Connect with us

Opinion

Panorama: Nigeria and Untapped Potential to Lead Fight Against Cancer and Cognition Associated Diseases

Published

on

By Sani Sa’idu Baba

My dear country men and women, this week I am taking us on a journey to demonstrate some issues that are important to the development of our dear country Nigeria, especially in the areas of research and health where I professionally have a comparative advantage. But before I go into that, let me briefly explain what has drawn my attention to a topic of this nature, generally considered a less talk about issue in the media and scientific spaces in our country. I believe my readers today. irrespective of their professional backgrounds, will be convinced that we are living in starvation in the midst of plenty, especially in the inseparable areas of research and health. These two go hand in glove, such that research outcomes are translated into modality or therapeutics, and the therapy outcome also give rise to several hypothesis and speculations that eventually requires further research.

Earlier in the week, I received a call from my Professor and academic mentor, Prof. Isyaku Umar Yarube, a Professor of Human Physiology and Neuroscience, equally the Head of Neuroscience and Pathophysiology unit, Bayero University Kano, asking me to participate in a symposium and launching of Biomedical Research Training (BioRTC) center organized by Dr Mahmoud Maina, on a mission to facilitate research and training of Nigerian scientists, using modern methods that will enable them to contribute to solving local and global biomedical science problems through scientific research. The first of its kind-centre is located inside the Yobe State University, Nigeria. Let me recommend that this centre be replicated in other areas of the country, especially in our universities and teaching hospitals. Lack of state-of-the-art research instruments in our country is perhaps the reason neuroscience and other biomedical researchers in Nigeria choose oversees for postgraduate studies, especially those that could afford, but certainly not due to lack of the best brains that can handle advanced research in Nigeria. Let me confess at this point that Nigeria is blessed with the needed human resources and brains that can turn around situation of things in this country. More often than not, people are of the view that Nigeria is not well equipped with the technical know-how and skills in the field of traditional research, not knowing that the only thing sadly lacking is the key to unlocking such potentials.

Nigeria has a population of over 200 million people, the largest in Africa. Among the West African countries, it has the second highest density of medical doctors, which is, however, still very low compared to the actual figure that will meet the need of our population. Government expenditure on health is considerably slimmer than what comes from private contributions, differing by over two thousand billion naira. About 3.8 percent of Nigeria’s GDP is invested in the health sector. In OECD countries, the average percentage of GDP spent on healthcare was 8.8 percent. Also, OECD member countries are mostly high-income countries, whereas Nigeria is an emerging economy and belongs to countries with lower middle-incomes. Nigerians usually have to pay for medicine out of their own pocket. Often the medicine is very expensive and difficult to afford.

Though our population is very high, we still have potential that if appropriately and adequately explored will place us in the forefront in the fight against diseases bedeviling the situation in our country today. For a proper understanding of the current health situation in Nigeria, it is important to state briefly the evolution of its healthcare system and within that framework examine some of the factors that led to our sorry state. Prior to the coming of Europeans to Nigeria, the indigenous peoples that make up the country relied entirely on indigenous herbal and fauna knowledge to resolve various health conditions. The healthcare system was based on the quality knowledge of practitioners as well as defined ways of apprenticeship to qualify as a healthcare provider. The medical student was expected to go through years of training both in herbal knowledge, therapeutic processes, and psycho-social relations. The underlying principle of traditional medical system was a sacred calling toward the preservation of lives and to serve as a cohesive element in the society, rendering services for peanuts or even free. However, with the coming of Europeans from the fifteenth century and the subsequent introduction of Western medicine, healthcare services became monetized so that health services were rendered for a standard fee. Although the colonial government did not overtly introduce Western medicine to rural folks, the importation of Western-trained medical doctors as well as Western medicine coupled with the influx of missionaries that used Western drugs as a means of evangelism, the seeds of drastic change in traditional medicine were sown. One key factor that led to the undermining of traditional medicine and its subsequent neglect was the missionaries’ association of traditional medicine with witchcraft, Satanism, and evil.

Let me comeback to one of the backbones of my article today. During that symposium paper presentations, Professor Isa Hussaini Marte of University of Maiduguri and the current Chief of Staff to Borno State Governor presented a very mind blowing paper on cancer and the potentials of some of our medicinal plants largely found in the North-central of Nigeria in the therapy of cancer. These plants has been thoroughly researched in its laboratory and their anti-tumor effect been proved. Not only was that, but a woman who was referred to him with a very large tumor was significantly improved and tumor shrank after being treated with the extract of the plants. This marvelous development occurred in our dear country. So, it was clear to me that despite the popular claim of the absence of definite cure for cancer, Nigeria still has the potentials to drive the world in this regard. However, the setback still remains lack of the modern state-of-the-art and cutting edge instruments and inadequate government commitment towards funding the research. Though, the professor has acknowledged some support given to him in the establishment of his multi-million naira laboratory, but that was just not enough. The financial implication in establishing this type of laboratory is largely beyond an individual capacity or small organization. For example, the demand for absolute constant and uninterrupted electricity for the lab to function, not to talk of the expensive reagents and other gadgets needed in the lab. Success in this type of anti-cancer research, especially in a resource constraint settings like in Nigeria will go a long way to provide alternative to the most expensive cancer management strategy like the chemotherapy and radiotherapy that has been in use, though with minimal success. Besides, there are only two working cancer radiotherapy centers in Nigeria, one in National Hospital Abuja, and the other in Lagos. Let us reflect on our population and the prevalence of the disease in our environment here! Interestingly, the success story of cancer management lies in the use of traditional medicines, which is quite in abundance in our environment.

Furthermore, apart from cancer that has been considered a top killer disease not only in Nigeria but globally, another disease that is affecting a large chunk of Nigeria population is cognitive impairment, hypertension, diabetes, chronic kidney disease and stroke among other chronic diseases. Although these diseases affects largely the elderly population in Nigeria, but the burden associated with them on the government especially vis-à-vis reduced productivity, increase dependency and reduced quality of life of the affected people is very alarming. For instance, the cost of stroke management was estimated to be 173.8 billion naira in 2011, excluding nursing care for stroke victims per annum in Nigeria. This is quite huge for an average citizen who lives on per capital income of less than $2 per day. That was in 2011 when the Naira was relatively stable. What can we now guess as the situation with the current devaluation of Naira? That is quite enough as a burden. In line with this, Professor Isyaku Umar Yarube of Bayero University Kano has took a giant stride towards utilizing research to understanding the root cause and interconnections of these chronic diseases, and most importantly proposes some recommendations that will go a long way to address issues and reduce the burden that comes with it not only on our government but generally population in our dear country. He has joined many international professors from US, UK and Germany to present a very interesting novel findings that stimulated many researchers and clinicians present during the symposium. Of particular interest is that his research showcases the potentials of some blood markers in early diagnosis of these diseases especially in resource constraint settings to by-pass the very expensive ways that majority could not even afford. Such contribution is worth supporting by the government, research bodies and other authorities.

More so, the comment made by Sir Richard Roberts, a novel Laureate winner, about the capacity and quality of Nigeria’s scientist was also very heart touching. It gave me hope and indication that even the world has already identified with Nigeria and the problems affecting us not going on the same page in areas of research with the rest of the world. He stated categorically that if we have the adequate laboratories and needed instruments, we can even produce our own covid-19 vaccine in our own country. Lack of enough laboratories in Nigeria has affected not only medical research, but even the covid-19 testing. Very negligible number of Nigerians were tested till today, not to talk of producing our own vaccines. He also warned that the issue of biomedical research in Nigeria should not in any way be politicized because it is one of the yet to be explored area that will be key to our development. This is enough to tell us how qualitative and dogged Nigerian scientist are on the eyes of the world. Nigerians are doing greatly wherever they find themselves in the world. More often than not, celebrated journalist, Chief Dr Dele Momodu, reports the success story of Nigerians doing great things in one country or another. Perhaps in almost every sector, Nigerians has taken the lead. Very encouraging!

Another key issue that stimulated my discussion today is about the need for social and financial risk protection for poor and vulnerable populations as a major developmental policy to achieving adequate healthcare coverage. In the context of health, social protection refers to programs and measures aimed at removing financial barriers preventing access to health care services and protecting poor and vulnerable populations from the impoverishing effects of medical expenditures. Financial risk protection is a key component of universal health coverage (UHC) and the health system goal of ensuring access to quality health care services without suffering financial hardship. But before then, let me briefly highlight the underpinning philosophy of the First Republic, and that was to ensure that Western styled healthcare delivery became the primary source of health service in the country, and in order to achieve this, the government invested heavily awarding scholarships to indigenous students to study medicine, nursing, and other allied professions abroad. At the same time, the government of the day was also building hospitals (orthopedic, specialist, and general hospitals) both in capital cities in the states and in key urban centers. Equipping hospitals with personnel and consumables became the priority of the government. On their return from overseas, the early trained medical doctors were placed in key positions in the health sector, while the public was encouraged by the government to patronize public hospitals and Western pharmaceuticals that were provided free or heavily subsidized by the government. This welfare orientation of Nigeria’s First Republic, incidentally, could not be sustained for long due to the downturn in oil price and the increasing corruption in political circles. The consequences of this development were scarcity of hospital equipment, epileptic payment of salaries of health workers became the order of the day, and a deteriorating condition of service precipitated the mass exodus of medical personnel out of the country. Let us not be carried away by the saying of the minister of labour and employment, Chris Ngige that the numerical strength of health workers in Nigeria is enough. He probably must has forgotten!

However, in the last decades, there were high maternal and children mortality rate in Nigeria perhaps due to lack of affordability of what the health system entails nowadays. Things has significantly changed for the worst in most cases. It is no longer about the patient in many places, it is rather about what I have accumulated for the government so that I will be recognized for further appointment. Sometimes it is not even the fault of the government because it has been misinformed about the true state of the situation. Patients mostly comeback on their appointment date without been able to buy the just N500 drugs they were prescribed before. I will never forget the story by the former emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi of the woman carrying a baby that he sighted on CCTV camera from his library. She came and joined a queue inside the palace where people usually come to collect some palliatives. He quickly asked someone to go and check, and he found that she was requesting for N3000 because the doctors in a hospital near the palace could not attend to her severely ill child by virtue of the money she doesn’t had. She was given immediately but unfortunately, before she left the palace for the hospital, the baby died. This is too heart touching and even the emir fell in tears when the news of the death was broke to him. Even though the governor of the state is one of the best performing governor in terms of health, but his effort might have been sabotaged due to the corruption that has engulfed most of the managerial sectors in Nigeria.

As of now, there are several schemes put in place by the government to ensure adequate access to health. These include the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), National Immunisation Coverage Scheme (NICS), Midwives Service Scheme (MSS), Nigerian Pay for Performance scheme (P4P). So it is not a matter of absence, but willingness and efficiency. I believe not every Nigerian incuding the working class were able to benefit from these schemes. In fact, it has been alledged that something fishy is going on there especially in the NHIS. The removal of its former Executive secretary, prof Yusuf Usman who is known to be just and honest had generated a lot of questions, this by the way. However, despite its launch in 2005, NHIS covers less than 10% of the Nigerian population leaving the most vulnerable populations at the mercy of health care services that are not affordable. This means the most vulnerable populations in Nigeria are not provided with social and financial risk protection. Poor people constitutes about 70% of the Nigerian population. They lack access to basic health services, which social and financial risk protection should provide, because they cannot afford it.

Nigeria is yet to adopt innovative ways to protect the poor and vulnerable populations against financial risk of ill health. Social and financial risk protection can be provided through programmes and measures that are rooted in legislation. Lack of social and financial risk protection leads to high levels of poverty, vulnerability and inequality in health. When the majority of a country’s population encounters the aforementioned problems, governments have to be responsive and design programmes that are rooted in legislation. So far, states such as Kano, Osun, Niger, Kaduna, Ekiti, Lagos, Ondo, Enugu and Jigawa are known to have provided some free health policies at one point or another since the return of democracy in 1999. So government should ensure every citizen irrespective of status can access quality health, and should also support medical research. GOD bless our dear country Nigeria.

Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

A Vindicating Truth: A Factual Presentation on the Supreme Court’s Intervention in the ADC Leadership Matter

Published

on

By

By Comrade IG Wala

To All Nigerians, Party Stakeholders, and Lovers of Democracy,

In the life of every great political movement, there comes a moment where the noise of confusion meets the silence of the Law. For the African Democratic Congress (ADC), that moment arrived on April 30, 2026.

For months, the ADC was held in a state of judicial paralysis caused by a lower court order that froze the party’s activities. This order did not just affect a few leaders, it threatened to delete the ADC from the Nigerian political map and disenfranchise millions of supporters ahead of the 2027 General Elections.

Today, we present the facts of the Supreme Court’s intervention to ensure that every Nigerian, from the city centers to the grassroots, understands that Justice has spoken, and the ADC is alive.

The Three Pillars of the Supreme Court’s Ruling:

1. The End of Paralysis (The Status Quo Order)!

The Supreme Court, led by Justice Mohammed Garba, was clear and firm: the Court of Appeal’s order to maintain a “status quo” was improper and unwarranted. The apex court recognized that you cannot freeze a political party indefinitely without a trial. By setting this aside, the Supreme Court rescued the ADC from a leadership vacuum that was being used to justify de-recognition by INEC.

2. The Restoration of Administrative Legitimacy.

By nullifying the appellate court’s freeze, the Supreme Court effectively restored the David Mark-led National Working Committee to its rightful place. This means that for all official, administrative, and electoral purposes, the ADC now has a recognized head. The party is no longer a ship without a captain; the doors of the headquarters are open, and the party’s name remains firmly on the ballot.

3. The Order for a Fresh Trial on Merits.

True to the principles of fair hearing, the Supreme Court did not simply gift the party to one side. Instead, it ordered the case back to the Federal High Court for an accelerated hearing. This is a victory for the Truth. It means the court is not interested in technicalities or stopping the clock, it wants to see the evidence, read the Party Constitution, and deliver a final judgment based on the Right vs. Wrong.

Note: I will drop the 7 prayers made to Supreme Court by ADC in the comment section.

A Message to Our Members and Supporters.
To our members who have felt a sense of fear, apprehension, or a lack of confidence in the Nigerian courts, let your hearts be at peace.

It is a delusion to believe that gross injustice can simply walk through the doors of our highest courts unnoticed. This matter is currently one of the most publicized and people-centric cases in Nigeria. In such a bright spotlight, the Judiciary acts not just as a judge, but as a shield for the common man.

The Law is not a tool for the crafty, it is a searchlight for the Truth.
Inasmuch as they say the Law is blind, it sees with perfect clarity the difference between a lie and the truth, between right and wrong. The Supreme Court’s refusal to let the ADC be strangled by procedural delays is proof that the system works for those who stand on the side of justice.

Our confidence is not in personalities, but in the Process. We are returning to the Federal High Court not with fear, but with the armor of Truth.

The Handshake remains strong, the vision is clear, and our participation in the 2027 elections is now legally anchored.

Stand tall. The ADC has been tested by the fire of the courts, and we have emerged not just intact, but vindicated.

Signed,
Comrade, IG Wala.
02/04/26. — with Shareef Kamba and 14 others.

Continue Reading

Opinion

The Police is Your Friend and Other Lies We No Longer Believe

Published

on

By

By Boma Lilian Braide (Esq.)

There was a time in Nigeria when the phrase The Police is Your Friend was not a national joke. It was a civic assurance, a symbolic handshake between the state and its citizens. It represented the ideal of a civil security architecture built on trust, service, and protection. Today, that once reassuring slogan has decayed into a bitter irony. It no longer evokes safety; it provokes fear. It no longer signals partnership; it signals danger. What should have been the soul of Nigerian civil state relations has become a cruel parody of our lived experience at checkpoints, stations, and on the streets.

The Nigerian security apparatus has undergone a transformation so profound that it now resembles a predatory machine rather than a protective institution. The sight of a police patrol vehicle, which should ordinarily bring comfort, now triggers anxiety. Citizens instinctively brace themselves, not for assistance, but for extortion, harassment, or violence. We are not merely witnessing isolated incidents of misconduct. We are watching a pattern of state enabled brutality unfold in real time, a pattern so consistent that it feels like a televised execution of the social contract. In this grim theatre, the Nigerian state often appears not as the protector but as the principal aggressor.

On Sunday, April 26th 2026, the quiet air of Effurun in Delta State was shattered by the crack of a service pistol. What should have been an ordinary Sunday afternoon became the final chapter in the life of twenty-eight year old Mene Ogidi. A viral video, barely two minutes long, captured the horrifying scene. Ogidi sat on the dusty ground, his hands tied behind him with a rope. He was unarmed, exhausted, and pleading in his mother tongue for a chance to explain himself. Standing over him was a man in plain clothes, a man sworn to protect the very life he was about to extinguish. Assistant Superintendent of Police Nuhu Usman raised his pistol and fired two shots at close range into the body of a restrained, helpless citizen.

This was not a confrontation. It was not a crossfire. It was not a struggle for a weapon. It was an execution. A daylight assassination carried out by a state paid officer who felt so insulated by impunity that he performed his violence in front of a digital audience. The collective outrage that followed was not simply about one death. It was the eruption of a nation that has watched this script repeat itself far too many times.

Barely days later, in Dei-Dei Abuja, another life was cut short. A National Youth Service Corps member was shot inside his father’s compound. Authorities described it as a mistake during a crossfire, but the silence that followed spoke louder than any official explanation. These tragedies are not anomalies. They are symptoms of a deep institutional rot, a rot that has turned the badge into a license for violence rather than a symbol of service.

Extrajudicial killings in Nigeria represent a direct assault on the fundamental right to life and the presumption of innocence. When a law enforcement officer assumes the roles of accuser, judge, and executioner, the very foundation of the state begins to crumble. In the case of Mene Ogidi, the Delta State Police Command admitted that the officer acted in gross violation of Force Order 237, the regulation governing the use of firearms. This admission is significant because it reveals that the problem is not the absence of rules. The problem is the collapse of discipline, the erosion of accountability, and the entrenchment of a culture of impunity.

Between 2020 and 2025, Nigerian security agencies were implicated in nearly six hundred violent incidents against civilians, resulting in more than eight hundred deaths. The Nigeria Police Force accounted for over half of these fatalities. These numbers paint a disturbing picture. The institutions funded by taxpayers to provide security have become one of the greatest threats to their safety.

The psychology behind this brutality is rooted in the absence of consequences. When officers believe that nothing will happen after they pull the trigger, the threshold for using lethal force drops to zero. In the Effurun case, reports suggest that the suspect was even transported to a station after the initial shooting, only to be shot again. This level of cruelty reflects a complete dehumanization of the citizenry. The victim is no longer seen as a person with rights. He becomes a disposable suspect. This mindset is a legacy of the defunct SARS unit, whose methods and mentality continue to shape policing culture. Rebranding SARS into SWAT or the Rapid Response Squad means nothing if the same men, trained in the same violent ethos, continue to operate with the same predatory instincts.

The Nigerian police system has evolved from a flawed institution into what many citizens now describe as a state sponsored cartel. The Zero Tolerance mantra often repeated by the Inspector General of Police, Olatunji Disu, has become a public relations slogan that evaporates at every checkpoint. The immediate dismissal and recommended prosecution of ASP Usman and his team may satisfy the public’s immediate hunger for justice, but it does not address the deeper institutional vacuum that allowed an officer to believe he could execute a restrained suspect without consequence. If accountability only occurs when a video goes viral, then we are not being policed. We are being hunted by a uniformed gang that is occasionally caught on camera.

This raises critical questions. Where were the superior officers? Where was the Area Commander while this culture of execution was taking root? Command responsibility in Nigeria remains a myth. Until a Commissioner of Police is removed for the actions of their subordinates, there will be no internal incentive to reform. The decay is structural. We are recruiting frustrated individuals, training them in aggression rather than professionalism, and unleashing them on a population they are conditioned to view with suspicion and contempt.

The mistake narrative used in the Abuja NYSC shooting reflects this tactical incompetence. A professional force does not mistake a youth corper in his bedroom for a combatant. Nigerians are effectively subsidising their own endangerment, paying for the bullets that cut down their brightest young citizens. A nation cannot survive this level of uniformed recklessness. The state has lost its monopoly on violence to its own agents. When police officers fear the citizen’s camera more than they respect the citizen’s life, the system has failed.

Five years after the historic 2020 End SARS protests, the systemic reforms promised by government remain largely unfulfilled. Only a handful of states have implemented the recommendations of the judicial panels or compensated victims. The National Human Rights Commission reported in July 2025 that it had received over three hundred thousand complaints of abuses. This staggering figure reflects the scale of the crisis. While the current Inspector General has introduced new regulations to align the Police Act of 2020 with operational realities, the gap between a gazetted document in Abuja and a patrol team in Delta remains vast.

The solution to this bloodletting must be radical and structural. First, police oversight must be decentralised. Relying on Force Headquarters in Abuja to discipline an officer in a remote community is inefficient and ineffective. Each state should have an independent, citizen led oversight board with the authority to recommend immediate suspension and prosecution without interference from the police hierarchy.

Second, Force Order 237 must be overhauled to strictly limit the use of firearms to situations where there is an immediate and verifiable threat to life. Under no circumstances should a restrained or surrendering suspect be shot.

Third, Nigeria must address the mental health and welfare of police officers. Men who live in dilapidated barracks, earn inadequate wages, and operate under constant stress are more likely to lash out at the public. However, poverty cannot be an excuse for murder. Welfare reform must go hand in hand with strict accountability.

Finally, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. The trial of ASP Usman and others like him should be public, transparent, and swift. It must serve as a deterrent that resonates in every police station across the country. The era of secret disciplinary rooms must end. Nigeria must invest in technology driven policing, not only in weapons but in body cameras and digital accountability systems. When officers know they are being recorded, hesitation replaces recklessness.

A NATIONAL CALL TO ACTION

The era of Orderly Room secrecy must end. Nigeria must decentralise police disciplinary trials, moving them from closed sessions in Abuja to open, civilian led inquiries in the states where the abuses occur. A National Firearms Audit is urgently needed. Every officer must account for every round issued, and any missing ammunition should trigger automatic suspension for the entire chain of command.

The National Assembly must fast track the Victims of Police Brutality Trust Fund, ensuring that compensation becomes a legal right funded directly from the budgets of offending commands. Nigeria must stop being a nation of post script outrage. Command responsibility must become law. If an officer under a Commissioner’s watch executes a handcuffed suspect, that Commissioner must lose their job alongside the shooter.

The blood of Mene Ogidi and the NYSC member in Dei Dei is a stain on our national conscience. It is a reminder that as long as one Nigerian can be tied up and shot without trial, no Nigerian is truly safe. Silence is no longer an option. Waiting for the next viral video is no longer acceptable. The time to demand change is now.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Kwankwaso-Obi Anti-Coalition Alliance and the Perception of the North

Published

on

By

By Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba

Let’s not sugarcoat it, what is unfolding is not just political maneuvering for 2027, but a carefully calculated roadmap to 2031. Anyone who believes Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso is acting out of patriotism or prioritizing Nigeria above his personal ambition is simply ignoring the pattern before us. His willingness to deputise Peter Obi is not born out of ideological alignment or national interest, it appears to be a strategic move aimed at one target weakening Atiku Abubakar and ensuring he does not emerge as president in 2027.

Kwankwaso’s real calculation seems anchored in 2031. He understands that as long as Atiku remains active and contesting, his own presidential ambition struggles to gain traction, especially in the North where Atiku’s influence remains deeply rooted. By positioning himself in a way that could undermine Atiku now, he potentially clears the path for himself later, when he can conveniently lean on the “it is the turn of the North” narrative with stronger moral leverage. This is not about helping Obi win, it is about ensuring Atiku is completely removed from the equation.

It is also important to state plainly that Kwankwaso is fully aware of his electoral limitations in this arrangement. He knows he cannot significantly attract Northern votes for Obi beyond a few pockets, even within Kano State. And even there, the good people of Kano are far more politically aware and discerning than to be swayed purely by sentiment. This makes the entire proposition even more questionable, if the electoral value is limited, then the intention behind the alliance becomes even clearer. It suggests that even if he joins an Obi ticket, it is not driven by a genuine commitment to Obi, the Igbo, the South-East or Nigeria but by a broader personal calculation.

Northerners must understand that this is a long game, and every move appears deliberately designed. Kwankwaso seems cautious not to overtly confirm growing suspicions that he is working, directly or indirectly, to the advantage of Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Yet, many are beginning to connect the dots. The belief that there is an underlying alignment is gaining ground, especially when actions repeatedly result in one outcome, a divided North that weakens its collective electoral strength, a repeatation of 2023 in a different style. The alignment of Kwankwaso’s political godson and the governor of Kano Abba Kabir Yusuf with Tinubu only fuels this perception, suggesting a dual-front approach: one operating directly and visibly, the other indirectly and subtly.

This is not the first time such a pattern is being observed. Many Northerners still recall similar dynamics from 2023, and recent developments have only intensified the conversation. In fact, within just the last 24 hours, the level of criticism and open dissatisfaction directed at Kwankwaso across Northern Nigeria has been unprecedented. What was once dismissed as mere suspicion of a quiet alliance is now, in the eyes of many, being confirmed by actions seen as disruptive to any meaningful coalition.

For Kwankwaso, this moment carries significant weight. The long-circulating “sellout” label, which many had hesitated to firmly attach, now appears to be finding a resting place in public discourse. Should he once again position himself outside a collective Northern arrangement, that perception may become permanently entrenched.

The implications for the North are serious. Voting Obi because of Kwankwaso, which is unlikely, could fracture an already consolidated political base, reduce its bargaining power, and ultimately produce outcomes that do not reflect its true strength. The North has never historically rejected a dominant figure like Atiku in favor of a subordinate position, nor has it embraced a configuration where its most established candidate is sidelined. The idea that the region would choose Kwankwaso as a deputy while overlooking Atiku as a president is not just improbable, it runs contrary to established Northern political behavior.

What is at stake goes beyond individual ambition. The North is fully conscious of the stakes and increasingly resolute in its direction. There is a growing determination to stand firmly behind its own Atiku Abubakar, to protect its collective political strength, and to resist any arrangement that appears designed to divide it. The signals are clear, the North has decided, and it will not fall into what many perceive as calculated traps, whether from Kwankwaso or from forces seen as working against its cohesion and democratic leverage….

Dr. Sani Sa’idu Baba writes from Kano, and can be reached via drssbaba@yahoo.com

Continue Reading

Trending