Opinion
The Oracle: The Polictrickscians on the March Again for 2023 (Pt. 2)
Published
4 years agoon
By
Eric
By Chief Mike Ozekhome
INTRODUCTION
Last week, we commenced this vexed issue on the season of empty and vainglorious promises made by politrickcians. Most of these promises are neither kept nor accomplished. Today, we shall further x-ray and conclude our discourse on it. Please, read on.
THE RENTED HALLELUJAH CROWD (continues)
I will banish hunger and annul (pardon me, IBB), the consumption of ordinary home-made yams, maize, garri, akpu, fufu, amala, elubo, eba, fura da nunu, miyar kuka, edikangikong, ofe nsala, nkwobi, atsu, tuwon shinkafa, tuwo zaafi, ewedu and all such unhealthy local foods. “Stomach infrastructure” or “democracy of the stomach” will be my first and primary concern when you elect me into office. I will grow apples, avocados, spinach, berry, water melon, papaya, guava, oranges, bananas, coconut and apricot in your bedrooms, verandas and sitting rooms. I will refine the oil in the Niger Delta, stop gas flaring and exploit the vast mineral resources that abound across Nigeria. I will pay all your children’s school fees, including WAEC, NECO and UTME fees. I will sponsor them to University level; even post graduate studies.
My reign will ensure that your breakfast shall comprise of toasted bread, sausage, spring rolls, bacon, vegetables and prawns in batter. Your lunch will be fried pigeon, pork ribs, shrimps in chili sauce and mashed potatoes; while your dinner will be Singapore noodles, crabs, boneless sweet and sour duck, lobsters in black bean sauce and asparagus, and broccoli with mixed vegetable”.
What can the average Nigerian Politickcian not do? Nothing! Nigeria befuddles me.
ONLY IN NIGERIA
It is only in Nigeria that a Politrickcian will be elected on the platform of a political party, stay put and enjoy the party’s protection and reputation for seven years; quietly or tumultuously decamps to an opposition political party in the 8th year, and suddenly realize that his original political party was satanic, luciferous, leprous, odious, backward, useless and indeed, consists of political lepers and greedy thieves of our common wealth. Only in Nigeria! He will tell us he has returned “home”, and his fellow thieving Politickcians will gladly welcome him with pomp and pageantry.
It is only in Nigeria that a Governor will cajole and coax a crowd of people drawn from all nooks and crannies of all the Local Governments of his state, just for the purpose of commissioning a five-kilometer road project whose touted padded cost is actually more than 500% of the actual cost. The money used in organizing the attendant, “commissioning ceremony” is nearly as much as the project cost itself. Only in Nigeria! The poor, cheated and hoodwinked plebians will sing their hearts out, tattoo their bodies with uli and ume, and dance atilogwu, mpokiti, igioge, igbokobia, igieleghe and even egbabonalimhi dance. Only in Nigeria! They relish in the Stockholm Syndrome by empathising and falling in love with their tormentors and slave drivers. Stalin’s state of the chicken whose feathers he publicly plucked, whilst the croaking bleeding chicken still wobbled back to eat particles of grain from his hand, is apposite here. The politrickcian will hire and arm thugs to win election. As soon as he is sworn in, he discards with the unwanted dregs of the society. He is despised, derided and ignored. He only sees his “oga” in long convoys of tinted glass cars. Frustrated, he takes to the forest and transforms into a kidnapper, armed bandit, book haram, murderer and internet scammer.
It is only in Nigeria you will hear the President and Governors “vow” to build roads, provide shelter and education, give water and Medicare to citizens, as if they were ever elected for a different purpose. Only in Nigeria! It is only in Nigeria that a community will welcome their son or daughter with open arms where he or she can show and demonstrate overt evidence of vulgar opulence and primitive acquisition. Indeed, the more the “son of the soil”, or “daughter of the soil” stole from the national till, the more he/she is venerated and idolised. The sudden wealth must luminate in sprawling mansions, in all parts of the world; private jets, a fleet of countless cars, vast acres of holiday resort and snaky escort-heralded convoys of tinted vehicles. Only in Nigeria!
Woe betides the poor retiree who comes back empty-handed in the name of prudence, patriotism, honesty and probity while in service. He/she will be shunned, avoided, derided, scorned, mocked and spat at, for being a fool while in service. Only in Nigeria!
It is only in Nigeria that elders will pour libation and pray for their children thus; “May God and our ancestors increase your wealth (money), but not your work. May you find, or stumble on money that is not owned by any one”. Gracious God! Holy Moses! Only in Nigeria!
It is only in Nigeria that certificated criminals who have ripped us off from our commonwealth will be rewarded and have their necks garlanded with medals, honourary doctorate degrees and National Honours. They will be awarded high sounding chieftaincy titles, all of them ending with one (1). There is no number two or three. That is a taboo. It is Ogbini 1, Ogbaleghe 1, Okpughukpughu 1, Onwa 1, MajeKobaje 1, Yerimah 1, etc. such criminal elements will be accorded prominent seats and mats in the front pews and spaces of our churches and mosques, scrambling for spaces with our liturgical and clerical officials such as canons and Imams. Only in Nigeria! It is only in Nigeria that small level officials of Government will easily pocket billions of naira and amass tens of houses and then smile home thereafter after a judicial slap on their wrist. Only in Nigeria!
It is only in Nigeria that Boko Haram and armed bandits will abduct our innocent daughters from Chibok, Dapchi, Kankara, Jangebi, Kaduna and Kagara. Rather than unite as a Nation and fight a common enemy, as the Americans did on 11th of September, 2001, when her national pride and symbol of strength, the New York twin towers, were leveled to ground zero, Nigerians will engage in lamentation and rightly blame the non-performing President and Governor of the receiving state. We abuse and denigrate the military that is busy fighting the “civil” war; men and women of honour and valour, who left their loved families and the comfort of their homes, to fight in the damp, cold forests and hot deserts, to ensure our collective security. Nigerian Politricians turn the entire issue in to a political game of musical chairs and Baba Sala’s Alawada Kerikeri’s histrionics and theatricals. Only in Nigeria! It is only in Nigeria that elected officials of Government will use the first of a four year term to study their governance or legislative structure and organogram, including making appointments; use the second year to work for the people who elected them; and use the remaining two years politicking and amassing vulgar primitive wealth towards another round of a 4-yearly electioneering ritual.
Nigerian Politrickcians enjoy Politicking without governance. Only in Nigeria can this state of absurdity take place.
Nigeria has become one huge joke. She has been so dehumanized in such a way as to generate one form of absurdity or another, on a daily basis. Nigeria has since become a sickening contraption of one scandal per day.
THERE IS NO DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA
Indeed, Nigeria, especially under the president Muhammadu Buhari administration, does not practise democracy at all. Rather, it practises electonocracy, judocracy, executocracy and legislatocracy. I will explain these terms which I have personally coined from my personal lexical dictionary. That was what informed the aliases of “Ozek baba”, “mobile dictionary” and “mobile Library”, that my late legendary mentor, iconic Chief Gani Fawehinmi SAN, SAM, GCON, fondly called me whilst working with him, up to becoming his Deputy Head of Chambers in 1985.
ELECTIONACRACY
“ELECTIONACRACY ” is a system of government where elections are held as a ritual at intervals of 4 years in Nigeria, with the emergent elected or selected leaders, rather than giving the electors democracy dividends, merely stabilize themselves in power, commence primitive acquisition of wealth and forget the electorate that erected the leaders in the first place. They then begin another round of campaigns after pretending to work for 2 years. They are already looking forward to the next election when the electorate has not benefited from any democracy dividends from their first term.
JUDOCRACY
“JUDOCRACY” is a genre of government practised only in Nigeria, where Presidents, Governors, Legislators and LG Chairmen are thrown up as having “won” in an election. Their victory is immediately challenged. They get enmeshed in these legal callithenics for the next 2 to 3 years of their corruption-ridden governance. Then, suddenly, they are conceived, incubated and delivered in the hallowed Chambers and precincts of our law courts, rather than through the ballot box. The will of the people is thereby subsumed in the decision and judgement of courts of law, the non-representatives of the people.
EXECUTOCRACY
“EXECUTOCRACY ”, as practised in Nigeria, is an aberrant form of government, far removed from democracy, where the executive arm of government acts in torrerem of other arms of government. The Executive continually browbeat, intimidate, harass, marginalize and subjugate the Legislature and the Judiciary. It is usually headed by a maximalist, autocratic, absolute and dictatorial head, who views himself as Loius XIV of France. Loius XIV was so intoxicated with the effect of liquor-inebriating power that in 1655, he proudly stood in front of parliament and declared “L’etat, C’ est moi” (I am the state). He said this to indicate his complete hold on power to the exclusion of all other lesser mortals.
LEGISLOTACRACY
“LEGISLATOCRACY” is another peculiar genre of democracy as practised only in Nigeria. It is a fundamentally flawed legislative system where there is an overbloated and virtually jobless 360 members of the House of Representatives and 109 Senators, all of whom are not unsurprisingly permitted by the 1999 Constitution to sit for only 6 months out of 12 months in a calendar year of 12 months. This enables them to seamlessly engage in extra-legislative businesses and money-making ventures.
These legislators, contrary to the clear provisions of the 1999 Constitution, legislate on EVERYTHING except making laws “for the peace, order and good government of the federation”.
The law makers carryout oversight functions under sections 88 and 89 of the constitution, not in furtherance of any public interest or any common good, but in pursuit of their private pockets after extorting money (during budget presentations) from ministries, MDA’s and other government establishments, both at the federal, state and LGA’s level.
Under legislatocracy, Mr President’s requests are sacrosanct and written on Hamurabi tablet of inviolability. So, like the agama lizard, the law makers can only nod their heads “yes, yes, yes”, to all presidential requests, however anti-people. Legislatocracy ensures free padding of budgets to accommodate their insatiable baccanalina propensity to consume and indulge in primitive acquisition of vulgar wealth in a rentier economy.
Legislatocracy also ensures that rather than make laws, legislators fight over constituency projects. When given hundreds of millions to execute these projects, they end up digging few boreholes, repairing village culverts; buying motor cycles, hair dryers, grinding machines and wheel barrows, to their hapless clapping peasants and thugs that were used during the last elections. Nigeria’s peculiar legislatocratic system ensures that the law makers receive the highest pay amongst law makers across the globe, including older, tested and more established democracies of the world.
Only in Nigeria! It is so sad, so debasing, so heart-rending and so idiotic.
Nigeria, we hail thee! (Concluded).
FUN TIMES
“What kind of music do mummies listen to? Wrap music”.
“Singing in the shower is fun until you get soap in your mouth, then it becomes a soap opera”.
THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK
“The hardest thing about any political campaign is how to win without proving that you are unworthy of winning”. (Adlai Stevenson I).
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The morning sun streamed through the stained-glass windows of the Anglican Church of Transformation Hall, casting patches of amber and gold across the gathered crowd. Mothers clutched small bouquets—it was Mother’s Day—and children fidgeted in their seats, unaware that history was about to be made in their midst.
At the podium stood Sunny Irakpo, his hands steady on the lectern, his voice carrying the weight of nearly two decades of quiet war. Not a war of soldiers or bombs, but one fought with pamphlets, school visits, rehabilitation talks, and now—something far greater.
Before him sat bishops in clerical collars, doctors in tailored suits, community leaders in colorful Nigerian attire, and ordinary men and women who had crossed oceans for a better life. They had come to witness the unveiling of the SILEC International Magazine (SIM)—the first global media platform dedicated exclusively to reporting drug-related issues across Africa, the United States, and beyond.
“Just like a SIM device is important to a phone,” Sunny began, his voice warm yet resolute, “imagine one with a sophisticated phone without a SIM. Such a phone will be useless. Therefore, SIM is a solution provider—an enabler designed to bring value, reset mindsets, and create a global platform bold enough to revolutionize the media ecosystem.”
The room leaned in.
Three hours earlier, Revd. Canon Paul Obike had opened the ceremony with a prayer and a smile. The anchor Venerable Shola Ogbedebi , He looked out at the sea of faces—mothers, especially, whom he thanked for their invisible labor of raising children in a world saturated with temptation.
“Sunny Irakpo,” Ogbedebi had said, “is a courageous young man with strong passion and zeal, championing a worthy cause that has taken the lives of many promising youth in Nigeria, the United States, and across the globe. He is a trailblazer. A strong voice that keeps shaping policy direction.”
The audience had applauded, some wiping tears. They knew the statistics. They had buried nephews, cousins, sons.
Now, as Sunny continued his address, he moved from metaphor to mission.
“SILEC International Magazine is not just a publication,” he said. “It will drive awareness, create employment opportunities for young people, and support underprivileged students—particularly in Nigeria, where more than twenty million children remain out of school due to financial hardship.”
He paused, letting the number settle.
“Twenty million.”
A murmur rippled through the hall.
Sunny spoke of the vision conceived years ago, held in his heart like a pregnancy carried through contraction and pain. “When a child eventually escapes the womb, the mother leaps for joy,” he said. “Today, I stand in solidarity as a mother—not by pregnancy, but by conception of ideas that could help proffer solutions to the many problems confronting mankind. This is my joy: that baby SIM is birthed to the world today, in a country where dreams come through.”
He invoked Habakkuk 2:2—write the vision and make it plain—and reminded the gathering that a child’s raising belongs not only to its parents but to the entire community. “So it is for this newborn, named SIM,” he said. “I call for your collective nurturing.”
The statistics he shared were stark.
A United Nations report from 2025 stated that 316 million people worldwide were affected by drugs. Nearly half a million deaths annually. Twenty-eight million healthy years of life lost. In 2023, only one in twelve people with drug use disorders received any treatment.
In the United States, over one million people between the ages of eighteen and forty-five had died from drugs.
But it was Africa that Sunny named as the emerging frontline. “The new market,” he said quietly. “Seventy percent of young people. In Nigeria, according to UNODC, 14.4 million people aged fifteen to sixty-four abused drugs and substances as of 2018—significantly higher than the global average. Those aged eighteen to thirty-nine remain the worst users today.”
He did not shout. He did not need to. The numbers screamed for themselves.
Then came the moment the room had been waiting for.
The Chairman of the occasion, The Rt. Revd. Dr. Augustine Unuigbe—Coordinating Bishop of the Church of Nigeria North America Mission and Managing Director of Rapha Medical Group—rose from his seat. He was a tall man with gentle eyes and the steady hands of a physician.
“As a medical doctor,” Bishop Unuigbe said, stepping to the podium, “I have seen firsthand cases of drug overdose. I have watched young people slip away on hospital beds, their parents wailing in corridors. The drug problem and overdose deaths in the United States are underreported—for reasons I cannot ascertain. But time has come for the message to be louder.”
He turned to look directly at Sunny.
“My path and Sunny Irakpo crossed on social media,” the bishop continued. “I did not know Sunny from Adam. What brought us together is divine connection. In 2021, met him physically when the Primate of All Nigeria, the Most Rt. Dr. Henry Chukwudum Ndukuba, invited Sunny to present a paper at the Standing Committee meeting—the highest decision-making body of the Church of Nigeria, Anglican Communion. His presentation on ‘The Monster of Drug Addiction: A Battle for the Future’ was educative, revealing, and commendable.”
The bishop’s voice deepened. “My association and endorsement of SILEC Initiatives is based on the credible platform and the carrier of the message—Sunny Irakpo—who has shown serious commitment for nearly two decades. This young man deserves all the support and encouragement to propagate the message farther.”
He placed his hand on a tablet connected to a large screen. “I now unveil the SILEC International Magazine—electronically, with Artificial Intelligence tools for the campaign ideology—to the glory of God and benefit of humanity.”
The screen flickered to life. The magazine’s website appeared: crisp, modern, alive with stories. A video montage played—interviews with recovered addicts, profiles of resilient entrepreneurs, reports from Nigerian villages where schoolrooms stood empty. The audience watched in rapt silence.
Then they rose. They clapped. Some wept.
Dr. Inua Momodu, President of the Nigerian Community in Atlantic County, New Jersey, seized the moment. “Drug abuse affects almost every household,” he said. “Everyone must be involved in this fight to save the lives of young people. The Nigerian community under my leadership will continue to support SILEC Initiatives with effective collaboration.”
Distinguished guests nodded firmly from the front row. Besides, Angels In Motion ably represented by Laura Rhodes whispered to a colleague: We need to partner with them.
Before closing, Sunny Irakpo turned to the mothers in the room. It was, after all, their day.
“Dear mothers,” he said, “your roles in family and nation-building cannot be overemphasized. Sadly, in the cause of my advocacy, I have seen women deeply engaged in drug abuse and illicit trafficking. The most despicable act is using their most revered private parts to conceal drugs. One out of four females is now a drug abuser.”
The room grew very still.
“We urge our mothers to hold firm the values that help shape society. Tighten the home front. Help prevent our wards from this destructive path.”
He paused, and his voice softened.
“In loving memory, I remember today the sacrifices of my late parents—Pa Christopher Ewomarevia and Mrs. Victoria Adiheji Irakpo—for the value of education and godly parenting they implanted in me. They started this vision of SILEC with me in 2010. It pleased God that they did not witness this very important occasion. But I give God all the glory. May their kind souls continue to rest in peace.”
The ceremony ended with Reverend Ohio Simire offering the vote of thanks, followed by closing prayers from Bishop Unuigbe. As the crowd filed out into the New Jersey afternoon, phones buzzed with notifications—the live stream had reached thousands across three continents.
Outside, a young woman approached Sunny Irakpo. She was perhaps twenty-two, her eyes red-rimmed.
“My brother overdosed last year,” she said quietly. “He was nineteen.”
Sunny placed a hand on her shoulder. “Then we do this for him,” he said. “And for all the others.”
She nodded, and for the first time that day, she smiled.
Somewhere, a SIM card connects a phone to the world. And somewhere else, a newborn magazine called SIM began connecting broken stories to hope—one page, one life, one truth at a time. Oh, what a magazine you must get with just a click from your phone at www.sim.silecinitiatives.org.ng . SILEC is rising, SILEC International Magazine, the global light.
Article contributed by Kwame Jamal
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Opinion
When Architecture of Policy Meets Architecture of Connection
Published
3 days agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Shakirat Akintola
For many political observers, the proposition of an Atiku-Momodu ticket represents a fascinating answer to Nigeria’s complex governance puzzle. The conversation is rapidly moving past the two personalities involved, evolving into a broader debate about national cohesion, credibility, and the precise qualities required to steady a fractured nation.
Atiku Abubakar, having recently emerged as the presidential candidate for the African Democratic Congress (ADC) following a fiercely contested and highly scrutinized nationwide primary election, remains one of the most resilient figures in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His institutional memory is vast. As the Vice President who chaired the National Economic Council during one of Nigeria’s most consequential eras of economic restructuring and privatization, he understands the levers of state policy.
Yet, in a nation fractured along regional, religious, and generational lines, policy blueprints alone are no longer enough. The opposition faces a distinct hurdle: Nigerians already know who Atiku is. The challenge is not building recognition, but establishing a genuine, empathetic connection with the deep frustrations of the grassroots. This is precisely where Aare Dele Momodu enters the equation.
To view Momodu strictly through the glamorous lens of Ovation International is to misunderstand the deliberate philosophy behind his media empire. While critics might initially mistake his chronicling of high society for elite insulation, his career has actually functioned as a masterclass in breaking down walls. For decades, Momodu did not just document success; he demystified it, bringing the corridors of power and privilege directly to the gaze of the ordinary citizen. More importantly, this deep social capital was forged in the fires of grassroots defiance. Long before he was a celebrated publisher, Momodu was a pro-democracy activist who faced detention and forced exile during the dark days of the Abacha regime for standing with the masses. His ability to navigate corporate boardrooms today is not a sign of detachment from the struggle, but a powerful asset. It means the opposition gains a communicator who can walk into spaces of immense privilege, speak truth to power in their own language, and channel that access directly back into the service of Nigeria’s markets, classrooms, and farming communities.
A Referendum on Lived Realities
The ongoing security and economic trials illustrate exactly why a balance of institutional experience and cultural reach matters. For a parent deciding between school fees and healthcare, or a trader calculating the risks of interstate highways, governance is not a theoretical debate.
The next election will not be won by campaign slogans or aggressive social media strategies. It will be decided by trust. While the ruling party scrambles to convince a strained populace that their sacrifices will yield future rewards, the opposition must present a credible, steady, and comforting alternative.
Nigeria’s future will ultimately be shaped by leaders who look beyond political echo chambers and actively listen to the markets, classrooms, and farming communities. As the country continues its difficult search for stability, the political figures capable of building a bridge between sound policy and genuine human empathy will inevitably command the attention of a nation eager to move forward.
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Why Dele Momodu May Be Atiku’s Smartest Running Mate Option Yet
Published
4 days agoon
June 9, 2026By
Eric
By Michael Abimboye
As the African Democratic Congress, ADC, gradually consolidates its coalition ahead of the 2027 presidential election, attention has inevitably shifted from the emergence of Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate to the more delicate and strategic question of his running mate.
Several names have surfaced in political calculations and media speculation: Rotimi Amaechi, Emeka Ihedioha, and Dele Momodu, among them. Yet, beyond the noise of conventional political arithmetic lies a deeper electoral question: who among these options best expands Atiku’s coalition beyond traditional structures and into the modern political battlefield Nigeria has become?
Increasingly, the answer may well be Dele Momodu.
For years, Nigerian politics has operated under an outdated assumption that electoral victory is secured merely through governors, party leaders, and regional strongmen. The 2023 election disrupted that orthodoxy. The emergence of Peter Obi demonstrated that digital momentum, perception management, emotional resonance, and transregional appeal can significantly alter the political equation. Obi’s strongest weapon was not necessarily party structure. It was narrative dominance.
That reality has permanently changed Nigerian politics.
And in the current ADC coalition conversation, Dele Momodu may be one of the few figures who intuitively understands this new political environment.
Unlike many career politicians whose influence remains confined to state structures or elite caucuses, Momodu operates in multiple political ecosystems simultaneously: media, diplomacy, youth engagement, elite networking, pan-African influence, and digital communication. In modern electoral politics, that multidimensional relevance matters enormously.
One of Momodu’s most understated assets is his continental reach. Through decades of media work, political engagement, and elite interaction across Africa, he has cultivated relationships with presidents, former presidents, business leaders, diplomats, and intellectual figures across the continent. His network is not speculative mythology. It is publicly visible and historically documented through his long-running engagements as publisher of Ovation International and participant in high-level African political circles.
At a time when Nigeria seeks to reassert itself diplomatically and economically within Africa, such soft-power capital becomes politically valuable. A vice-presidential candidate today is no longer merely a ceremonial electoral appendage. He must also communicate competence, cosmopolitanism, and international legitimacy.
Momodu fits that profile more naturally than many conventional politicians. There is also the geographical intelligence behind his potential candidacy.
Though widely perceived nationally as a South-West figure because of his strong Yoruba cultural identity and media dominance in Lagos and the South-West, Dele Momodu is fundamentally from the South-South axis through his Edo roots. Politically, this creates a rare advantage. It allows the ADC to potentially tap into two strategic regions simultaneously without provoking the sharp regional anxieties that often accompany vice-presidential selections.
Amaechi, for instance, undoubtedly possesses political experience and administrative depth. But his polarising history in Rivers politics, coupled with his own presidential ambitions, complicates the chemistry required of a running mate. Indeed, reports have repeatedly suggested Amaechi has little interest in a vice-presidential role.
Ihedioha, meanwhile, brings stability and technocratic moderation, but lacks the national media visibility and emotional connection necessary for a fiercely competitive national election. Elections are not won only by competence. They are won by energy, narrative, symbolism, and visibility.
Dele Momodu possesses all four.
Then comes perhaps the most important factor of all: communication.
The 2027 election is unlikely to resemble previous Nigerian elections. It will be heavily digitised, media-driven, youth-influenced, and psychologically contested online. The political establishment still underestimates how profoundly social media has altered electoral mobilisation. The Obi movement in 2023 proved that online enthusiasm can shape national conversation, pressure traditional media, influence undecided voters, and energise urban youth demographics.
Momodu enters this terrain with an already established digital infrastructure.
Unlike many politicians who outsource communication to media aides, Dele Momodu himself is a communication institution. He understands headlines, optics, timing, public emotion, narrative construction, and audience psychology. His social media platforms command enormous engagement across demographics that traditional politicians often struggle to reach organically.
That matters.
In a coalition environment where ADC must unify disillusioned PDP voters, attract soft Obidients, retain Northern numerical strength, and penetrate urban youth constituencies, communication sophistication becomes central to survival.
Momodu also carries an outsider-insider advantage. He is politically experienced enough to understand power, yet sufficiently detached from the toxic baggage of conventional Nigerian political warfare. He has not governed a state, which critics may see as a weakness, but which supporters may frame as insulation from corruption controversies and governance fatigue associated with many old political actors.
In an anti-establishment electoral climate, that distinction could become useful.
Perhaps most importantly, Dele Momodu brings cultural elasticity. He can comfortably engage traditional rulers in Kano, intellectuals in Abuja, media elites in Lagos, young digital audiences in Port Harcourt, diaspora professionals in London, and political moderates in the South-East. Very few Nigerian political figures possess that adaptive national reach without appearing artificial.
And politics, ultimately, is the management of coalitions.
Atiku’s greatest challenge is not merely winning Northern votes. He already possesses substantial Northern recognition. His real challenge is rebuilding emotional trust across sections of Southern Nigeria while simultaneously energising younger demographics sceptical of establishment politics.
A conventional politician may help him consolidate structures.
Dele Momodu, however, may help Atiku reshape perception. And in modern politics, perception is often the first battlefield victory.
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