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Opinion

The Oracle: Critiquing Judges and Judgments: The Dividing Line (Pt. 6)

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By Mike Ozekhome

INTRODUCTION

In last week’s edition, we discussed the following themes: the Position of Criticism of Judges in India, with emphasis on Contempt of Court and wondered whether Fair Criticism is being used as a Shield to Attack the Judiciary.

Today, we shall continue from there and move on to discuss the Position in the UK, Further Darts at the Judiciary elsewhere, after which we shall wonder about the necessity for restraint in criticism of Judges. Happy reading.

FAIR CRITICISM AS A SHIELD TO CRITICIZE THE JUDICIARY (continues)

Vanya Verna therefore opines that judgements can be questioned and that no amount of vehement criticism of a decision can be considered contempt of court if it is kept within the bounds of reasonable civility and good faith.  For example, a speech that a decision is “rubbish and should be tossed into the trash” cannot be considered fair criticism of courts verdict. Such remarks go beyond the bounds of legitimate criticism and demonstrate propensity to undermine the Judiciary’s dignity, authority and prestige. Such vitriol also tends to raise public suspicions about Judge’s integrity, ability, or fairness, and also discourages actual and potential litigants from placing complete trust in the court’s administration of justice. Such may also likely cause embarrassment to the Judge himself in the performance of his judicial duties.

POSITION IN THE U.K.

Going back to our ‘mother’ country – England (or the UK), the home of the common law which is the common denominator in some of the countries reviewed- we can do no better than re-echo the off-quoted words of, possibly, the most famous Judge of the past century, World War 1 veteran, Lord Denning. In R. v Commissioner of Police (1968) 2 QB. 150c, Denning said: “Let me say at once, that we will never use this jurisdiction to uphold our own dignity. That must rest on surer foundations. Nor we will use it to suppress those who speak against us. We do not fear criticism, nor do we resent it. For there is something far more important at stake. It is no less than freedom of speech itself. It is the right of every man, in parliament or out of it, in the press or over the broadcast, to make fair comment, even outspoken comment, on matters of public interest. All that we ask is that those who criticize us should remember that, from the nature of our duties, we cannot reply to their criticism. We cannot enter into the public controversy. We must rely on our conduct itself to be its own vindication”, This statement was made after the revered Jurist had been criticised as an “ass”, after he delivered one judgment. But, he never took offence or replied.

Lord Russel put it more poignantly in Reg v Gray (1990) 2 QB 40, when he illuminated: “Judges and courts alike are open to criticism and if reasonable argument or expostulating is offered against any judicial act as contrary to law or ph kid good, no court could or would treat that as contempt of court” Lord Denning in his later years became known for making comment that didn’t really cohere. The Independent newspaper was so concerned about his decline, that it ran a piece just two days after his death (“If only Lord Denning had died at seventy”)- (http://www.independent.co.uk./voices/if-only-Lord-denning-had-died-at-seventy-1079046.html)

Lord Denning’s comment about black people serving on Juries, made in 1982, is perhaps his most controversial. He disagreed in his book, “What Next in the Law” that “The underlying assumption is that all citizens are sufficiently qualified to serve on a Jury.” Denning argued: “I do not agree. The English are no longer a homogenous race. They are white and black, coloured and brown. They no longer share the same standards of conduct. Some of them come from countries where bribery and graft are accepted as an undergrad part of life and where stealing is a virtue so long as you are not found out… they will never accept the word of a policeman against one of their own.”The comments caused such backlash that Denning publicity apologised and resigned soon after. (See (https://hub.legalcheek.com/sign-up))

The same Lord Denning was to later pronounce with great erudition that, “Justice has no place in darkness and in secrecy . When a judge sits on a case, he himself is on trial…..if there is any misconduct on his part, any bias or prejudice, there is a reporter to keep an eye on him”.-Lord Denning (Address before High court journalists Association, Dec 3, 1964).

FURTHER DARTS AT THE JUDICIARY

Former Italian Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi, once described the Judiciary as the “cancer of democracy.” This presumably had much to do with his personal situation of being accused several times of crimes, including bribing a Judge. Belgian Underminister Theo Francken announced in public that he would disregard a judgment of a Belgian court obliging him to deliver a visa to a Syrian family. Former French President Nicolas Sarkozy qualified Judges as “petits pois sans saveur” (peas without flavor). This sentiment was, in a way, echoed by French President François Hollande, who in October 2016 was quoted as saying: “Cette institution, qui est une institution de lâcheté . . . Parce que c’est quand même ça, tous ces procureurs, tous ces hauts magistrats, on se planque, on joue les vertueux . . . On n’aime pas le politique.” (This institution — the Judiciary — is a cowardly institution, all those prosecutors and those high Judges, they hide themselves, they act self-righteously, they don’t like politics).

In the Netherlands, Geert Wilders, the leader of the Party for Freedom, who was prosecuted and convicted of racial discrimination, attacked the Judges in his case as politically biased, saying, “No one trusts you anymore.” He proclaimed that if he were to be convicted, millions of Dutchmen should be convicted. Some years ago, when he was previously prosecuted for discrimination against Muslims, Wilders said that if he were to be convicted millions of people no longer would trust the Judiciary.

See generally: Geert Corstens: “Criticism of the Judiciary: The Virtue of Moderation” (https://judicature.duke.eda)

It is, as once pointed out by Justice Frankfurter of the U.S. Supreme Court, in Bridges v. California, 314 U.S. 252 (1941), that “Judges as persons, or courts as institutions, are entitled to no greater immunity from criticism than other persons or institutions. Just because the holders of judicial office are identified with interests of justice they may forget their common human frailties and fallibilities. They’re have sometimes been martinets upon the bench as there have also been pompous wielders of authority who have been used the paraphernalia of power in support of what they called their dignity.

Therefore judges must be kept mindful of their limitations and of their ultimate public responsibility by a vigorous stream of criticism expressed with candour however blunt.”The Holy Bible (James 5:9) reminds us as follows: “Do not grumble against one another, brothers, so that you may not be judged; behold, the Judge is standing at the door”. Admonishing Judges for being inconsistent in acts of the Apostles 23:3 (ESV), St Paul angrily intoned: “God is going to strike you, you whitewashed wall! Are you sitting to judge me according to the law, and yet contrary to the law you order me to be struck?”

WHY RESTRAINT IN CRITICISM OF JUDGES

Outlandish, personalised? And direct criticisms of, and attack on Judges erode confidence in and undermine stability in the Judiciary. Judges are not in a position to defend themselves, or respond to criticism, no matter how virulent, false and It is thus unfair to hit at a person who is not in a position to defend himself. Justice is rooted in confidence. Any attempt to erode that confidence in the Judex is counter-productive.

Criticising Judges brings the administration of Justice to deep disrepute and ridicule. Faith in the administration of Justice is one of the pillars through which democratic institutions function or sustain. Criticism of Judges in their personal capacities (rather than their judgments) must be avoided like a plague. Such impairs and hampers the administration of justice. This is why Judges themselves must do what is right. In the words of Abraham Lincoln in his famous speech in 1965, “with malice towards none, with clarity for all, we must strive to do the right in the light given to us to determine that right.”

If Judges themselves decay, the contempt power they wield will itself also decay. “The other side of the coin is that Judges, like Caesars wife must be above suspicion (per Krishna Iyer, J, in Shrr Baradakanta Mishra v. The Registrar of Orissa High Court of Anor (1974 ISC. 374)

CONCLUSION

Nigerian Judges are notoriously over-worked and under-paid. They may not be saints- no one is, after all. But, they hardly deserve the scurrilous, uncharitable and, sometimes, unfair and destructive criticism which has been their lot, especially since the return to democracy about 24 years ago. The heating up and politicization of the polity appears to be complete, as even the Judiciary is not spared of the dirt. It is now seen as fair game on the chessboard of politicians. Judges have in effect, become mere sitting lame ducks- to be viciously lampooned, attacked, castigated and condemned at will- by the political class, their hirelings and some members of the public at large. Some of these critics lack the rudiments of what it takes to resolve disputes according to law.

We concede that like their counterparts across the world, court judgements are not immune to criticism- so long as it is constructive and made in good faith. What is unacceptable and must be condemned by all men and women of goodwill, is to target an individual Judge or Judges for personal attacks for doing their job, such as was recently done by some people in reaction to the Supreme Court’s decision which recognized the Senate President, Ahmed Lawan, as the Senatorial Candidate of the ruling APC, ahead of Bashir Sheriff Machina, who clearly won the election – in which Ahmed Lawan never even participated.

As glaring as that injustice might seem, it did not warrant the intemperate language which some critics deployed in literally insulting the persons of the esteemed members of that noble court – the highest court of the land. This is unfortunate, to say the least; especially because Judges are precluded by their Code of Conduct, from speaking out (at least, individually), in their own defence. Suffice it to say, that whilst it is lawful to criticize the pronouncement of a court (or the Judiciary as an institution), it is grossly unacceptable to attack the persons or integrity of individual Judges, simply because their verdicts- sitting as a court, – are unpopular. Judicial decisions are not popularity contests.

Consequently, when Judges fall short of popular expectations, we must resist the temptation of attacking the messenger. We should, instead, focus on the message – and do so constructively, with moderation, decorum and utmost civility. We have options – appeal such judgements; or where the pronouncement was by the Supreme Court, humbly ask for a review. The Supreme Court has since accepted its power to review unfair decisions. Thus, in the causa celebre of ADEGOKE MOTORS V. ADESANYA, (1989) 3 NWLR (PT 109), 250, at 261, the apex court itself, per, Oputa JSC, dilated:

“We are final not because we are infallible, rather we are infallible because we are final. Justices of this court are human beings, capable of erring. It will certainly be short-sighted arrogance not to accept this obvious truth. It is also true that this court can do inestimable good through its wise decisions. Similarly, the court can do incalculable harm through its mistakes. When therefore it appears to learned counsel that any decision of this court has been given per incuriam, such counsel should have the boldness and courage to ask that such a decision be overruled. This court has the power to overrule itself (and has done so in the past) for it gladly accepts that it is far better to admit an error than to persevere in error.”

 God bless the Nigerian Judiciary – the very last hope of the common man and woman. (Concluded).

THOUGHT FOR WEEK

“I much prefer the sharpest criticism of a single intelligent man to the thoughtless approval of the masses”. (Johannes Kepler).

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Opinion

A Vindicating Truth: A Factual Presentation on the Supreme Court’s Intervention in the ADC Leadership Matter

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By Comrade IG Wala

To All Nigerians, Party Stakeholders, and Lovers of Democracy,

In the life of every great political movement, there comes a moment where the noise of confusion meets the silence of the Law. For the African Democratic Congress (ADC), that moment arrived on April 30, 2026.

For months, the ADC was held in a state of judicial paralysis caused by a lower court order that froze the party’s activities. This order did not just affect a few leaders, it threatened to delete the ADC from the Nigerian political map and disenfranchise millions of supporters ahead of the 2027 General Elections.

Today, we present the facts of the Supreme Court’s intervention to ensure that every Nigerian, from the city centers to the grassroots, understands that Justice has spoken, and the ADC is alive.

The Three Pillars of the Supreme Court’s Ruling:

1. The End of Paralysis (The Status Quo Order)!

The Supreme Court, led by Justice Mohammed Garba, was clear and firm: the Court of Appeal’s order to maintain a “status quo” was improper and unwarranted. The apex court recognized that you cannot freeze a political party indefinitely without a trial. By setting this aside, the Supreme Court rescued the ADC from a leadership vacuum that was being used to justify de-recognition by INEC.

2. The Restoration of Administrative Legitimacy.

By nullifying the appellate court’s freeze, the Supreme Court effectively restored the David Mark-led National Working Committee to its rightful place. This means that for all official, administrative, and electoral purposes, the ADC now has a recognized head. The party is no longer a ship without a captain; the doors of the headquarters are open, and the party’s name remains firmly on the ballot.

3. The Order for a Fresh Trial on Merits.

True to the principles of fair hearing, the Supreme Court did not simply gift the party to one side. Instead, it ordered the case back to the Federal High Court for an accelerated hearing. This is a victory for the Truth. It means the court is not interested in technicalities or stopping the clock, it wants to see the evidence, read the Party Constitution, and deliver a final judgment based on the Right vs. Wrong.

Note: I will drop the 7 prayers made to Supreme Court by ADC in the comment section.

A Message to Our Members and Supporters.
To our members who have felt a sense of fear, apprehension, or a lack of confidence in the Nigerian courts, let your hearts be at peace.

It is a delusion to believe that gross injustice can simply walk through the doors of our highest courts unnoticed. This matter is currently one of the most publicized and people-centric cases in Nigeria. In such a bright spotlight, the Judiciary acts not just as a judge, but as a shield for the common man.

The Law is not a tool for the crafty, it is a searchlight for the Truth.
Inasmuch as they say the Law is blind, it sees with perfect clarity the difference between a lie and the truth, between right and wrong. The Supreme Court’s refusal to let the ADC be strangled by procedural delays is proof that the system works for those who stand on the side of justice.

Our confidence is not in personalities, but in the Process. We are returning to the Federal High Court not with fear, but with the armor of Truth.

The Handshake remains strong, the vision is clear, and our participation in the 2027 elections is now legally anchored.

Stand tall. The ADC has been tested by the fire of the courts, and we have emerged not just intact, but vindicated.

Signed,
Comrade, IG Wala.
02/04/26. — with Shareef Kamba and 14 others.

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Opinion

The Police is Your Friend and Other Lies We No Longer Believe

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By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)

There was a time in Nigeria when the phrase The Police is Your Friend was not a national joke. It was a civic assurance, a symbolic handshake between the state and its citizens. It represented the ideal of a civil security architecture built on trust, service, and protection. Today, that once reassuring slogan has decayed into a bitter irony. It no longer evokes safety; it provokes fear. It no longer signals partnership; it signals danger. What should have been the soul of Nigerian civil state relations has become a cruel parody of our lived experience at checkpoints, stations, and on the streets.

The Nigerian security apparatus has undergone a transformation so profound that it now resembles a predatory machine rather than a protective institution. The sight of a police patrol vehicle, which should ordinarily bring comfort, now triggers anxiety. Citizens instinctively brace themselves, not for assistance, but for extortion, harassment, or violence. We are not merely witnessing isolated incidents of misconduct. We are watching a pattern of state enabled brutality unfold in real time, a pattern so consistent that it feels like a televised execution of the social contract. In this grim theatre, the Nigerian state often appears not as the protector but as the principal aggressor.

On Sunday, April 26th 2026, the quiet air of Effurun in Delta State was shattered by the crack of a service pistol. What should have been an ordinary Sunday afternoon became the final chapter in the life of twenty-eight year old Mene Ogidi. A viral video, barely two minutes long, captured the horrifying scene. Ogidi sat on the dusty ground, his hands tied behind him with a rope. He was unarmed, exhausted, and pleading in his mother tongue for a chance to explain himself. Standing over him was a man in plain clothes, a man sworn to protect the very life he was about to extinguish. Assistant Superintendent of Police Nuhu Usman raised his pistol and fired two shots at close range into the body of a restrained, helpless citizen.

This was not a confrontation. It was not a crossfire. It was not a struggle for a weapon. It was an execution. A daylight assassination carried out by a state paid officer who felt so insulated by impunity that he performed his violence in front of a digital audience. The collective outrage that followed was not simply about one death. It was the eruption of a nation that has watched this script repeat itself far too many times.

Barely days later, in Dei-Dei Abuja, another life was cut short. A National Youth Service Corps member was shot inside his father’s compound. Authorities described it as a mistake during a crossfire, but the silence that followed spoke louder than any official explanation. These tragedies are not anomalies. They are symptoms of a deep institutional rot, a rot that has turned the badge into a license for violence rather than a symbol of service.

Extrajudicial killings in Nigeria represent a direct assault on the fundamental right to life and the presumption of innocence. When a law enforcement officer assumes the roles of accuser, judge, and executioner, the very foundation of the state begins to crumble. In the case of Mene Ogidi, the Delta State Police Command admitted that the officer acted in gross violation of Force Order 237, the regulation governing the use of firearms. This admission is significant because it reveals that the problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the collapse of discipline, the erosion of accountability, and the entrenchment of a culture of impunity.

Between 2020 and 2025, Nigerian security agencies were implicated in nearly six hundred violent incidents against civilians, resulting in more than eight hundred deaths. The Nigeria Police Force accounted for over half of these fatalities. These numbers paint a disturbing picture. The institutions funded by taxpayers to provide security have become one of the greatest threats to their safety.

The psychology behind this brutality is rooted in the absence of consequences. When officers believe that nothing will happen after they pull the trigger, the threshold for using lethal force drops to zero. In the Effurun case, reports suggest that the suspect was even transported to a station after the initial shooting, only to be shot again. This level of cruelty reflects a complete dehumanization of the citizenry. The victim is no longer seen as a person with rights. He becomes a disposable suspect. This mindset is a legacy of the defunct SARS unit, whose methods and mentality continue to shape policing culture. Rebranding SARS into SWAT or the Rapid Response Squad means nothing if the same men, trained in the same violent ethos, continue to operate with the same predatory instincts.

The Nigerian police system has evolved from a flawed institution into what many citizens now describe as a state sponsored cartel. The Zero Tolerance mantra often repeated by the Inspector General of Police, Olatunji Disu, has become a public relations slogan that evaporates at every checkpoint. The immediate dismissal and recommended prosecution of ASP Usman and his team may satisfy the public’s immediate hunger for justice, but it does not address the deeper institutional vacuum that allowed an officer to believe he could execute a restrained suspect without consequence. If accountability only occurs when a video goes viral, then we are not being policed. We are being hunted by a uniformed gang that is occasionally caught on camera.

This raises critical questions. Where were the superior officers? Where was the Area Commander while this culture of execution was taking root? Command responsibility in Nigeria remains a myth. Until a Commissioner of Police is removed for the actions of their subordinates, there will be no internal incentive to reform. The decay is structural. We are recruiting frustrated individuals, training them in aggression rather than professionalism, and unleashing them on a population they are conditioned to view with suspicion and contempt.

The mistake narrative used in the Abuja NYSC shooting reflects this tactical incompetence. A professional force does not mistake a youth corper in his bedroom for a combatant. Nigerians are effectively subsidising their own endangerment, paying for the bullets that cut down their brightest young citizens. A nation cannot survive this level of uniformed recklessness. The state has lost its monopoly on violence to its own agents. When police officers fear the citizen’s camera more than they respect the citizen’s life, the system has failed.

Five years after the historic 2020 End SARS protests, the systemic reforms promised by government remain largely unfulfilled. Only a handful of states have implemented the recommendations of the judicial panels or compensated victims. The National Human Rights Commission reported in July 2025 that it had received over three hundred thousand complaints of abuses. This staggering figure reflects the scale of the crisis. While the current Inspector General has introduced new regulations to align the Police Act of 2020 with operational realities, the gap between a gazetted document in Abuja and a patrol team in Delta remains vast.

The solution to this bloodletting must be radical and structural. First, police oversight must be decentralised. Relying on Force Headquarters in Abuja to discipline an officer in a remote community is inefficient and ineffective. Each state should have an independent, citizen led oversight board with the authority to recommend immediate suspension and prosecution without interference from the police hierarchy.

Second, Force Order 237 must be overhauled to strictly limit the use of firearms to situations where there is an immediate and verifiable threat to life. Under no circumstances should a restrained or surrendering suspect be shot.

Third, Nigeria must address the mental health and welfare of police officers. Men who live in dilapidated barracks, earn inadequate wages, and operate under constant stress are more likely to lash out at the public. However, poverty cannot be an excuse for murder. Welfare reform must go hand in hand with strict accountability.

Finally, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. The trial of ASP Usman and others like him should be public, transparent, and swift. It must serve as a deterrent that resonates in every police station across the country. The era of secret disciplinary rooms must end. Nigeria must invest in technology driven policing, not only in weapons but in body cameras and digital accountability systems. When officers know they are being recorded, hesitation replaces recklessness.

A NATIONAL CALL TO ACTION

The era of Orderly Room secrecy must end. Nigeria must decentralise police disciplinary trials, moving them from closed sessions in Abuja to open, civilian led inquiries in the states where the abuses occur. A National Firearms Audit is urgently needed. Every officer must account for every round issued, and any missing ammunition should trigger automatic suspension for the entire chain of command.

The National Assembly must fast track the Victims of Police Brutality Trust Fund, ensuring that compensation becomes a legal right funded directly from the budgets of offending commands. Nigeria must stop being a nation of post script outrage. Command responsibility must become law. If an officer under a Commissioner’s watch executes a handcuffed suspect, that Commissioner must lose their job alongside the shooter.

The blood of Mene Ogidi and the NYSC member in Dei Dei is a stain on our national conscience. It is a reminder that as long as one Nigerian can be tied up and shot without trial, no Nigerian is truly safe. Silence is no longer an option. Waiting for the next viral video is no longer acceptable. The time to demand change is now.

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Opinion

Kwankwaso-Obi Anti-Coalition Alliance and the Perception of the North

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By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

Let’s not sugarcoat it, what is unfolding is not just political maneuvering for 2027, but a carefully calculated roadmap to 2031. Anyone who believes Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is acting out of patriotism or prioritizing Nigeria above his personal ambition is simply ignoring the pattern before us. His willingness to deputise Peter Obi is not born out of ideological alignment or national interest, it appears to be a strategic move aimed at one target weakening Atiku Abubakar and ensuring he does not emerge as president in 2027.

Kwankwaso’s real calculation seems anchored in 2031. He understands that as long as Atiku remains active and contesting, his own presidential ambition struggles to gain traction, especially in the North where Atiku’s influence remains deeply rooted. By positioning himself in a way that could undermine Atiku now, he potentially clears the path for himself later, when he can conveniently lean on the “it is the turn of the North” narrative with stronger moral leverage. This is not about helping Obi win, it is about ensuring Atiku is completely removed from the equation.

It is also important to state plainly that Kwankwaso is fully aware of his electoral limitations in this arrangement. He knows he cannot significantly attract Northern votes for Obi beyond a few pockets, even within Kano State. And even there, the good people of Kano are far more politically aware and discerning than to be swayed purely by sentiment. This makes the entire proposition even more questionable, if the electoral value is limited, then the intention behind the alliance becomes even clearer. It suggests that even if he joins an Obi ticket, it is not driven by a genuine commitment to Obi, the Igbo, the South-East or Nigeria but by a broader personal calculation.

Northerners must understand that this is a long game, and every move appears deliberately designed. Kwankwaso seems cautious not to overtly confirm growing suspicions that he is working, directly or indirectly, to the advantage of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Yet, many are beginning to connect the dots. The belief that there is an underlying alignment is gaining ground, especially when actions repeatedly result in one outcome, a divided North that weakens its collective electoral strength, a repeatation of 2023 in a different style. The alignment of Kwankwaso’s political godson and the governor of Kano Abba Kabir Yusuf with Tinubu only fuels this perception, suggesting a dual-front approach: one operating directly and visibly, the other indirectly and subtly.

This is not the first time such a pattern is being observed. Many Northerners still recall similar dynamics from 2023, and recent developments have only intensified the conversation. In fact, within just the last 24 hours, the level of criticism and open dissatisfaction directed at Kwankwaso across Northern Nigeria has been unprecedented. What was once dismissed as mere suspicion of a quiet alliance is now, in the eyes of many, being confirmed by actions seen as disruptive to any meaningful coalition.

For Kwankwaso, this moment carries significant weight. The long-circulating “sellout” label, which many had hesitated to firmly attach, now appears to be finding a resting place in public discourse. Should he once again position himself outside a collective Northern arrangement, that perception may become permanently entrenched.

The implications for the North are serious. Voting Obi because of Kwankwaso, which is unlikely, could fracture an already consolidated political base, reduce its bargaining power, and ultimately produce outcomes that do not reflect its true strength. The North has never historically rejected a dominant figure like Atiku in favor of a subordinate position, nor has it embraced a configuration where its most established candidate is sidelined. The idea that the region would choose Kwankwaso as a deputy while overlooking Atiku as a president is not just improbable, it runs contrary to established Northern political behavior.

What is at stake goes beyond individual ambition. The North is fully conscious of the stakes and increasingly resolute in its direction. There is a growing determination to stand firmly behind its own Atiku Abubakar, to protect its collective political strength, and to resist any arrangement that appears designed to divide it. The signals are clear, the North has decided, and it will not fall into what many perceive as calculated traps, whether from Kwankwaso or from forces seen as working against its cohesion and democratic leverage….

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

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