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Nasir El-Rufai: How the Cookie Crumbles – His Many Controversies

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By Eric Elezuo

In addition to being one of the immediate past governors, Mallam Nasir el-Rufai had made headlines in his political career, most of the times for the wrong reasons. Needless to say that the ex-governor of Kaduna State courts controversies, a trademark he is probably proud of.

A lot of questions have however, been raised as to the weight of allegations against the former governor that necessitated the Senate that had shown deep reverence to his person to suddenly step down his nomination and screening, pending thorough investigation into alleged infractions bordering on security and human rights. Recall he was among the set of former governors on the list of nominees of President Bola Tinubu lavished with respect by senators during the screening exercise on 2 August. Reports say that senators fell over one another to speak in his favour while some even discouraged their colleagues from asking him questions. So what finally went wrong? What misgivings became too difficult for the political class to cover up? How did yhe cookie finally crumble under one of the fiercest political figures with connections up to the mightiest in the government?

It was also gathered that during his ministerial screening, the former Minister was prevented by the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, from responding to inquest into what a senator said was a plethora of petitions against him. This was when a Senator from Kogi State, Sunday Karimi, after commending El-Rufai for his achievements in public office, said he had a petition against him that bothered on “security, unity and cohesiveness”. He urged the Senate to consider the petition while the screening the nominee.

In response, Akpabio said “that would be handled during the confirmation hearing” which would be done behind closed doors. He ordered El-Rufai to take a bow and leave.

However, an unconfirmed conspiracy theory that trended has it that the petition was actually given to Karimi by the Senate president to present.

Another senator confided in The Whistler that “all the senators including the three senators from Kaduna State were unanimous in rejecting El-Rufai.”

The Boss further learnt that following the rejection of the Senate, albeit unwillingly, el-Rufai took the easy way out, informing Tinubu that he was no longer interested in being a minister in his cabinet. One would wonder why, having a few weeks before stood his ground to robustly defend his intentions be minister while preferring theorical solutions to the power sector, where it was believed he would head.

According to Premium Times, El-Rufai, who had been a Minister of the Federal Capital Territory informed the president during his visit alongside former Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, who came to make a case for him, that he was no longer interested in becoming minister, pledging his loyalty and readiness to contribute to the administration, but from the sideline. He made excuses of unavailability, citing need to focus on his doctorate programme at a university in The Netherlands.

The former Kaduna helmsman was obviously shaken by his rejection by the Senate on account of “dirty” petitions which bordered on national security. He also a suggested a former commissioner in his administration, Jafaru Ibrahim Sani, as his replacement.

To give El-Rufai a soft landing, two other nominees that were also rejected; they are Sani Danladi from Taraba, and Stella Okotete from Delta.

However, more facts have emerged as to why the former Kaduna State governor is going through his present travail. Tinubu does not forget, a source told The Boss, noting the fracas that took place between the duo may still be etched heavily on the minds of the president even with his new status, their reconciliation not withstanding.

“Anybody can scale through screening whether from the Department of State (DSS) or Senate so long as the president wants the person in. So, it is not out of place to say that the president has a hand in the travails of El-Rufai. The fact remains that Tinubu or some of his influential handlers don’t want him in the administration otherwise clearing him is just a snap of the fingers,” a source confided in The Boss

Recall that the former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory had told Tinubu during the presidential campaign that he would prefer to travel out of the country to live a quiet life, but he changed his mind after what a ‘source’ described as “intensive discussions with the President after winning the election.”

The PUNCH reported that El-Rufai told the President that the ministry of power should be made to include gas after telling the President that gas was a must-have product if the country was to have regular power supply.

The paper added that El-Rufai had started assembling egg-heads, including Jimi Lawal; the Special Adviser to the President on Energy Matters, Olu Verheijen; Eyo Ekpo and Tolu Oyekan, who had been briefing the President on how to achieve his major electioneering promise of providing uninterrupted power supply.

“Certain elements in the Villa might have felt threatened by El-Rufai. They don’t want him because they are already planning for the next election as the case may be and they see him as a potential threat to their aspirations.

“Some political foes like Senator Shehu Sani and some elements in the Christian Association of Nigeria and even some Muslim clerics are all part of the gang-up.

“Recall that during the administration of former President Olusegun  Obasanjo, El-Rufai had issues with federal  lawmakers when he alleged that some of them were demanding bribes from him. Obasanjo intervened and the matter was resolved and the Senate cleared him. So, if President Tinubu wanted El-Rufai, he would have insisted that the former governor be cleared” the paper maintained, raising suggestions on why the president is not lifting a finger in overturning the alleged discoveries of the DSS.

While it is believed that Tinubu may have bought into the ideas of the former governor, forces beyond his control, including past confrontations, have stood in his way of continuitheir newfound friendship.

The President and El-Rufai has forged a bond during the crisis preceding the conduct of the All Progressives Congress (APC) presidential primary, where the former Kaduna governor stood solidly for Tinubu against his northern colleagues.

But some influential members of the Tinubu kitchen cabinet, who were of the opinion that El-Rufai should not be allowed to wield enormous power in the government, alleging that it would be difficult to completely trust him won the heart of Tinubu.

“So, his enemies won when the second security report on him was sent to the offices of the Senior Special Assistant to the President on National Assembly Matters (Senate), President of the Senate and the National Security Adviser detailing the numerous reasons why El-Rufai should not be cleared for a ministerial position,” the paper added.

In a covering letter signed by one Aminu Yusuf on behalf of the Director-General, Department of State Services, dated August 4, 2023, with reference number SV.8/1430 titled, ‘Re: Security Vetting’ and addressed to the Senior Special Assistant to the President on National Assembly Matters (Senate), which was exclusively obtained by Saturday PUNCH, the secret police wrote, “Further to this Service letter S.V.8/1426 dated 1st of August, 2023, giving provisional security clearance to three (3) ministerial nominees, including Nasir Ahmed El-Rufai, pending conclusion of vetting. (Appendix ‘A’ instructive).

“This Service wishes to state that further vetting and background checks conducted revealed some underlined issues which have negatively affected the nominee and as such, it is recommended that El-Rufai’s clearance by the Senate of the National Assembly be stepped down until the issues are cleared as investigation continues.

“Summary of the issues under investigation are (sic) attached as Appendix ‘B’ for ease of reference.

“Accept the assurances and esteemed regards of the DGSS

Much as the appendixes ‘A’ and ‘B’ attached to the letter detailing the issues for which El-Rufai’s clearance was put on hold, was not made public, it is assumed that it was enough for both the president and El-Rufai to agree to step down from the ministerial assignment.

El-Rufai and his many Controversies

From the days when his book The Accidental Public Servant, hit the shelves, El-Rufai’s controversial life gained momentum. The book exposes the working of his mind, especially as literally went on a demolition spree of buildings, including the residence of the powerful chairman of the ruling party, in a bid to restore the Abuja master plan. He was Minister of Federal Capital Territory. He had, at the age of 38 reluctantly entered government in 1998 as an adviser for the military government of Abdulsalam Abubakar, and then the Director-General of the main privatisation agency, the Bureau for Public Enterprises (BPE).

El-Rufai’s handling of his official portfolios led to his persecution and eventual self exile when he left office.

While serving during former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration, El-Rufai reportedly had an issue with the lawmakers when he alleged that some of them were demanding bribe from him. The matter was settled when Obasanjo intervened.

Recall that in 2019, while giving a lecture on godfatherism, El-Rufai said that during the last election only 1 million registered voters came out to vote in Lagos out of the 5 million voters, so he asked why did the remaining voters refused to come out, pointing out, if he is the governor of Lagos he will go all out against those who did not come out to vote to defeat the godfathers in Lagos. He was apparently referring to Tinubu though he later denied it alluding to Tinubu.

It was also during the same election in 2019 that he made the statement about international observers going back to their countries in bodybags. He also said he was quoted out of context.

In August 2020, the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) withdrew the nomination of El-Rufai as a speaker at its 60th annual conference citing his poor human rights records and commitment to the rule of law. They also accused him of not doing enough to end the killings in the southern part of his state, Kaduna.

On February 16, 2023, El-Rufai gave a live broadcast to the people of Kaduna state, overruling then President Muhammadu Buhari on the currency redesign matter. Buhari had announced that only the N200 should be in circulation, but El-Rufai, who had earlier with two other governors, taken the Federal government to court, publicly rebuffed Buhari, and asked Kaduna people to go ahead and spend all categories of the currency.

In June 2023, El-Rufai, who has always received knocks for perceived hatred of Christians, was quoted as saying during meeting that “Because religion was used that’s why Allah gave Tinubu victory. What we successfully did in Kaduna (Mu-Mu) has now been replicated all over the country. No liar will ever contest as a Christian and win election ever again. Peter Obi tried and you can see where he is today, we’ve done the medicine for that one. Since Asiwaju won the election, CAN has been silent.”

El-Rufai’s utterances and actions may have been the reason behind the collapse of the bond he supposedly forged with Tinubu, not ruling out his fierce approach to political and religious matters.

However, stakeholders believe that his case is not completely hopeless if Mr President is not pleased with his rejection. But isn’t Mr President?

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Dickson Defends NDC Registration, Dismisses Irregularities Allegations

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National Leader of the Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), Seriake Dickson, has defended the legitimacy of the party’s registration, dismissing allegations of irregularities and urging Nigerians to ignore what he described as propaganda.

Dickson, a former Bayelsa State governor, in a X post on Monday said the party’s formation was the result of a long-standing process dating back to 2017, contrary to claims that it was recently granted recognition without due procedure.

“For the record, the annexures show that we initiated the registration process for the NDC as far back as 2017 and that INEC granted approval at that time before the process was halted,” he said.

He added that the party revisited and updated its application when the Independent National Electoral Commission resumed registration of political associations.

Dickson’s comments come amid controversy triggered by allegations from Umar Ardo, convener of the League of Northern Democrats and promoter of the All Democratic Alliance, who accused the electoral body of unlawfully registering the NDC in violation of constitutional provisions and its own guidelines on DCL Hausa.

Ardo claimed that while his group and others met all requirements for registration, they were ignored, whereas the NDC was allegedly recognised under questionable circumstances.

“The reason is that NDC obtained registration without applying, without meeting the requirements set by law, without meeting the provisions of the Nigerian Constitution, and without meeting INEC’s guidelines,” Ardo said during an interview.

However, Dickson rejected the claims, insisting that the party followed due process and warning that misinformation should not distract from its objectives.

“With my experience in politics, I am fully aware that an ambitious project of this nature will attract distractions—rumours, gossip, propaganda, and even blackmail,” he said.

He urged Nigerians to remain focused on what he described as the party’s broader vision of national renewal.

The development comes amid growing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections, following the defection of key opposition figures including Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso to the NDC.

Dickson described their entry into the party as part of a broader coalition-building effort aimed at creating a strong ideological platform.

“What we are witnessing is a powerful convergence: my role as a party organiser and builder, alongside two political heavyweights with immense grassroots support, popularity and political experience,” he said.

He added that the party aims to build a durable political institution comparable to established global parties.

“As I have consistently stated, our goal in the NDC is to build an ideological political party, one that can be compared to the ANC in its finest years in South Africa, as well as established political parties across Europe, America, India and even the Communist Party of China,” he said.

Dickson also highlighted the party’s focus on youth and women, describing the NDC as a platform designed to promote inclusion and mentorship.

“The NDC is a party with a special place for young people and women, one that prioritises mentorship and prepares citizens for service,” he said.

He called on Nigerians to join the party and participate actively in its activities, including contesting elections.

“I call on all Nigerians to join the NDC, register, participate, and contest elections. Together, let us reclaim and rebuild our country,” he added.

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Peter Obi Only Had Interest in Presidential Ticket, Not in Party’s Policies – Abdullahi

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The National Publicity Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, Bolaji Abdullahi has accused Peter Obi of showing no interest in the party’s policy positions during his brief membership, saying he was only interested in obtaining the presidential ticket.

Abdullahi made this known on Monday during an interview on Arise News’ Prime Time programme, the same appearance in which he earlier described Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso’s departure from the ADC as a setback but not a fatal blow.

Abdullahi said the party had invested months in developing a manifesto with clear policy positions, but Obi never engaged with the process.

“You may invite His Excellency Peter Obi and ask him, what is the ADC position on fuel subsidy? What is the ADC’s framework on security? He doesn’t know, because he’s never been interested. They are just waiting for the tickets to be handed to them,” he said.

He said members of the ADC fell into three broad categories: those using the party as a mere platform to contest elections, those committed to ending what they described as the misgovernance of the ruling All Progressives Congress, and those genuinely interested in building a real political party anchored on policy.

Abdullahi appeared to place Obi in the first category, contrasting his conduct with the party’s expectations.

“If you say you want to contest election, and you believe in the country, in changing the country, you should know what your party stands for,” he said.

On whether the ADC could still anchor a credible opposition coalition for 2027, Abdullahi remained confident.
“No, no, no, absolutely. Maybe it’s a setback, but it’s a temporary setback. We are recalibrating, and we are going to come back stronger. The possibility of a three-horse race, has it dented our chances? Perhaps, but is it mortally so? No,” he said.

He also pushed back against suggestions that former Vice President Atiku Abubakar had become the frontrunner for the ADC’s presidential ticket following the departures.

“This party ADC is not going to be an SPV for anybody,” he said, adding that former Minister of Transportation Rotimi Amaechi remained among the contenders.

Obi and Kwankwaso joined the ADC in March 2026 as part of a broad opposition coalition aimed at challenging the APC in the 2027 general elections.

Both men quit the party on Sunday, citing internal crises, court cases, and what they described as deliberate efforts to frustrate their participation in the electoral process.

They have since joined the Nigeria Democratic Congress, where they have called for an end to litigation-driven politics.

Obi had said his decision to leave was not driven by personal ambition but by the need to rescue Nigeria, describing the pattern of internal crises as one he had also encountered in the Labour Party.

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Will ‘Big Ego’ Bury Opposition Again?

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By Eric Elezuo

Those, who are of the impression that the Nafiu Bala Gombe factor is the only crisis bedeviling the major opposition party, the African Democratic Congress (ADC), should probably begin to rethink. The reasons are obvious; the cankerworm of treachery, me, me and me factor, wings of undemocratisation, and loss of focus have continued to haunt the nascently developing party, and observers are of the agreement that the process may again go the way of 2023 if the constant bickering of who takes what continue to fester.

It is noteworthy that the Supreme Court has been judicially lenient to the ADC, in its judgment regarding leadership, where the popularly advocated David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola leadership was sustained. But the judgment, much as it brought a temporary relief, did not in any way drive away the crisis that the party has continued to ‘bring upon itself’ since its elaborated second launch in July, 2025.

While Nigerians had seen the ADC as a veritable alternative, a much better option to the existing ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) with its attendant and alleged failed policies, which have subjected the Nigerian people to untold hardship from day one when the ‘subsidy is gone’ declaration was made, it has hitherto failed to reciprocate the confidence reposed on them by putting their house in order and jettison person desires fir Nigerianism.

But from every indication it’s beginning to appear that the ADC came, not unprepared, but under-prepared, creating loopholes that have energized the infiltration of elements of destruction bent on ensuring that the party is not on the ballot paper come 2027. The Nafiu Bala Gombe angle is consistently fighting to ensure that the agenda comes to pass. The ADC has however, pointed accusing fingers at the President Tinubu-led Federal Government and the APC as the brain behind the crisis, and the general muffling and muscling of the opposition, as the window of election contest continue to open wider.

But beyond the alleged hand of Tinubu in the brouhaha, there’s the in-house dispute, not just among the superweights that joined the party, but also among their supporters.

The super politicians include former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, two-terms governor of Rivers State, and two-terms Minister of Transport, Mr. Rotimi Chibike Amaechi; two-terms governor of Kano State and former Minister of Defence, Alhaji Rabiu Kwankwaso and two-terms governor of Anambra State and business man, Mr. Peter Obi.

Till date, none of these prolific politicians has agreed to step down for another, creating a situation where the only door open to the aspirants is a transparent and all-agreeable primary election to determine who flies the party’s flag. But that is not to be again as the duo of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso on Sunday ditched the party, enroute the newly formed Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC). Observers say that Obi has an unexplained phobia for primary elections.

But observers have wondered if the opposition leaders are really interested in ousting the administration of Bola Tinubu, which they unanimously agreed has not impacted positively on Nigerians. They have dismissed the coalition as a gathering of highly ambitious politicians, whose real agenda is to grab power for themselves, otherwise they could have done everything within their power to settle for and support one individual if the intention is to actually dethrone Tinubu, and give Nigerians to good they deserve.

As part of the disagreements that have threatened to pull down the very fabrics of opposition plans, and drag the nation back to the mistakes of 2023, the existence of ego; a certain type of ego that analysts have described as ‘Big Ego’, has played a crucial roll.

From Atiku to Obi to Amaechi and to the newest entrant, Kwankwaso, none is willing to settle for the other to fly the party’s flag. Everyone of the candidates wants to be president .And much as Tinubu has been blamed for most the crises in many major political parties, it is still not known if Tinubu could be blamed for the inability of these political juggernauts to settle for a consensus candidate to wrest power from the present administration, that not a few Nigerians have condemned.

From various camps, especially the ‘Obidients’ (supporters loyal to Peter Obi), the slogan has remained it’s either Obi or nothing, a move that has made it impossible for the agreement towards consensus or primaries to be reached. The Obidients maintained that Atiku has no right to contest, and shouldn’t contest, citing excuses including that he is of northern extraction, and it’s not the turn of the North to produce a president.

However, the Atiku camp has countered the notion saying that there’s no constitutional provision to whoever should contest for the presidency at a particular time, stressing that the presidential contest is opened to all Nigerians of 40 years and above irrespective of tribe, religion or region. They therefore, wonder why the Obi supporters would insist that Atiku drops off without a legitimate primary election.

CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISION FOR PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST

According to Section 131 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution (as amended), a person must be a citizen by birth, at least 40 years old, a member of a political party, sponsored by that party, and educated to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.

The same section mentioned that disqualification of any aspirant would be based on allegiance to another country, previous two-term service as president, lunacy, or criminal conviction.

The Constitution did not at any section impose legitimacy on tribe, region or rotation. Atiku is eligible to stand for election.

Another angle Atiku’s detractors have tried to capitalise on is his stewardship as the Vice President.

However, a member of the Atiku, who prefers anonymity, explains that the Waziri Adamawa performed his functions as vice president creditably, and executed assignments as instructed. He added that at no time did the former sold any assets, rather he supervised privatization, which is the hallmark of development for any capitalist environment

The source said, “Sold national assets to who and as who? Was Atiku the president because as far as I know, he was the vice president and could not have acted without the consent of Mr President. Atiku never sold anything, those things were privatized and people, who wanted them, applied.”

Speaking on the most qualified of all the presidential aspirants, the source clarified that “having been a vice president for eight years, sustained credible institutions and businesses, none could compare to Atiku. He is the most senior, and most experienced”, he said

On the permutation of the likely winner of the 2027 election,  the source dismissed Kwankwaso, whose over million votes came largely from Kano State, and Peter Obi, who could not win any state in both the North East and West. He advised that Obi’s chances are slim in contrast to Atiku, who won across the five regions except Southeast.

He said, “Atiku, won election as the Governor of Adamawa State before he was selected as gor the vice president position by former President Olusegun Obasanjo, and he served for two-terms of eight years.

“Atiku, has since contested for president on the tickets of ACN, APC (primaries 2014), PDP, (2019 and 2023). He wants to be president, no doubt. That is not a man that can be hounded out of a race or intimidated by a small and vocal group.

“It is worthy of note that Peter Obi’s six million votes in the last election didn’t come strictly from the ‘Obidients’. In fact, not up to 30% came from them. The majority of the votes came from silent supporters of Obi who are members of other parties and from people not identified with any political party. Atiku can decide to step down for Obi or anyone, that is his choice to make. No one should hinge Obi’s success or failure on Atiku. He wants to be president too, and should not be intimidated, the source reiterated. 

HISTORICAL TRAJECTORY

Without mincing words, the survival of the opposition coalition depends solely on Atiku and Peter Obi. Most men must agree to support each if there must be a headway in booting Tinubu out of power. Anyway other than that is just another rehash of the 2023 scenario.

It would be recalled that Atiku and Obi formed an alliance that challenged late former President Muhammadu Buhari in 2019. While Atiku stood asthe substantive candidate, Obi operated as the running. Buhari won with a slim margin though observers believed that the election was greatly manipulated.

But in 2023, ambitions defeated expectations. While many had expected Atiku to support younger aspirants to run, but he threw his hat in the ring. It was his constitutional right. The likes of Peter Obi, who has created a picture of himself as being afraid of primaries, left the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the Labour Party, where he picked up presidential ticket on a platter. He believed that with the completion of the Buhari era, it was the turn of the Southeast to produce a president. Even as the duo of Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi pooled a collective total of over 12 million votes, both were still defeated by the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) Bola Tinubu.

A cross section of opinion molders have remained divided as to what would have happened if both had teamed up again as candidate and running mate. While a section said that the duo would have beaten Tinubu hands down, others believe that the massive voters would not have come out from their hiding if Obi had not been on the ballot paper. But the way it stands, and having known their electoral capabilities and capacities, and with one goal of removing Tinubu from office, one would have expected the two candidates to drop their egos and work together. But that has become a tall dream!

With the bickering, and subsequent defection of Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso, to the NDC, ostensibly to actualize the new slogan of Obi-Kwankwaso (OK), an analyst has juxtaposed the previous election in 2023, and the fast approaching one of 2027 as follows:

As the 2027 election approaches, it’s good to give a highlight of the major conditions required for any candidate to be declared winner of the election according to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. (1) Candidates must get the majority of the votes from the entire country. (2) Candidate must get at least 25% from at least 24/36 states plus the FCT. In 2023 for example, INEC declared Bola Ahmed Tinubu the winner of the election for securing 36.7% of the total votes and 25% from 29 states. Followed by Atiku Abubakar who secured 29.9% of the votes and got 25% from 21 states. And then Peter Obi who came third with 26.1% of the total votes and 25% from 15 states. What does that mean? Tinubu was declared winner not only because of the number of votes, but also because of the 25% rule, which he secured majority from Ondo, Ekiti, Kwara, Ogun, Oyo, Niger, Kogi, Benue, Jigawa, Zamfara, Borno and Rivers. On the other hand, Atiku Abubakar won states like Osun, Yobe, Gombe, Adamawa, Katsina, Bauchi, Kaduna, Sokoto, Kebbi, Taraba, Bayelsa and Akwa-Ibom bringing it to a total of 12 states. Similarly, Peter Obi won states like Enugu, Anambra, Abia, Ebonyi, Imo, Delta, Cross-River, Edo, Lagos, FCT, Plateau and Nassarawa bringing it to a total of 12 states with none from North-West and North-East. Kwankwaso dominated Kano State with more than a million votes. Based on this highlights, who do you think will win the 2027 presidential election?

WHY PETER OBI SHOULD HAVE REMAINED WITH ATIKU AS RUNNING MATE

A lot of narratives have been peddled as to why it would been a sound political decision for Peter Obi to remain with the ADC, and seek election as running mate to Atiku Abubakar.

Many believe that Peter Obi came to limelight in 2019 courtesy of the Atiku generosity, when he was nominated as the presidential vice candidate against the wishes and to the chagrin of major political heavyweights in PDP at the time. Both made a noticeable though did not win.

Secondly, Atiku has told the public that he was only concerned with serving for only one term, and promised to support Peter Obi to take afterwards. This is highly fundamental because across the world, many politicians have effortlessly crossed over to becoming the president after serving as vice presidents.

The case of the present President of Ghana, Dr. John Dramani Mahama, readily comes.to mind. He served as vice president to John Kuffour, and took over afterwards.

There’s also Nigeria’s Goodluck Jonathan, who served as vice president to Umar Musa Yar’dua, and became president at his death, and went ahead to win another term, even when it was the proverbial turn of the North.

In the United States, Joe Biden served as vice to Barack Obama, and became president at the end of his tenure. He served for one term, and voluntarily bowed out on health grounds.

In Kenya, incumbent President Willam Ruto served loyally as vice to Uhuru Kenyatta, and is today the president of Kenya.

In Liberia, Joseph Boakai served as vice president to Ellen Johnson Sirleaf for her two-terms of 12 years (2006 – 2018) before becoming president himself.

Just as the list is endless, it is believed that a little patience by Obi can help I  removing Tinubu, and making him president in 2031.

However, appearing quite upbeat about the happenstance, a chieftain of the ADC, Chief Dele Momodu, summarized as follows during a recent interview:

“I have no fear whatsoever, though there’s a bit of agitation everywhere. If you ask most people, they would tell you, Oh, Asiwaju will rig the election. They are sure Tinubu will do this and that. He has the power of life and death and so on and so forth, but I’m not bothered. As you get older in life, you begin to understand the God factor better. I believe that whatever APC likes, let them do. When it is God’s time, he will push them out and I think, this 2027, we are closer to it than ever.

“I said APC, whether they like it or not, the whole world knows that they have failed. And now the people are thinking it is political parties that chase away government? No, it is not parties; it is the people. When the people rise up and say it was the people that chased away PDP that time, it was the people. In this case, those who will chase Tinubu and APC away are not just members of ADC. They are Nigerians who are fed up, completely fed up, who will look back at the last three or four years and ask pertinent questions like, Was my life better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was security much better in 2023 than it is in 2027? Was electricity better? Was water better? Was infrastructure better? Was our foreign policy better? Was the quality of ministers better? When you answer all those questions, you will see that the majority of the answers will be no, no, no. And that is what will determine why people will vote them out.”

With Obi now in NDC, and Atiku still in ADC, the shape of 2027 for the opposition may not be looking good because the way it stands, the OPPOSITION IS ABOUT TO BURY HOPE AGAIN, leveraging on the infamous ‘BIG EGO’.

It is now to your tent, O’ Israel. This is the real status quo ante bellum, and every candidate is now to test his own strength in isolation.

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