Opinion
The Oracle: Are INEC Resident Commissioners Homeless Bats? (Pt. 2)
Published
4 years agoon
By
Eric
By Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
In Nigeria, Resident Electoral Commissioners (REC) is a title given to a person in charge of INEC at the state level. The REC, assisted by relevant government agencies, undertakes the Presidential, National Assembly, Gubernatorial and House of Assembly elections in a state. The REC acts pursuant to powers delegated to him or her by INEC’s National Chairman and the Commission. Among others, the duties of the REC include making available all materials required to conduct a free and fair election. The REC also monitors the activities of all ad hoc staff and provides for proper verification of election results. With some of the above functions, are INEC RECs homeless bats that neither belong to the Commission at the National level, nor accorded recognition at the State level? Today, we shall conclude our discourse on this vexed issue.
WHO THEN IS A MEMBER OF INEC COMMISSION (continues)
These Sections therefore make to clear that REC have their constitutional life of their own; and are not subordinated to the Commission’s Chairman and 12 Commissioners. In any event, if we agree with Okoye that RECs are mere delegates of the Commission’s power, should not the Commission trust and use their reports?
That a REC cannot be present in all nooks and crooners of his state at the same time is no reason to ignore his authenticated results and reports distilled from all the Commission’s officers and ad hoc persons who worked directly under the HOD and the REC. How can he then not be in a position to certify his records and send same to INEC Commissioners in Abuja? And how can the latter ignore this RECs’ joint report and purportedly rely only on that of one/two EPM officers sent from the Commission’s Headquarters who know absolutely nothing about the terrain, nuances and personality traits of the voting population? In any event, an election is monitored and supervised directly by the combined team of the Headquarters EPM officers, the State HOD (under whom the EPM officers work), the Electoral officers and the REC.
This argument is akin to saying that the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) who was created and empowered like State Commissioners of Police by the same Section 215(1) of the 1999 Constitution, can jettison the reports of his State Commissioners of Police? Just why?
In further support of this my humble argument is section 8 of the old Electoral Act of 2010, as amended, which provides for the staff of INEC without including the office of the REC. Yet, RECs carried out their duties effectively under the Act until the 2022 Act. The question will then be this: what are RECs under the Electoral Act if they are not constitutionally recognised as members of INEC and also not recognized as staff of INEC? Are they bats; hermaphrodites that do not belong to any class? Why then should they be recognized at all in the first case in the Constitution? Why not simply allow the Chairman and the 12 National Commissioners be all-in-all, the beginning and the end, of INEC? RECs, it is submitted, are not mere disposable committee of persons which INEC can simply appoint and arbitrarily dispense with under section 7 of the 2010 Electoral Act. Why does the Constitution which provides for the offices of the President and state Governors also provide for the positions of Ministers and Commissioners if the latter were not important or necessary to our polity?
It will be recalled that Okoye had rightly, on 9th July, 2022, reassured Nigerians that “in line with its constitutional and legal obligations, the Commission deployed monitors to the various constituencies and received reports of such exercise…the Commission stands by the monitoring received from our state offices”. Why will INEC now ignore these reports which emanated from the very RECs who are physically on ground? Is it no longer the owner of a house that knows where the yam and knife are kept? Is it a total stranger (the visiting INEC Commissioners and officials) who will know the terrain better and what took place before, during and after the primarily? Can you have an Army General without foot soldiers? I think not. Or, do you?
What is INEC’s reply, for example, to the glaring anomaly in Kano state, where the REC, Professor Riskwua, Arabu Shehu told the whole world that the only governorship primary INEC office monitored in Kano had produced Mohammed Sani Abacha, but with the APC leadership and INEC headquarters arbitrarily changing it to one Ambassador Wali? Yet, this was an election monitored in the full glare of the whole world amidst television cameras and the print and social media.
Why will INEC be accepting from political parties, names of persons who did not undergo statutory primaries monitored by its state officials any officials and headed by the RECs, and instead, accept compromised results that lack electoral integrity from political parties, on primaries that were never conducted, and where conducted, were never monitored by its state RECs and officials?
These worrisome scenarios are already playing out in many states across Nigeria, including Oyo, Sokoto, Ogun, Kano, Bayelsa, Akwa Ibom and Abia, amongst others.
How come, for example, that of the 26 candidates of the ruling APC that emerged from valid primaries duly conducted and monitored by INEC Akwa Ibom State INEC office headed by the REC, Mr Mike Igini, only two names were extracted and accepted from the entire report by INEC headquarters?
Whatever happens to section 29(1) of the Electoral Act which gives INEC teeth that only “candidates that emerged from valid primary” shall be submitted to INEC by political parties for publication? Why will INEC be shying away from, and abdicating the statutory powers and duties generously donated to it by section 84(1) of the Electoral Act, to compulsorily monitor party primaries; and section 84(13) thereof, to reject names of persons submitted by political parties who have not emerged from valid primaries? I cannot understand. Or, can you?
SUMMARY OF THE POWERS OF INEC AND ASPIRANTS
To understand this issue more, it is germane to summarize the relevant provisions of the Electoral Act.
Section 153- deals with Fed Executive Bodies such as -INEC, NJC, FJSC, NCS, NDC, NSC, RMAFC, PSC, NBC, NDSC
PART 1, Section 14(1), third Schedule to the Constitution provides for a Chairman who shall not be less than 40 years); 12 National Commissioners of 35 years just like the 37 RECs.
Section 15(3) of part 1 to the third Schedule provides for 37 RECs for the 36 States and the FCT in accordance with Section 2(3) CFRN.
Section 15 – All Electoral Commissioners must take the Oath of allegiance (no exception, whether Chairman, 12 National Commissioners or 37 RECs.
Section 15 (a) – INEC Supervises, Monitors, organizes, undertakes election to the offices of President, Vice President, Governors, Deputy Governors, Senators, House of Representatives and Houses of Assembly,
Section 15(h) – Commissioners shall delegate powers to RECs
Sections 155, 156, 157- tenure, and removal are by the president for acts of misconduct, infirmity of body or mind or any other reason- it must be supported by 2/3 majority votes of Senate.
36 States RECs shall conduct all NASS, State Assembly and Governorship primaries. The state HOD coordinates all staff, including the Election political Monitoring (EPM) team from the Headquarters in Abuja.
Section 14(3), CFRN & Section 4 of the Federal Character Commission Act even impose more stringent criteria to satisfy Federal Character to prevent imposition of one religion, ethnic group, gender, etc.
Sections 214 & 215 CFRN provides for powers between the –IGP and Commissioners of Police.
Can only have one to 3 EPM staff from Abuja Headquarters monitor say 20 constituency centres, 10 Federal constituencies and 3 Senatorial Districts in one election? Indeed no staff from Headquarters is authorized to write an independent report of the outcome of primaries, without the authorization of the REC.
A Joint report is issued by both state monitors and Headquarters EPM staff monitors at conclusion of primaries which must be approved and signed by the REC before they are forwarded to Headquarters, Abuja, by the REC with a forwarding letter. Indeed the Headquarters staff must report to a State REC with a letter of deployment from the Headquarters EPM for guidance and liaise with the State HOD, before they act.
Section 29 (1) EA provides not later than 180 days to an election submission of list of candidates by political parties that emerged from valid primaries conducted by the political party.
Section 29 (2) provides that information submitted shall be accompanied by an affidavit sworn to by the candidate at the Federal High Court, FCT High Court stating he has fulfilled all constitutional requirements.
Section 29(3) provides that the Commission shall within 7 days publish above in the candidate’s constituency.
Section 29(5) provides that any aspirant who participated in the primaries and believes that his party’s candidate has provided false documents can go to the Federal High Court.
Section 29(6) provides the Federal High Court will disqualify the candidate and his political party and declare the candidate with the 2nd highest valid votes with necessary spread, winner.
Section 29(8) provides that a political party which presents the name of the candidate who does not meet the qualification commits an offence and shall on conviction be fined 10M.
Section 31 provides that a candidate can withdraw his candidature voluntarily, in writing signed by him and delivered personally to his party and the political party shall convey this to the Commission at least 90 days to the election.
Section 84(3) provides that no political party shall impose qualification or disqualification criteria or conditions on any aspirant or candidate in its Constitution, guidelines or rules beyond those in sections 65, 66, 106, 107, 131, 137, 177, 187 CFRN, 1999.
Section 84(13) provides that where there is failure by a political party to comply with the provisions of this Act in the conduct of its primaries, the Commission shall not include the name of the candidate for the position.
Section 84(14) provides that aspirants who complain that the conduct of primaries regarding guidelines of a political party have not been complied with in the selection or nomination of a candidate may go to the Federal High Court.
Section 285(14) also provides as section 84(14) above. Under section 84(14) of the Electoral Act, (285(14) defines a “pre-election” matter.
CONCLUSION
I will conclude my contribution as follows. It is crystal clear, per adventure, that the appointment, duration and termination of offices of RECs, including those of INEC Chairman and the 12 National Commissioners, (all of whom form part of Federal bodies established under section 153 (1) of the Constitution), are respectively provided for in sections 154 and 155(1) and (2) of the Constitution. This provision applies with equal force to the Chairman, National Commissioners and all RECs. No difference could have been contemplated when no other section of the Constitution provides separately for RECs. Even disqualification criteria for membership of INEC is the same under section 156 for both RECs, the Chairman and the 12 National Commissioners. The same scenario plays out in the mode of removal of members of INEC and other federal bodies from office, under section 157(1). This is by the “President acting on an address supported by 2/3 majority of the Senate praying that he so be removed for inability to discharge the functions of the office (whether arising from infirmity of mind or body or any other cause) or for misconduct”. My humble submission here is that since the Constitution has not made any other provision regarding the mode of removal of RECs, it goes without saying that section 157 (1) also applies to them with equal force, since their office is also a constitutional creation.
Indeed section 6 of the 2022 Electoral Act also replicated Section 157 (1) of the Constitution specifically for RECs. (The end).
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“Sincerity makes the very least person to be of more value than the most talented hypocrite”. (Charles Spurgeon).
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Opinion
The Inherited Fracture: Escaping the Divide-and-Rule Instinct Across Board
Published
11 hours agoon
July 4, 2026By
Eric
By Tolulope A. Adegoke
“The old empire did not bequeath us a map; it bequeathed us a reflex. We are the first generation with the tools to see the fracture, and therefore the first with the moral chore of mending it—not through the erasure of difference, but through the deliberate weaving of it into a load-bearing fabric. The shackle was never iron; it was a story we mistook for our skin. The task, therefore, is not to break free, but to finally tell a truer one, and in the telling, become whole enough to bequeath wholeness.”
Introduction: The Quiet Inheritance
No child is born with a map of enemies. No infant instinctively divides the world into “us” and “them.” Yet by adolescence, most of us have unconsciously inherited a vivid cartography of division—lines drawn long before our first breath, tracing the borders of tribe, class, ideology, and nation. This inheritance is not accidental. It is the meticulously preserved residue of a strategy so ancient and so effective that it has become woven into the invisible fabric of how we organize our families, our work, and our geopolitics.
The strategy is “divide and rule,” and its enduring victory is not that it conquered past civilizations, but that it continues to conquer future ones before they are even born. The shackle from the past is not a rusty iron chain we can see and cut; it is a psychological operating system, a default setting of fragmentation that tells us difference is dangerous, that another’s gain is our loss, and that solidarity is a naïve dream. This write-up is an inquiry into how that inherited mantle still drapes itself over the three great arenas of human life—Peoples, Corporates, and Nations—and, more crucially, how we can finally, generationally, set it down.
Part I: Tracing the Original Wound
To understand why division feels so instinctive, we must first recognize that it was carefully taught. The imperial architects of history—from the Roman Senate setting Gallic tribes against each other to the colonial census offices that rigidly codified fluid identities into immutable castes—were not mere conquerors of land. They were engineers of human psychology. Their profound insight was chilling in its simplicity: a people busy fighting each other over manufactured scarcities of dignity, resources, and recognition will never marshal the collective strength to question the structure of the room they are all trapped in.
This method did not fade with the lowering of colonial flags. It shape-shifted. It flowed seamlessly into the architecture of modern politics, where wedge issues and culture wars create passionate, performative tribes that exhaust public energy on symbolic combat while systemic questions go unasked. It entered the economic realm, where labor is pitted against labor across borders, and the workplace is structured into competing fiefdoms. It found its ultimate amplifier in the digital age, where algorithms, optimized not for truth but for engagement, feed us a personalized diet of indignation, continuously redrawing the lines between “our” fact and “their” fiction.
The deepest shackle, therefore, is not an external policy but an internalized reflex. The generational problem we face is that we parent, manage, and govern with the inherited assumption that a cohesive whole is a dangerous fiction, and that a controlled, managed division is the safest form of stability. We have mistaken a centuries-old psychological warfare tactic for human nature itself.
Part II: Peoples – From Inherited Suspicion to Chosen Solidarity
The most intimate theater of the divide-and-rule legacy is the community, where the human need for belonging is manipulated into a weapon against other belonging. We inherit not just our grandmother’s recipes but also her historical wounds, her curated list of historical betrayals by “the others.” When identity becomes a fortress, and every interaction across difference is framed as a potential siege, society unravels into a zero-sum competition of grievances. One group’s acknowledgment becomes another’s perceived erasure, and the common ground—the very earth we all need to survive on—becomes a forgotten abstraction.
The Generative Pivot: The Loom, Not the Mosaic
The conventional metaphor for unity is the mosaic—distinct tiles fixed in place. But a more dynamic, human solution is the loom. In weaving, distinct, colorful threads do not merely sit beside each other; they actively interlace under creative tension to produce a fabric far stronger and more beautiful than the loose pile of individual strands. This is the generational work: to weave a social fabric where difference is not merely tolerated but is the essential, structural component of collective strength.
1. The Alchemy of Shared Enterprise: Nothing dissolves manufactured mistrust like sweating together for a common purpose invisible to ideology. When a neighborhood of diverse faiths and backgrounds collaboratively designs a green space, starts a community-owned energy cooperative, or builds a multi-generational playground, something alchemical occurs. The direct, felt experience of shared competence and mutual reliance creates a counter-narrative to the inherited one. A child watching a Sikh father and a Muslim mother co-chair a local river cleanup does not just learn tolerance; they learn the tangible truth of interdependence. This solves the generational problem of social fragmentation not through lectures on unity, but by providing the real, material evidence that we live better, safer, and richer lives when we are bound together in practical projects. It transforms the public from an audience of divided spectators into a collaborative cast of problem-solvers.
2. Re-narrating the Past Together: The past is often a weapon, parceled out in separate, conflicting memories. A generational solution is the community-wide re-narration project—a collective, facilitated process where a town’s entire history, including its moments of deep division and injustice, is documented and acknowledged not by one side for its own vindication, but by all sides for the purpose of a shared, complex inheritance. When a painful historical event ceases to be “their crime against us” and becomes “a tragedy in our shared story from which we must all learn,” the emotional charge is diffused. The next generation inherits not a selective, incendiary pamphlet, but a full, somber, and ultimately uniting library of shared experience.
Part III: Corporates – From Fiefdoms of Turf to Ecosystems of Flow
The modern corporation, for all its talk of disruption, is often a deeply conservative feudal structure. The inherited mantle here is the cult of the silo. Departments become sovereign nations with their own languages, rituals, and guarded borders. Marketing and Sales engage in a cold war of blame; Product and Engineering view each other as obstacles. This is internal divide-and-rule in its most mundane, daily form: a management inheritance that subconsciously fears a truly unified, cross-functional workforce because a fluidly collaborating team is harder to control than a set of competing baronies.
The generational cost is the “perfect department, failing company” paradox, where each unit optimizes for its own narrow metrics—sales volume, lines of code, ad impressions—while the living, breathing organism of the enterprise, the thing that actually delivers value to a human customer, atrophies.
The Generative Pivot: The Symphony, Not the Org Chart
The solution is a fundamental shift in structural metaphor from a static hierarchy to a living symphony. An orchestra does not succeed because the brass section beats the strings. Every musician has a completely different, highly specialized instrument and a distinct musical line to play, yet all are integrated by a single unifying element: the full score.
1. The Shared Score of Radical Transparency: The corporate “score” is a single, universally accessible, real-time operating system that visualizes all work, all customer feedback, all financial flow. When a junior developer can see exactly how her code latency impacts customer churn in a chart viewable by the CEO, the informational hoarding that powers silo politics evaporates. Power no longer comes from guarding a border of knowledge but from contributing to the visible whole. This solves the generational problem of corporate sclerosis by ensuring that the enterprise inherits a nervous system, not a suit of armor. An organization that sees itself whole can act whole.
2. Mission-Driven, Ephemeral Teams: Instead of permanent departments, work flows to ephemeral, mission-specific teams that form, solve a problem, and dissolve back into the organizational fluid. A sustainability initiative, for example, is staffed not by a permanent “Green Department” that everyone else ignores, but by a temporary swarm pulling in a supply chain veteran, a materials chemist, a brand storyteller, and a frontline retailer. Their shared KPI is a unified, real-world outcome. When a professional identity is no longer “I am a Marketing person defending my turf” but “I am a problem-solver who brings marketing insight to the mission,” the inherited mantle of internal division is finally unwoven. The company’s grandchildren—its long-term future products and culture—are protected by this fluid, adaptive resilience.
Part IV: Nations – Beyond the Westphalian Straitjacket
The nation-state system is the most monumental and seemingly immovable of the inherited mantles. Born from the idea of absolute, internally homogenous sovereignty, it creates a world of hard containers where the most critical threats we face—a warming atmosphere, a migrating virus, the existential risk of ungoverned artificial intelligence—flow like water across borders we treat as concrete. We are trying to solve planetary-scale, networked problems with a batch of standalone, disconnected operating systems. An election-cycle-driven leader performing national interest for a domestic audience is structurally incentivized to prioritize a 2% short-term domestic gain over averting a 20% long-term global disaster.
This is the ultimate gerontocracy of concepts: an inherited 17th-century political structure mismanaging 21st-century existential threats. The shackle is a logic that says global cooperation is a zero-sum sacrifice of sovereignty, rather than a strategic extension of it.
The Generative Pivot: The Bioregion and the Commons Trust
The generational escape is not a single world government—that is just the old divide-and-rule hierarchy scaled to a terrifying, monocultural extreme. The human-scale solution is a layered, functional network where sovereignty is not abolished but intelligently pooled for specific planetary survival missions.
1. The Bioregional, Not Just National, Identity: The most profound counter to artificial national division is the cultivation of a bioregional consciousness. A person living in the Nile Delta has a more fundamental, generational relationship with someone upstream in the Ethiopian highlands than with a fellow citizen in a distant desert city of the same nation. The flow of water, the health of soil, the migration of pollinators—these create a natural, non-negotiable community of fate. The generational solution is to elevate these bioregional governance bodies—river basin authorities, regional seas commissions—to full political stature, granting them real, binding legal power co-equal to national parliaments on issues within their ecological domain. An upstream dam project would no longer be just a national prerogative; it would be subject to the legal authority of a bioregional commons trust in which the downstream nation is an equal partner. This solves the problem of resource conflict by changing the unit of political identity itself.
2. The Global Mandate for the Global Commons: For the atmosphere, the high seas, and the polar-regions, nations must charter autonomous, science-driven Global Commons Trusts with a sliver of strongly delegated sovereignty. Imagine an Atmospheric Integrity Agency, governed not by political negotiation but by a fiduciary duty to a set planetary threshold. It monitors, sets a global price on carbon extraction, and distributes the proceeds back to every human on Earth as a universal basic dividend. The division of a global “us vs. them” on climate collapses when a family in Indonesia and a family in Canada receive the same quarterly check from their shared atmospheric trust. It transforms a zone of geopolitical conflict into a zone of shared, inheritable wealth. A child born into such a world inherits a planet managed by a logic of collective trusteeship, not competitive looting.
Conclusion: The Task of the Living
The mantle of divide and rule is weighty because it is lined with the lead of fear: fear of the stranger, fear of irrelevance, fear of a future that demands we think in wholes while our institutions are built in pieces. Yet it is a mantle we have woven and placed upon our own shoulders, generation after generation, mistaking it for the very fabric of reality.
The profound, hopeful truth is that it is a garment, not our skin. We can shed it. The human capacity for direct, unmediated connection, for the fierce protection of our children’s future, and for the intuitive understanding that a forest is not a war of trees but a symphony of mutual nourishment—these are not new inventions. They are our original inheritance, buried under the heavy, historical robes of empire and distrust.
The generational task is not to fight the darkness with weapons it has forged. It is to quietly, persistently, and structurally build the new loom, learn the new score, and chart the new watershed. By weaving a social fabric of chosen interdependence, by organizing work into symphonies of shared value, and by governing the planet as the single, breathing commons it actually is, we finally fulfill the obligation we hold to the future. We bequeath not the cold chains of an imperial past, but a living, breathing inheritance of wholeness—one that equips our grandchildren not for a life of perennial conflict, but for the magnificent and ongoing project of building a single, richly varied human world.
Dr. Tolulope A. Adegoke, AMBP-UN is a globally recognized scholar-practitioner and thought leader at the nexus of security, governance, and strategic leadership. His mission is dedicated to advancing ethical governance, strategic human capital development, resilient nation building, and global peace. He can be reached via: tolulopeadegoke01@gmail.com, globalstageimpacts@gmail.com
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Opinion
A Cry from the Creeks: A Daughter’s Plea for the Niger Delta
Published
5 days agoon
June 29, 2026By
Eric
By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)
The water does not lie. It carries no political allegiance, no corporate agenda, and no capacity for deception. It simply mirrors the truth of what we have allowed to be done to it.
A deeply disturbing video recently shared by veteran actress and social justice advocate Hilda Dokubo has laid bare the agonising reality facing communities in the Niger Delta. In the footage, filmed in Bille Kingdom, Rivers State, clean water is drawn from a private borehole. Within less than sixty seconds, under the pressure of underground gas, the clear liquid undergoes a sickening transformation. It darkens, thickens, and pours out as pitch-black crude oil. This is not a scientific curiosity. It is a damning indictment of a systemic humanitarian catastrophe hiding in plain sight.
As a daughter of the Niger Delta, that video did not merely break my heart. It ignited in me the ancestral fury of a people who have been poisoned, marginalised, and forgotten while the rest of this nation prospers on the wealth extracted from our soil.
For generations, the creeks, wetlands, and rivers of the Niger Delta were our sanctuaries, our markets, and the very foundation of our identity. As Hilda Dokubo rightly recalled, our people once walked to the riverbank whenever they needed to provide for their families. Fishing was not merely a livelihood; it was a covenant between our communities and the natural world that sustained them.
Today, that covenant has been shattered. Our fishermen have abandoned their nets because the rivers are fouled with oil. Our young people, stripped of the traditional occupations their fathers and mothers once practised, are channelled into the grinding machinery of poverty, idleness, and despair.
The Niger Delta has been reduced to an ecological ruin. Crude oil has saturated underground aquifers. Contaminated seafood and poisoned water are now daily realities for millions of people whose only crime is living above one of the most oil-rich territories on earth. International oil companies have abandoned corroded infrastructure that leaks without ceasing, transforming the very resource that was meant to be our salvation into a slow and methodical death sentence. We have raised this alarm for decades. Yet successive administrations have treated our suffering as an acceptable cost of doing business, a tolerable footnote so long as the petrodollars continue to flow to Abuja.
The veteran activist Annkio Briggs has devoted her life to making this injustice visible. For decades, she has documented with precision and moral clarity how the collusion between international oil interests and Nigerian state institutions has systematically dismantled the future of Niger Delta communities. She has shown how pipelines laid through our mangroves, and gas flared across our skies, have become instruments of slow violence, causing respiratory diseases, cancers, and developmental disorders in children who should never have known such afflictions. Annkio Briggs has also exposed a deeply troubling double standard; the disparity between how oil spills are handled in the industrialised world and how they are managed in Nigeria is not a matter of oversight. It is a calculated display of environmental injustice.
When a spill occurs in a Western nation, governments mobilise emergency responses and demand full remediation to international standards. In the Niger Delta, contaminated sites are patched with sand, filed away in bureaucratic reports, or left entirely unaddressed. The regulatory agencies established to protect us have been rendered impotent through underfunding, political interference, and sheer institutional neglect. Meanwhile, oil corporations exploit these weaknesses, leaving communities such as Bille suffocating beneath toxic soot and eruptions of subterranean gas. Grief, in these communities, is not a passing season. It is a permanent condition. And we refuse to allow the slow death of our homeland to be buried beneath corporate disclaimers and government platitudes.
Nigeria cannot claim to be a nation at peace with itself while one of its most productive regions is being chemically erased. We will not stand aside as these foreign companies divest their interests, collect their profits, and depart, leaving our land irreparably damaged. This is not a complaint. It is a demand, issued by a daughter of the Niger Delta who refuses to watch her homeland perish in silence. We are not data points in a corporate environmental impact assessment. We are human beings who breathe poisoned air and draw crude oil from our taps. I am therefore calling on every authority with a mandate and the power to act, to do so immediately, and to end the unconscionable treatment of the Niger Delta as a sacrifice zone.
To the President and the Federal Government of Nigeria; we demand the immediate declaration of an environmental state of emergency in Bille Kingdom and all affected riverine communities across the Niger Delta. The administration must enforce without equivocation the principle that those who pollute bear full responsibility for remediation. The era of negotiations that protect corporate balance sheets at the expense of human lives must end.
To the Niger Delta Development Commission; the mandate for which this agency was created demands urgent renewal. The Commission must redirect its priorities, without delay, toward meaningful environmental remediation, the delivery of reliable infrastructure, and the immediate provision of emergency water purification systems to communities that are drinking poison today.
To the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and NNPC Limited; the continued extraction of national wealth from Niger Delta soil, while leaving communities with nothing but fire and contamination, is morally indefensible. Every abandoned wellhead must be identified, securely decommissioned, and fully removed. There can be no further tolerance of neglected infrastructure that poisons the ground beneath our children’s feet.
To the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency; your regulatory authority must be exercised with rigour and without compromise. International clean-up standards are not aspirational; they are the minimum obligation owed to our communities. Any multinational corporation that attempts to exit the Niger Delta without fully restoring the damage it has caused must face enforceable legal and financial consequences.
To international environmental bodies and development partners; the hydrocarbon saturation of freshwater sources in communities across the Niger Delta has reached a scale that demands independent technical intervention and comprehensive ecological auditing. We ask that you bring your expertise and your authority to bear, not in the conference rooms of Abuja and Geneva, but in the creeks and villages where people are dying.
To the multinational oil corporations and local operators who have enriched themselves from Niger Delta resources; you will not walk away from what you have destroyed. No company should be permitted to divest, restructure, or withdraw from this region without having first restored our land, rehabilitated our waterways, and made full and fair reparation to the communities whose lives and livelihoods they have dismantled over decades of irresponsible operation.
Look at the black water pouring from our taps and understand what it represents. Every oil slick that spreads across our rivers is the grief of a mother unable to feed her children. Every gas flare that burns through the night is the laboured breath of a child whose lungs have never known clean air. Bille is in crisis.
The Niger Delta is bleeding. And its waters are bearing witness to crimes that have gone unpunished for far too long. The season of committees, communiqués, and hollow summits is over. We are not asking for sympathy. We are demanding accountability. Give us back our clean water. Restore our ancestral creeks. Save the daughters and sons of the Niger Delta before there is nothing left to save.
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Opinion
The Deluge We Built: Rain Does Not Create Catastrophe, It Reveals It
Published
5 days agoon
June 29, 2026By
Eric
By Richard Dablah
At 1:00 a.m., the rain began. By dawn, Accra had become a familiar theatre of submerged roads, stranded commuters, flooded homes, interrupted livelihoods, and the ritual exchange of outrage across television screens and social media. By tomorrow, we will have identified the usual villains: plastic waste, choked drains, irresponsible citizens, climate change, and inadequate enforcement. By next week, the water will have receded, but so too will our memory.
The rain did not surprise us.
Our surprise is the most astonishing part of the story.
Perhaps we have misunderstood what a flood actually is.
A flood is not the moment water overflows its banks. It is the moment decades of invisible decisions become visible. Rain merely serves as the auditor.
The deluge begins long before the first cloud gathers.
It begins when wetlands are described as “vacant land.” It begins when streams disappear beneath concrete because they interrupt commercial ambition. It begins when planning permission becomes more negotiable than hydrology, when maintenance budgets become political opportunities instead of engineering necessities, and when urban expansion is celebrated without asking whether the land itself consented to becoming a city.
Every signature placed on a permit inside a floodplain becomes a future tributary.
Every neglected drain becomes a future river.
Every compromised inspection becomes tomorrow’s emergency.
The rain simply connects decisions that were never meant to meet.
We have become accustomed to describing flooding as a natural disaster. It is an intellectually comforting phrase because it transfers responsibility from institutions to nature. Nature, however, is remarkably innocent in this story.
Water is perhaps the most honest element on Earth.
It negotiates with no political party.
It ignores campaign promises.
It does not recognise ministerial authority.
It simply obeys gravity.
When water returns to places it once occupied centuries ago, we accuse it of invading our communities. Yet rivers have never invaded cities. More often, cities have quietly occupied rivers.
Hydrologists understand something politicians rarely acknowledge: every river possesses memory. A watershed remembers its ancient channels. A floodplain remembers where excess water belongs. Wetlands remember how to absorb storms. We imagine that maps redraw geography. Water disagrees.
Concrete cannot erase memory.
It merely postpones its expression.
We therefore continue to debate blocked drains while ignoring blocked landscapes. We widen roads while narrowing waterways. We celebrate visible infrastructure while dismantling invisible infrastructure—the wetlands, soils, vegetation, lagoons and natural floodplains that quietly performed engineering services long before engineers arrived.
The irony is profound.
A forest can receive extraordinary rainfall and rarely flood because every root, every microorganism, and every layer of soil participates in slowing, storing, and redistributing water. A modern city, by contrast, has replaced absorption with acceleration. Asphalt rejects rainfall. Concrete hastens runoff. Buildings compress the earth. Heat hardens the soil. Every improvement intended to modernise the city simultaneously reduces its ability to behave like land.
The city has become hydraulically impatient.
Perhaps that is our greatest misunderstanding.
We believe cities are machines.
They are not.
Cities are living metabolisms. Like every living organism, they must balance what they consume with what they can process. Accra continuously consumes land, population, vehicles, plastics, concrete, energy, and waste faster than it expands its ecological capacity to absorb them. The consequence is not merely congestion or pollution. It is systemic metabolic failure.
Flooding is one of its symptoms.
Yet the problem extends even beyond engineering.
It is temporal.
Nature operates on geological time. Wetlands require centuries to mature. Rivers evolve over millennia. Soil develops patiently. Aquifers recharge slowly.
Politics operates on electoral time.
Four-year cycles reward ribbon-cutting ceremonies, not invisible maintenance. The culvert that no one notices receives less attention than the flyover everyone photographs. Maintenance loses elections. New construction wins them.
The result is predictable.
Infrastructure quietly accumulates entropy while governments accumulate announcements.
Physics teaches that every system naturally drifts toward disorder unless energy is continually invested to preserve order. Cities obey the same law. Drains clog. Roads crack. Regulations weaken. Institutions decay. Maintenance postponed is entropy invited.
The flood is not merely an engineering failure.
It is entropy-defeating governance.
Then there is the uncomfortable question we seldom ask.
Who benefits from recurring disasters?
Disaster creates contracts.
Emergency procurement.
Reconstruction projects.
Political visibility.
Institutional relevance.
Entire bureaucracies become more active after a catastrophe than before it.
This observation is not an accusation against individuals. It is an invitation to examine incentives. A society that consistently invests more in responding to disaster than preventing it eventually normalises catastrophe as part of governance itself.
The deluge becomes an administrative season.
History offers another warning.
Civilisations rarely collapse because nature suddenly becomes hostile. More often, they ignore environmental feedback until it becomes impossible to negotiate. Rivers shift. Forests disappear. Soils degrade. Cities overreach. Institutions mistake temporary resilience for permanent immunity.
Every civilisation eventually discovers that nature does not negotiate deadlines.
It only delivers consequences.
Perhaps that is what Accra experienced between 1:00 a.m. and dawn.
Not simply rainfall.
Not merely flooding.
But an examination.
An examination of our planning philosophy.
An examination of our political incentives.
An examination of our ecological literacy.
An examination of whether we still understand the land upon which we continue to build our future.
The biblical deluge was remembered not because water fell from the heavens, but because it exposed the moral condition of a civilisation. Whether one reads that account as theology or metaphor, its enduring lesson remains unsettling: catastrophe often reveals what prosperity successfully concealed.
Our modern deluge performs the same function.
It reveals that resilience cannot be legislated after rivers overflow. It must be designed before foundations are poured. It reveals that environmental stewardship is not an aesthetic concern but a constitutional obligation to future generations. It reveals that engineering cannot indefinitely compensate for ecological illiteracy, and that governance detached from geography eventually becomes governance against geography.
Tomorrow the skies will likely clear.
The floodwaters will retreat.
Traffic will resume.
Life will continue.
Until the next storm.
Unless we finally recognise the uncomfortable truth.
.
.
.
R.D
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