The Oracle
The Oracle: The ECOWAS Transhumance Protocol and Need for Urgent Review (Pt. 2)
Published
11 months agoon
By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
CHALLENGES BEDEVILLING THE ECOWAS PROTOCOL ON TRANSHUMANCE (continues)
The inaugural installment of this treatise dealt with historical background of transhumance and its contemporary challenges. Thereafter, it examined the ECOWAS Protocol and challenges vis-avis transhumance, starting with free movement and national security. This week’s installment continues with that theme, with a focus on farmer-herder conflicts; its stain on the economy and environment and its negative impact on modern livestock practices, later we will make a case for reviewing the protocol on transhumance; challenging the dynamics of security; climate change and land security; national sovereignty and regional integration; promoting ranching and alternative livelihoods. This will be followed by suggested strategic solutions such as balancing regional integration and national security-including strengthening border security and management systems; enhancing intelligence sharing and security cooperation within the sub-region and strengthening extradition and mutual legal assistance treaties. Read on.
1. FARMER-HERDER CONFLICTS
The ECOWAS Protocol does not account for changing demographics, land use patterns and climate change, leading to violent clashes between farmers and herders. Invariably, it is herders armed with AK-47 rifles that usually graze on farmers’ farmlands and wherever challenged, they unleash mayhem, kill, rape and overrun such communities. In Nigeria, these conflicts have resulted in thousands of deaths and internal displacements, particularly in the Middle Belt (Benue, Plateau, Taraba). ECOWAS lacks enforcement mechanisms to regulate transhumance effectively.
In the past, land in Nigeria was owned mostly by communities. Usually, the head of each community and these pastoralists have a well-defined mechanism of ensuring that conflicts are minimized to the barest minimum. Under the extant Land Use Act of Nigeria, it is provided that all the land in each state is owned by the Governor who holds it in trust for the people of Nigeria. The Governor gives a holder of an interest in land a “Right of Occupancy” as evident in a document called “Certificate of Occupancy”. See the cases of Adisa v. Oyinwola & Ors (2000) LPELR-186(SC) and Omatha Investments & Property LTD v. Awosanya (2023) LPELR – 60685 (CA).
Most Governors, unfortunately, have no clue about pastoralism and the challenges of these herders. Some of them do not have any land reserved for grazing or farming in their states and have therefore enacted laws proscribing open grazing. The arguments is that these laws target herders without taking into consideration the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) regarding freedom of movement and the ECOWAS Protocol on Transhumance. The Farm Settlement Schemes established while Nigeria was practising regionalism have since died under the watch of these Governors. Even in states where there are grazing reserves or policies to that effect, such policies have largely failed due to poor implementation and lack of funding.
2. ECONOMIC AND ENVIRONMENTAL STRAIN
Another challenge of the ECOWAS Protocol on transhumance is that it is mostly unregulated. I doubt if any of the signatories to the protocol have a database of the herders in their countries and where they are. This is an institutional failure of the government. Unfortunately, unregulated grazing leads to massive crop destruction, huge economic losses for farmers, and environmental degradation (e.g., deforestation, soil erosion), etc.
3. UNDERMINING MODERN LIVESTOCK PRACTICES
The ECOWAS Protocol perpetuates open grazing which is increasingly unsustainable due to urbanization and shrinking grazing reserves. Nigeria and other West African nations must now embark on policies that encourage ranching and sedentarization of pastoralists.
THE CASE FOR REVIEWING THE ECOWAS PROTOCOL ON TRANSHUMANCE
4. Changing Security Dynamics
The rise of jihadist groups (e.g., ISWAP, Ansaru) and armed banditry linked to transhumance necessitates stricter regulations. A lecturer at the Taraba State University, Prof. John Ajai, shared such view (https://punchng.com/taraba-varsity-lecturer-writes-tinubu-calls-for-ban-on-open-grazing/> Accessed on 2nd May, 2025.). In his recent letter to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He said “unregulated cross-border movements have enabled not just pastoralists but heavily armed groups to enter Nigerian territories under the guise of transhumance”. He argued that the ECOWAS protocol, initially aimed at facilitating peaceful pastoral mobility across West Africa, has been “hijacked by criminal networks and insurgents,” leading to the displacement of indigenous communities and the destruction of livelihoods in states such as Benue, Plateau, and Nasarawa. Citing a USAID-funded report, Ajai noted that between 2015 and 2019, Nigeria recorded “approximately 7,000 deaths and an estimated $13bn in annual economic losses” due to conflicts linked to pastoral activities.
Nigeria must advocate for a revised Protocol that mandates biometric registration of pastoralists and tracking of livestock movements across the length and breadth of Nigeria.
5. Climate Change and Land Scarcity
Desertification and shrinking Lake Chad have reduced grazing lands, increasing competition for resources. The Protocol should integrate climate adaptation strategies, such as designated grazing corridors and water management policies.
6. National Sovereignty vs. Regional Integration
While ECOWAS promotes free movement, member states must prioritize domestic security. A revised Protocol is required to allow countries impose temporary restrictions on transhumance during periods of crises and national emergencies.
7. Promoting Ranching and Alternative Livelihoods
The Protocol should incentivize ranching and feedlot systems, reducing reliance on open grazing. ECOWAS could establish a fund to support pastoralists in transitioning from pastoralism to modern livestock practices.
STRATEGIC SOLUTIONS: BALANCING REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND NATIONAL SECURITY
Addressing the menace of criminal infiltration under the ECOWAS Protocol requires a multifaceted and collaborative approach that balances Nigeria’s commitment to regional integration with the imperative of safeguarding national security. The following strategic solutions warrant serious consideration:
1. Strengthening Border Security and Management Systems.
a. Increased Investment in Technology: Deploying advanced biometric identification systems at all major border crossings to accurately verify the identities of entrants and cross-reference them against national and regional criminal databases. Implementing surveillance technologies, including CCTV, drones, and ground sensors, to monitor border areas effectively. Investing in vehicle and cargo scanning equipment to detect the movement of illicit goods and weapons.
b. Enhanced Training and Capacity Building for Border Personnel: Providing comprehensive training to immigration, customs, and security personnel on modern border management techniques, including profiling, document fraud detection, intelligence gathering, and human rights. Increasing the number of trained personnel deployed to border areas to ensure adequate coverage.
c. Integrated Border Management Strategy: Developing and implementing a national integrated border management strategy that fosters seamless coordination and information sharing among all relevant security agencies operating at the borders. Establishing joint operation centers and protocols for inter-agency collaboration.
d. Community Engagement in Border Security: Fostering partnerships with border communities through awareness programs and intelligence networks to enhance local vigilance and reporting of suspicious activities.
2. Enhancing Intelligence Sharing and Security Cooperation within ECOWAS:
a. Establishment of a Robust Regional Criminal Intelligence Database: Actively participating in and advocating for the establishment of a centralized, real-time, and secure ECOWAS-wide criminal intelligence database accessible to authorized security agencies in all member states. This database should include biometric data, criminal records, and information on suspected terrorist groups and organized criminal networks.
b. Strengthening Joint Intelligence Operations: Establishing and expanding joint intelligence units with neighboring ECOWAS countries to conduct coordinated analysis, share information on cross-border threats, and plan joint operations.
c. Regular Security Summits and Information Exchange Forums: Organizing regular high-level meetings and technical workshops among security chiefs and intelligence agencies of ECOWAS member states to discuss emerging threats, share best practices, and coordinate security strategies.
d. Full Implementation and Utilization of West Africa Police Information System (WAPIS): Ensuring the full and effective implementation and utilization of the West Africa Police Information System (WAPIS) to facilitate the exchange of critical crime-related data among law enforcement agencies in the region.
3. Strengthening Extradition and Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties: Reviewing and strengthening existing extradition treaties and mutual legal assistance agreements among ECOWAS member states to streamline the process of apprehending and prosecuting cross-border criminals.
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The ECOWAS Protocol on Transhumance, though initially well-intentioned, is now outdated and ill-equipped to address emergent contemporary security and environmental challenges. Nigeria must lead efforts to immediately review the Protocol, incorporating:
• Stricter regulations on cross-border pastoral movements.
• Promotion of ranching and livestock modernization.
• Enhanced regional cooperation on counter-terrorism and conflict resolution.
• Climate adaptation strategies for sustainable pastoralism.
Without urgent reforms, transhumance-related conflicts will continue to destabilize Nigeria and the wider West African region. It is a no-win situation. (The end).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
Almost half of the population of the world lives in rural regions and mostly in a state of poverty. Such inequalities in human development have been one of the primary reasons for unrest and, in some parts of the world, even violence. (A. P. J. Abdul Kalam).
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The Oracle
The Oracle: Enforcement of Fundamental Human Rights Under the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria (Pt. 1)
Published
5 days agoon
May 1, 2026By
Eric
By Prof Mike Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
Man as distinct from other beings is rational and has morals. He has the power of reason which enables him to differentiate between right and wrong, between good and bad, and also between justice and injustice. He therefore possesses honour and dignity which are higher than that of other beings. Human rights are necessary to protect this honour and dignity which nature has bestowed on human kind. They ensure (where these rights are enforced) that human kind is not degraded or made inhumane. Chapter IV (Sections 17-32) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1963, had provided that:
“No person shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman degrading punishment or other treatment.”
This has been replicated in section 3 of the 1999 Constitution. Equally, Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Right, 1984 declares that:
“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and right. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.”
There is therefore a great need to protect and ensure the protection of these inherent rights and freedoms.
WHAT IS A RIGHT?
Before discussing the ways and means by which one may enforce his fundamental human rights, it is apposite to first understand the context in which “right” is used.
‘Right’ in ordinary language means power of free action; a demand, inherent in one person and incident upon another. It is an interest recognized by law, respect for which is a duty and disregard of which is wrong. It refers to the cultural, political, social, economic advantage to which a person has just claim, either morally or in law. It is distinct from privilege.
Right described as ‘human’ refers to a category of rights which are specified and in most cases protected by law. Every human being is entitled to such rights and no person may be denied of such rights except through the due process of law. Cranston therefore holds the strong view that:
“A human right is something of which no one may be deprived without a great affront to justice. These are certain deeds which should never be invaded some things which are supremely sacred”
Kayode Eso, JSC. (as he then was) re-affirmed the importance of human rights in RANSOME KUTI Vs. A-G OF THE FEDERATION, (1985) CLR 6(d) (SC), when he said of human rights:
“… It is a right which stands above the ordinary laws of the land and which in fact is antecedent to the political society itself. It is a primary condition to a civilized existence… and what has been done is to have these rights enshrined in the Constitution so that the rights could be immutable to the extent of the non-immutability of the constitution itself.”
FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS OR FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS?
“Fundamental rights” are generally regarded as those aspects of human rights which have been recognized and entrenched in the constitution of a country. They are specially provided for to enhance human dignity and liberty in every modern state. In the Nigerian context, the terms “human right”, “fundamental right” and “fundamental human right” are always used interchangeably. This has been justified by a learned author who posited forcefully that:
“Human rights remain so, whether they occur in the international plane or within municipal confines and whether they are called ‘human rights’ or ‘fundamental rights’. It should be noted that the international bill of rights – the universal declaration of Human rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights- use the expression fundamental human rights, so also the U.N charter.” (the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948).
Since the Constitution specifically provides for fundamental rights, Nigerian Court have found it expedient to draw a line of dichotomy between ‘human rights’ and ‘fundamental rights’. Thus, in UZOUKWU & ORS Vs. EZEONU II & ORS, (1991) 6 NWLR (pt 200) p. 708, the Court of Appeal (per Nasir P. C. A) put in with apt clarity and lucidity:
“Due to the development of Constitutional law in the field, distinct difference has emerged between ‘Fundamental Right’ and ‘Human Rights’. It may be recalled that human rights were derived from and out of the wider concept of natural rights. They are rights which every civilized society must accept as belonging to each person as human being. These were termed human rights. When the United Nations made its declaration it was in respect of Human Rights which belong to all human beings irrespective of citizenship, race, religion and so on. This has now formed part of international law. Fundamental Rights remain in the realm of domestic law. They are fundamental because they have been guaranteed by the fundamental law of the country, that is by the Constitution.”
Nature and Classification of Human Rights
Human rights are generally grouped under five sub-headings namely; Civil Rights, Political Rights, Social Rights, Economic Rights and Cultural Rights. We shall however discuss these classifications under two broad further categorization, that is:
Civil and Political Rights: these includes the right to self-determination, the right to life, freedom from torture and inhuman treatment, freedom from slavery and forced labour, the right to fair trial, right to privacy, freedom of thought conscience and religion, freedom of opinion and expression, the right of assembly, freedom of association, and movement, the right to marry and found a family, the right to participate in one’s Government either directly or through freely elected representatives, and the right to nationality and equality before the law.
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ECOSOC Rights) include the right to work, the right to an adequate standard of living, the right to organize, form and join trade unions, the right to social security, the right to collective bargaining, the right to property, the right to education, the right to participate in cultural life and to enjoy the benefits of scientific progress.
The importance of these rights cannot be over emphasized. So important are they that they have been universally recognized and acclaimed by the international community. The universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as other United Nations Covenant on Human Rights, the African Charter on Human race on an equal scale as the foundation of freedom, peace and justice in the world.
NOW THIS
HUMAN RIGHTS IN NIGERIA AND INTERNATIONAL CHARTERS AND CONVENTIONS
The emergence of human rights in documented form in Nigeria can be traced to the Nigeria Bill of Rights of 1959. This was incorporated into the 1960 Independence Constitution in 1963; these rights were reproduced 111 of the 1963 Republican Constitution. These fundamental human rights are provided for in Chapter Iv of both the 1979 and 1999 Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria with some improvements.
The reverence of these human rights can be seen from their recognition, promotion and protection under international law. Charters and Conventions have been globally drawn, and under various economic, geographical and political blocs for the promotion and protection from abuse of these rights. The United Nation (UN) has been championing the global protection of these rights as can be seen from the various chapters of the UN charter. The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (1984) proclamation states as follows:
“This Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a common standard of achievement for all the end that every individual and every organ of society keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measure, national and international to secure observance both among people of member states themselves and among people of territories under their jurisdiction.”
Article 30 of the Charter further provides thus:
“Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any state group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any action aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.”
The Declaration by its provisions sets out the minimum standard to be observed by countries of the world in relation to human rights.
There is also the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights which has become, in Nigeria, a potent source of quick remedy against gross violation of human rights under municipal laws which remedy could not be traced to the laws because of ouster clauses built in them. The charter has since been ratified in Nigeria as African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act Cap 10 1 FN 1990. The importance of the African Charter was underlined by Eniola Longe J, in the case of MOHAMMED GARUBA & ORS V. A.G OF LAGOS STATE & ORS (Unreported Suit No. ID/559/90), when he held:
“The African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights of which Nigeria is a signatory is now made into our law… Even if its aspect in our constitution is suspended or ousted by provisions of our local law, the international aspect of it cannot be unilaterally abrogated…”
AND THIS LIMITATION ON FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS
Under section 45 of the 1999 Constitution and many constitutional expressions of fundamental rights, certain qualifications or restriction which are reasonably justifiable in a democratic society are incorporated in the interest of defence, public safety, public order, public morality or public health or for the purpose protecting the rights and freedoms of other persons. Consequently, the aforesaid rights are generally subjected to these limitations.
ENFORCEMENT OF RIGHTS
Procedure for the enforcement of the fundamental rights provisions enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is guided and regulated by the Fundamental Rights (Enforcement Procedure) Rules 1979. It is pertinent to state here that the above rules are made pursuant to the powers conferred on the Chief Justice of Nigeria by section 46(3) of the Constitution, which provided thus:
“The Chief Justice of Nigeria may make rules with respect to the practice and procedure of a High Court for the purpose of this section.” (To be continued).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“Each state, so that it does not abridge the great fundamental rights belonging, under the Constitution, to all citizens, may grant or withhold such civil rights as it pleases; all that is required is that, in this respect, its laws shall be impartial”. (Lyman Trumbull).
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The Oracle
The Oracle: Human Rights: Our Everyday Essentials (Pt. 3)
Published
2 weeks agoon
April 24, 2026By
Eric
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The Oracle
The Oracle: Human Rights: Our Everyday Essential Pt.2
Published
3 weeks agoon
April 17, 2026By
Eric
By Prof Ozekhome SAN
INTRODUCTION
The inaugural installment of this piece was necessarily foundational. It examined the origins and evolution of human rights, followed by an analysis of Nigeria and the global human rights crisis. Today, we shall access human rights under the Nigerian legal system and its challenges. We shall also consider the role of civic responsibility and the power of civic action in the realization and enforcement of human rights. Enjoy.
HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE NIGERIAN LEGAL SYSTEM: LAW, COURTS, AND CHALLENGES
In any democracy, the law is the last line of defense for human dignity. In Nigeria, this role is legally assigned to the Constitution, the courts, and the justice system at large. Yet, the relationship between human rights and the Nigerian legal system is marked by both promise and paradox. While the law outlines strong rights protections, enforcement is often undermined by weak institutions, executive interference, corruption, and limited access to justice for ordinary citizens.
At the heart of Nigeria’s legal structure is the 1999 Constitution, which dedicates Chapter IV to Fundamental Human Rights. These include the right to life (Section 33), dignity (Section 34), personal liberty (Section 35), fair hearing (Section 36), private life (Section 37), freedom of expression (Section 39), and movement (Section 41), among others. These provisions, in theory, place Nigeria in alignment with international human rights standards.
Nigeria is also a party to several key international and regional human rights treaties, such as the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the Convention Against Torture (CAT). Under Section 12 of the Constitution, however, no international treaty is binding unless it is domesticated by the National Assembly ((1) No treaty between the Federation and any other country shall have the force of law except to the extent to which any such treaty has been enacted into law by the National Assembly).
This creates a gap between Nigeria’s global commitments and local enforcement.
The judiciary plays a critical role in interpreting and enforcing these rights. The Nigerian court system, headed by the Supreme Court, has constitutional authority to safeguard rights and check executive overreach. In several landmark cases, the courts have acted to affirm the rule of law. One example is the case of ABACHA & ORS v. FAWEHINMI ((2000) LPELR-14(SC)) where the supreme court of Nigeria opined as follows:
“Suffice it to say that an international treaty entered into by the government of Nigeria does not become binding until enacted into law by the National Assembly. See Section 12(1) of the 1979 Constitution which provides: “12(1) No treaty between the Federation and any other country shall have the force of law except to the extent to which any such treaty has been enacted into law by the National Assembly (AFRC).”
Another important case is ABACHA v. STATE ((2002) LPELR-15(SC).), where the supreme court yet again Per SAMSON ODEMWINGIE UWAIFO, JSC submitted thus:
“…It must be made quite clear that everyone is entitled to be offered access to good medical care whether he is being tried for a crime or had been convicted or simply in detention. When in detention or custody, the responsibility of affording him access to proper medical facility rests with those in whose custody he is, invariably the Authorities.”
Similarly, in Uzoukwu v. Ezeonu II (1991) 6 NWLR (Pt. 200) 708 ), the Court of Appeal laid down the test for determining violations of fundamental rights, giving legal clarity to human rights litigation in Nigeria.
Despite these rulings, the effectiveness of the courts in protecting rights remains uneven. One major challenge is executive non-compliance with court orders.
Corruption also plagues the system.
According to a 2017 report by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics, the judiciary ranked among the institutions most prone to bribery (UNODC, ‘Corruption in Nigeria Bribery: public experience and response’ <https://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/Crime-statistics/Nigeria/Corruption_Nigeria_2017_07_31_web.pdf> Accessed on the 4th of December, 2025.). Delay in trials, frequent adjournments, and politicized judgement further weaken the system’s credibility.
Access to justice is another major concern. Many Nigerians, especially in rural areas, cannot afford legal representation. Although the Legal Aid Council of Nigeria (LACoN) was established to provide free legal services to indigent citizens, it is grossly underfunded and lacks reach. As a result, many rights violations go unchallenged, particularly for the poor, women, and detainees.
Even when legal provisions exist, enforcement agencies such as the Nigeria Police Force, Nigerian Correctional Service, and other security bodies often lack human rights training and operate with impunity. The #EndSARS Judicial Panels of Inquiry revealed systemic abuses by law enforcement, including illegal arrests, torture, and extrajudicial killings (Bonnievolo E Ecoma, ‘A post-mortem assessment of the #EndSARS protest and police brutality in Nigeria’ (2023) AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL 23.).
Although recommendations were submitted, implementation has been weak, and few officers have been held accountable.
Nevertheless, there are signs of progress. Public interest litigation is increasing, driven by civil society organizations such as SERAP, Access to Justice, and the Human Rights Advancement and Development Centre (HURILAWS). More lawyers are offering pro bono services, and digital tools are emerging to track rights violations.
In summary, Nigeria’s legal system contains many of the right tools on paper to protect human rights. However, institutional weakness, political interference, and limited access continue to undermine enforcement. For the courts to truly defend citizens’ rights, judicial independence must be strengthened, corruption rooted out, and access to legal remedies expanded. The law must not only speak, it must work.
CIVIC RESPONSIBILITY AND THE POWER OF CITIZEN ACTION
The idea of human rights often evokes images of courtrooms, politicians, and legal documents. Yet, history shows that the most profound human rights transformations have been sparked not in parliaments, but in public squares, classrooms, social movements, and the daily courage of ordinary people. While laws can protect rights, only citizens can enforce their spirit through vigilance, advocacy, and civic participation.
In Nigeria, civic responsibility, the active participation of citizens in public life has always been a force for change. From the anti-colonial resistance led by nationalists like Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo, and Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, to modern day protests and community actions, Nigerians have continually demonstrated that the power to shape a just society lies in the hands of its people.
A defining moment in Nigeria’s contemporary civic movement was the #EndSARS protest of 20th October, 2020 (Silas Udenze, ‘Though Episodic: The Retrospective-Prospective Nigeria’s EndSARS Protest Anniversaries and Its Peculiarities’ (2025) Sage Journals 60 (3).). Sparked by years of (SARS), Nigerian youths took to the streets in a coordinated, peaceful movement. It was spontaneous, decentralized, and largely organized through social media (ibid). The protest became a symbol of democratic expression, civic courage, and youth led advocacy. Though it was met with repression including the tragic Lekki Toll Gate shooting it awakened a generation to the reality that rights are not guaranteed unless they are defended (ibid).
This awakening unveils a vital truth: citizens are not passive beneficiaries of human rights, they are its primary defenders. A vigilant population, one that knows its rights and demands accountability, becomes the most effective check on power. Yet civic responsibility is not just about protests. It includes voting, holding public officials accountable, reporting abuses, teaching others, volunteering, and refusing to normalize injustice.
Unfortunately, civic engagement in Nigeria is constrained by several factors. Fear of retaliation, misinformation, poverty, and lack of civic education have discouraged many from active participation. According to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), over 93 million Nigerians registered to vote in 2023, yet actual turnout was barely 27% (Adebayo Folorunsho-Francis, ‘2023 voter turnout hits 44-year-low, drops to 27%’ Punch News <https://punchng.com/2023-voter-turnout-hits-44-year-low-drops-to-27/> Accessed on the 4th of December, 2025.). This indicates a disconnect between legal rights and civic consciousness.
Furthermore, the suppression of dissent through arrests, censorship, and intimidation continues to weaken democratic space. Journalists, whistleblowers, and activists have been harassed, detained, or labeled “enemies of the state.” The Protection of Whistleblowers Bill, though proposed, has yet to be passed, leaving courageous citizens vulnerable.
The solution lies in mass civic education.
Citizens cannot defend rights they do not understand. The reintroduction of civic education in schools, community-led rights awareness campaigns, and social media activism can all strengthen the public’s capacity to engage. Civil society organizations like BudgIT, EiE Nigeria (Enough is Enough), SERAP, and Connected Development (CODE) have played pivotal roles in this space, using technology, data, and storytelling to empower citizens.
Religious and traditional leaders also have a responsibility. Their influence can either reinforce harmful customs or serve as platforms for peace, justice, and human dignity. When they speak out against discrimination, corruption, and violence, they help bridge the gap between law and lived experience.
Even simple acts like recording a rights violation, signing a petition, or educating a neighbour can ripple into systemic change. The lesson from successful movements is that change begins at the grassroots, grows with knowledge, and triumphs with collective will.
In the end, no constitution or law can replace the will of an informed and active citizenry. When people take ownership of their society, when they refuse silence in the face of injustice, human rights stop being abstract and become a lived reality. The journey to a just Nigeria depends not only on courts and parliaments, but on people who care enough to act. To be continued).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“To deny people their human rights is to challenge their very humanity”. – Nelson Mandela.
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