both the right and the responsibility to manage its borders and regulate the flow of people entering its territory. Immigration policy is a legitimate area of governance, and there are real and valid questions about how to ensure that public services are adequately funded to serve growing populations, how to manage informal settlements, and how to create pathways to legal status for long-term residents. These are proper subjects for policy debate and democratic deliberation. However, there is a fundamental and morally significant difference between addressing immigration through careful, rights-respecting policy and assigning blame for complex, historically rooted societal problems to people who had nothing to do with creating them.

The current debate in South Africa serves as a sobering reminder that economic hardship tests the strength of social order in ways that prosperity rarely does. It reveals how quickly frustration can be redirected toward those perceived as different, and how easily social divisions can deepen when the competition for scarce resources becomes acute. It also reveals the critical importance of leadership in such moments. When political leaders and public figures validate scapegoating narratives for short-term political gain, they legitimize hostility and make violence more likely. When they speak honestly about structural causes and call for solidarity, they create space for more constructive responses. The role of leadership in shaping how societies respond to economic stress cannot be overstated.

Media also bears significant responsibility in these moments. The way immigration is framed in news coverage, in social media discourse, and in public commentary shapes how ordinary people understand the issue and where they direct their frustration. Reporting that reduces immigrants to numbers and threats, that amplifies the most extreme anti-immigrant voices without context or counter-narrative, and that fails to humanize the people at the center of the debate contributes to the very climate of hostility that makes violence possible. Responsible journalism on migration requires not only accuracy but empathy and context.

Ultimately, the question confronting South Africa is larger than immigration itself. It is about how societies respond when expectations collide painfully with reality, when the promises of the past remain unfulfilled in the present, and when the future looks uncertain. Do they find the political courage and social will to confront the structural challenges that limit opportunity and perpetuate inequality? Or do they retreat into the easier and more emotionally satisfying path of finding groups to blame? History offers a sobering and consistent lesson. When opportunities disappear, someone is almost always held responsible. The real measure of a society’s maturity, its justice, and its humanity lies in whether it has the honesty and the courage to ensure that blame does not become a substitute for solutions. For South Africa, and for many societies navigating similar pressures across the world, the path forward will not be found in the targeting of the vulnerable. It will be found in the difficult, unglamorous, and absolutely necessary work of addressing the deeper inequalities and structural failures that give rise to public frustration in the first place. That work cannot wait, and it cannot be avoided. The people living at the sharp edge of these tensions, both citizens and immigrants alike, deserve nothing less.

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What’s the Proof That Bandit Kingpin’s Mother, Sister Got 40-Years Combined Jail Term?

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By Ekunode Ayomipo Jolaoluwa

A claim circulating online alleging that the mother and sister of a notorious bandit kingpin were sentenced to 40 years imprisonment for aiding terrorism activities has continued to generate public interest and reactions.

A review of the claim shows that Nigeria’s security agencies and judicial authorities have, in recent years, intensified efforts to dismantle criminal networks by targeting not only suspected bandits and terrorists but also individuals accused of providing logistical, financial or operational support to such groups. This approach forms part of broader efforts to curb insecurity across affected regions of the country.

However, despite the widespread circulation of the claim, available information does not provide sufficient evidence to independently confirm that the individuals depicted in the image were convicted and sentenced to a combined 40-year jail term for terrorism-related offences. No official court documents, statements from relevant authorities, or verifiable judicial records were readily available to substantiate the specific details presented in the image.

The absence of key information, including the identities of the accused persons, the location of the trial, the date of conviction, and the court that allegedly handed down the sentence, makes it difficult to establish the authenticity of the claim. Such details are critical in verifying reports of criminal convictions, particularly in cases involving terrorism and national security.

Experts in media verification advise that claims relating to criminal prosecutions should be supported by official records and credible sources before being accepted as factual. Without such supporting evidence, there remains a possibility that the information may have been presented without adequate context or may be inaccurate.

While the Nigerian government has maintained a firm stance against terrorism, banditry and related crimes, and courts have handed down significant penalties in proven cases, the specific claim regarding the alleged conviction of a bandit kingpin’s mother and sister could not be independently verified at the time of this review.

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Shalina Healthcare Launches Franchise Drive to Bridge Nigeria’s Diagnostics Testing Services’ Gap

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At a landmark two-day summit in Abuja, Africa’s fastest-growing diagnostics chain unveiled a hub-and-spoke franchise model promising a bold target of 500 Points of Care across Nigeria in next 3 years.                           

Nigeria is losing more than one million citizens every year — not to untreatable disease, but to a healthcare system that cannot tell patients what is wrong with them in time. That is the stark figure Shalina Diagnostics placed before an audience of pharmacists, doctors, clinic operators, and investors gathered this week in Abuja for the company’s inaugural Franchise Partners Meet.

The event, spanning two days at the nation’s capital, marked the most public and ambitious statement yet from a company that three years ago set out to do what no pan-African private operator has managed: build a standardised, affordable, technology-backed chain of diagnostic laboratories across Nigeria, and eventually across the continent.

Speaking to delegates, Shalina Diagnostics CEO Mr. Nalin Singla framed the problem in three simple facts: there are not enough labs; the premium chains that do exist are priced out of reach for the common man; and local labs lack the trust, the consistency, and the fast turnaround that patients and clinicians depend on.

“One million-plus Nigerians die every year due to lack of quality and timely testing. This is a problem the market cannot ignore.”

– Abbas Virji, MD, Shalina Healthcare

The company’s answer is a hub-and-spoke model it based on 3 pillars : Quality, Affordability, Availability. Under the model, franchise partners operate small patient-facing collection centres and labs, gathering samples which are then processed at Shalina’s central reference laboratories equipped with advanced diagnostic technology. Results are returned electronically with agreed turnaround times.

Shalina Healthcare Managing Director Mr. Abbas Virji, who first conceived the diagnostics arm after COVID-19 exposed the country’s testing deficit, told the summit that the network effect of scale is the key to making affordability sustainable. “By having more collection points and more scale, we can achieve lower prices for testing. The power of the community coming together, having one system — that is how we solve this.”

A BUSINESS CASE BUILT FOR ENTREPRENEURS 

For aspiring franchise partners, the numbers Shalina presented were designed to dispel the notion that healthcare is an expensive sector to enter. A collection centre can pay back within three months and a full-service satellite lab achieves payback within six months, with the potential to scale as the network grows.

 

“You bring the location. We bring the lab. That is the entire model.”

  • Nalin Singla, CEO, Shalina Diagnostics

A 27-YEAR LEGACY THAT COMMANDS TRUST 

Shalina Diagnostics does not arrive in Nigeria as an unknown quantity. Shalina Diagnostics is a company launched by Shalina Healthcare, a group that has been manufacturing and distributing medicines across Africa for more than four decades, operating in 18 countries with 108 distribution depots on the continent. In Nigeria alone, the parent company has been present for 27 years, touching the lives of 40% Nigerians through 17,000 healthcare professionals, running a one-billion-tablet factory in Lagos, and more than 150 products registered with NAFDAC. The diagnostics business, now three years old, already has over 30 locations in 4 countries.

Ms. Opeyemi Akinyele, Managing Director of Shalina Healthcare Nigeria, told the summit that the diagnostics expansion is a natural extension of a mission the company has pursued since 1999. “We are anchored in three pillars — Quality, Affordability, Availability — and we are committed to delivering better health outcomes for every Nigerian.”

The company counts household names among its Nigerian pharmaceutical brands — Shal’Artem, Ibucap, Germol, Epiderm — and has  earned the trust of the Pharmaceutical council of Nigeria and the Nigerian Medical Association, while the manufacturing facility has earned the commendation of NAFDAC & The House Committee onAIDS, TB and Malaria (ATM). That institutional credibility, the company argues, is something no start-up franchise competitor can replicate.

THE SCIENCE CASE: WHY DIAGNOSTICS CANNOT WAIT 

The clinical argument for the summit was made by Dr. S.A. Sani, Associate Professor of Surgery and Consultant Surgeon at the University of Abuja Teaching Hospital, who laid out in unambiguous terms why access to diagnostics is not a luxury but a prerequisite for modern medicine. “Diagnostics affect approximately 70 percent of all healthcare decision-making,” Dr. Sani told delegates. “They guide prevention, screening, treatment, and monitoring. Without them, clinicians are flying blind.”

Article contributed by Vincent Ikuomola, a health correspondent based in Abuja

 

Photo: From left: Chief Operating Officer Shalina Diagnostics, Mr. Gaurav Bahl, MD Shalina Healthcare Nigeria, Opeyemi Akinyele, Global Head Commercial, Shalina Diagnostics, Jayant Rajani, Group Managing Director, Shalina Healthcare, Mr. Abbas Virji, Chief Executive Officer Shalina Diagnostics, Mr. Nalin Singla and Country Head, Shalina Diagnostics, Manoj Walia, during the day 2 of Shalina Diagnostics Franchisee meeting in Abuja Tuesday Photo

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