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The Oracle: Historical Reminiscences: Great Empires of Yore (Pt 12)

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By Chief Mike Ozekhome

ASHANTI EMPIRE (continues)

INTRODUCTION

Last week, we x-rayed the origin and meaning of Ashanti, their contact with Europeans, political organization of the Ashanti, the golden stool and the Ashanti Empire and slavery. From studies, the Ashanti has more historiographies by European, primarily British, authors than any other indigenous culture of Sub-Saharan Africa.

THE BRITISH’S ANNEXATION OF ASHANTI

In December, 1895, the British left Cape Coast with an expeditionary force. It arrived in Kumasi in January 1896, under the command of Robert Baden-Powell. The Asantehene (king) directed the Ashanti not to resist, as he feared a genocide. Shortly thereafter, Governor William Maxwell arrived in Kumasi as well.

Britain annexed the territories of the Ashanti and the Fanti. Asantehene Agyeman Prempeh was deposed and arrested, and he and other Ashanti leaders were sent into exile in the Seychelles. The Asante Union was dissolved. The British formally declared the state of the Ashanti Kingdom and the coastal regions to be the Gold Coast colony. A British Resident was permanently placed in the city of Kumasi, and soon after a British fort was built there.

THE RESISTANCE AND THE “WAR OF THE GOLDEN STOOL”

As a final measure of resistance, the remaining Asante court not exiled to the Seychelles mounted an offensive against the British Residents at the Kumasi Fort. The resistance was led by Asante Queen Yaa Asantewaa, Queen-Mother of Ejisu. From March 28 to late September, 1900, the Asante and British were engaged in what would become known as the War of the Golden Stool”. In the end, the British were victorious; they exiled Asantewaa and other Asante leaders to the Seychelles to join Asante King Prempeh I.

In January 1902, Britain finally designated the Ashanti Kingdom as a protectorate. The Ashanti Kingdom was restored to self-rule on 31st January, 1935. Asante King Prempeh II was restored in 1957, and the Ashanti Kingdom entered a state union with Ghana at independence from the United Kingdom.

ASHANTI ROYAL PALACE AND THE CHECKS AND BALANCES

The Ashanti government was built upon a sophisticated bureaucracy in Kumasi, with separate ministries to handle the state’s affairs. Ashanti’s Foreign Office based in Kumasi; despite its size, it allowed the state to pursue complex negotiations with foreign powers. The Office was divided into departments to handle relations separately with the British, French, Dutch, and Arabs. Scholars of Ashanti history, such as Larry Yarak and Ivor Wilkes, disagree over the power of this sophisticated bureaucracy in comparison to the Asantahene, but agree that it was a sign of a highly developed government with a complex system of checks and balances.

At the top of Ashanti’s power structure sat the Asantehene, the King of Ashanti. Each Asantahene was enthroned on the sacred Golden Stool, the Sika ‘dwa, an object that came to symbolize the very power of the King. Osei Kwadwo (1764–1777) began the meritocratic system of appointing central officials according to their ability, rather than their birth.

As King, the Asantehene held immense power in Ashanti, but did not enjoy absolute royal rule. He was obliged to share considerable legislative and executive powers with Asante’s sophisticated bureaucracy. But the Asantehene was the only person in Ashanti permitted to invoke the death sentence in cases of crime. During wartime, the King acted as Supreme Commander of the army, although during the 19th century, the fighting was increasingly handled by the Ministry of War in Kumasi. Each member of the confederacy was also obliged to send annual tribute to Kumasi.

The Ashantihene (King of all Ashanti) reigned over all and was King of the division of Kumasi, the nation’s capital, and the Ashanti Kingdom. He was elected in the same manner as all other chiefs. In this hierarchical structure, every chief or King swore fealty to the one above him—from village and subdivision, to division, to the chief of Kumasi, and finally the Ashantihene swore fealty to the State.

The elders circumscribed the power of the Ashantihene, and the chiefs of other divisions considerably checked the power of the King. This in practical effect created a system of checks and balances. As the symbol of the nation, the Ashantihene received significant deference ritually, for the context was religious in that he was a symbol of the people in the flesh: the living, dead or yet to be born. When the king committed an act not approved of by the council of elders or the people, he could possibly be impeached, and demoted to a commoner.

The existence of aristocratic organizations and the council of elders is evidence of an oligarchic tendency in Ashanti political life. Though older men tend to monopolize political power, Ashanti instituted an organization of young men, the nmerante, that tend to democratize and liberalize the political process. The council of elders undertake actions only after consulting a representative of the nmerante. Their views must be taken seriously and added into the conversation.

Below the Asantahene, local power was invested in the obirempon of each locale. The obirempon (literally “big man”) was personally selected by the Asantahene and was generally of loyal, noble lineage, frequently related to the Asantahene. Obirempons had a fair amount of legislative power in their regions, more than the local nobles of Dahomey but less than the regional governors of the Oyo Empire. In addition to handling the region’s administrative and economic matters, the obirempon also acted as the Supreme Judge of the region, presiding over court cases.

The original palace of the Asantehene in Kumasi was burned down by the British in 1875. From European accounts, the edifice was massive and ornately built. In 1819, English traveler and author, Thomas Edward Bowdich described the palace as an immense building of a variety of oblong courts and regular squares with entablatures exuberantly adorned with bold fan and trellis work of Egyptian character. They have a suite of rooms over them, with small windows of wooden lattice, of intricate but regular carved work, and some have frames cased with thin gold. The squares have a large apartment on each side, open in front, with two supporting pillars, which break the view and give it all the appearance of the proscenium or front of the stage of the older Italian theaters. They are lofty and regular, and the cornices of a very bold cane-work in alto-relievo. A drop-curtain of curiously plaited cane is suspended in front, and in each, we observed chairs and stools embossed with gold, and beds of silk, with scattered regalia.

This made Winwood Reade describe his visit to the Ashanti Royal Palace of Kumasi in 1874, as: “We went to the king’s palace, which consists of many courtyards, each surrounded with alcoves and verandahs, and having two gates or doors, so that each yard was a thoroughfare . But the part of the palace fronting the street was a stone house, Moorish in its style with a flat roof and a parapet, and suites of apartments on the first floor.” It was built by Fanti masons many years ago. The rooms upstairs remind me of Wardour Street. Each was a perfect Old Curiosity Shop. Books in many languages, Bohemian glass, clocks, silver plate, old furniture, Persian rugs, Kidderminster carpets, pictures and engravings, numberless chests and coffers. A sword bearing the inscription From Queen Victoria to the King of Ashantee.

MODE OF ELECTION TO THE THRONE

The election of Kings and the Asantehene (King of Kings or emperor) himself followed a pattern. The senior female of the kingly lineage nominated the eligible males. This senior female then consulted the elders, male and female, of that line. The final candidate is then selected. That nomination is then sent to a council of elders, who represent other lineages in the town or district. The Elders then present the nomination to the assembled people.

If the assembled citizens disapprove of the nominee, the process is restarted. Chosen, the new Kings is en-stooled by the Elders, who admonish him with expectations. The chosen Kings swears a solemn oath to the Earth Goddess and to his ancestors to fulfill his duties honorably in which he “sacrifices” himself and his life for the betterment of the Oman/Aman (state(s).

This elected and en-stooled King enjoys a great majestic ceremony to this day with much spectacle and celebration. He reigns with much despotic power, including the ability to make judgments of life and death on his subjects. However, he does not enjoy absolute rule. Upon the stool, the King is sacred, the holy intermediary between people and ancestors. His powers theoretically are more apparent than real. His powers hinge on his attention to the advice and decisions of the Council of Elders. The King can be impeached, de-stooled (de-throned), if the Elders and the people turn against him. He can be reduced to man, subject to derision for his failure. (To be continued).

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“History never looks like history when you are living through it.” (John W. Gardner).

History is a relentless master. It has no present, only the past rushing into the future. To try to hold fast is to be swept aside. (John F. Kennedy).

LAST LINE

I am grateful to my numerous readers, locally and globally, for always keeping a date with the Sunday Sermon on the Mount of the Nigerian Project, by humble me, Chief Mike Ozekhome, SAN, OFR, FCIArb., Ph.D, LL.D. Pray, look forward to next week’s illuminating disquisition.

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Opinion

Defections, and Dangers of a One-Party State

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By Ayo Oyoze Baje

“Some praise in the morning
What they blame at night
But always think the last opinion is right” – Alexander Pope

It is a crying shame, to put it bluntly that while the fertile fields of the country called Nigeria, especially Benue, Plateau, Bauchi, Borno down to Edo and Ondo states are bleeding daily from the persisting onslaught of the so called armed herdsmen, bandits, Boko Haram terrorists and ISWAP insurgents, wantonly wasting innocent lives, what keeps dominating our public space are the antics and gimmicks of our political predators to hang on to power, come 2027. That is while millions of the citizens cannot go to bed boasting of three square meals for the day, or their two eyes closed as the cost of living has skyrocketed far beyond the quivering palms of the common man. But do they really care about us? That is the million – naira question, as the late pop music icon, Michael Jackson would ask.

The bitter truth is that they do not care a hoot. Were it not so, how do you juxtapose the news headlines literally screaming virtually on daily basis. Let us take a look at a few of such. “Bode George slams defectors” as the long-term chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP expresses utmost dismay and deep disappointment over the news of five state governors elected on the platform of the party scheming to cross carpet to the ruling All Progressive Congress, APC.Beyond calling it a “rudderless” action, he is asking them how much was paid them to have taken such a decision?

But before you cry foul, the latest piece of news is that the governor of Delta state, Sheriff Oborevwori has defected to the all-conquering APC. Yet, he did not go alone. Moving along with him is one of his predecessors, the former governor of the same Delta state, Ifeanyi Okowa who, incidentally was the Vice Presidential candidate to Alhaji Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 general elections.Talk about political dynamics and you have it here. In fact, so serious is the current dismal descent of the PDP that the former Secretary of the Federal Government, Babachir Lawal denigrated it describing it as an ” incurable virus” that will not be considered as part of the coalition against the Tinubu-led administration.
It should therefore, be obvious to discerning minds that the PDP house is finally falling as yours truly had predicted back in 2013.

Mind you, one is not talking about the acclaimed hatchet – job of clipping the wings of the PDP by the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, FCT Nyesom Wike and the unconstitutional suspension of his successor, Simi Fubara of Rivers state. What is of serious concern is that of having a one-party state, or riding roughshod over all manner of opposition and eventually making Tinubu the be – all and the end- all to the political structures here in Nigeria. There comes in the growing influence of the Social Democratic Party, SDP with the former governor of Kaduna state, Nasir Ahmad el-Rufai acting as the catalyst.

In spite of the claim by some disgruntled members of the SDP in Kaduna state that el-Rufai was not speaking for the party and was not even a recognized member, both the National Publicity Secretary of the SDP, Rufus Aiyenigbs and the National Chairman, Shehu Gabam have denied such. They insist that el-Rufai has indeed been fully welcome to the party and is considered one of their respected members. What is of significance therefore, is the need for a credible opposition to APC ahead of the much anticipated 2027 general elections, as the current crop of political helmsmen are displaying the distasteful ogre of chasing the shadows of hanging unto power at the expense of providing good leadership. Like it or not, Nigerians deserve a governance driven by pro-people policies. That is one that would guarantee their safety and security, provide for their welfare and make the cost of living affordable.

Such should be in line with the primary purpose of government, which is enshrined in Section 14 Sub-Section (2)(b) of the 1999 constitution as amended. That is instead of the set of leadership not matching its mandate and yet self-beating about its achievements without listening to the cries of the led majority and outrightly condemning all forms of criticisms. Should governance not be skewed in favour of the majority of the people instead of kowtowing to the whims and caprices of the favored few political leaders and their largely mesmerized apologists?

As highlighted by yours truly in 2017 while raising warnings on the ease of the politicians’ easy defection there are important questions for them to answer: ” In the light of the persistent rot in the polity, did you or did you not in any way contribute to the failings of your erstwhile party? Are you dumping PDP on principle, and in all honesty to serve this country without the apparatchiks of office, or for self aggrandizement? Are you jumping ship because you do not want a new face in Aso Rock or joining the bandwagon to be seen as a progressive? Indeed, what makes you a ‘progressive'”? Lest we forget defection is not new in Nigeria’s political landscape. But it should always be done in the national interest for the overall wellbeing of the larger majority of the people.

For instance, from the historical perspective soon after the federal elections in December,1959 the then Northern People’s Congress, NPC with 150 seats and 2,270,294 votes formed a coalition with the NCNC which had 90 seats and 1,986,839 votes. The Action Group,AG which had 72 seats with less votes formed the opposition. Subsequently, in 1962 the NPC and NCNC used its merger to abet the right wing dissidents in the AG led by Chief Samuel Akintola and Ayo Rosiji to break away from the party and take over the Western Nigerian government. This followed the disclosure of financial mismanagement in six public corporations by the AG regional government. The rest as they say rests with history. But can such happen this day with the prevalence of political intimidation to the opposition? The answer, hangs in the wind.

But Nigerians need to be reminded that a one-party state will worsen the insecurity conundrum, exacerbate the economic hardship with the attendant job losses and gradually take Nigeria to the precipice. God forbid!

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Opinion

The Fulanisation of Criminality in Nigeria: Myths, Realities and the Dangerous Consequences

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By Sani Sa’idu Baba

In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed a troubling narrative gain traction in public discourse: the so-called “fulanisation of criminality.” This term refers to the growing tendency to associate criminal activities, especially rural banditry, kidnapping, and violence, with the Fulani ethnic group. While the rise in insecurity across the country is undeniable, the framing of these crises through an ethnic lens has far-reaching consequences socially, politically, and culturally.

I intend to discuss this matter vis-a-vis the origins, implications, and dangers of the fulanisation narrative, while also highlighting the complex and nuanced realities that defy simplistic ethnic profiling.

In order to discuss this topic fairly and justly, the historical and social context of Fulani identity is worth taking into account at this point.
The Fulani are a diverse and widely dispersed ethnic group found across West Africa. In Nigeria, they are traditionally pastoralists, known for cattle herding and seasonal migration. Over time, many Fulanis have also settled in towns and cities, engaging in commerce, education, and politics and these originated the inter-marietal relationship that exists between the Fulanis and other ethnic groups especially the Hausa and also Yoruba (mostly from Kwara state).

Despite this existing relationship however, tensions between the Fulani settlers and farmers particularly in North-Central and southern Nigeria have escalated in recent decades due to land pressure, climate change, and poor leadership. These disputes, often over land and grazing routes, have sometimes turned violent, and some of these confrontations have involved Fulani individuals or groups. This has contributed to the growing perception that Fulani people are inherently violent or predisposed to criminality, a perception that is mythical in its entirety.

It seems the situation has assumed a paradigm shift from insecurity to ethnic stereotyping.

I never doubted the fact that Nigeria’s security landscape has deteriorated significantly, with a surge in banditry, kidnapping, terrorism, and communal clashes, we must accept the reality that terrorism isn’t a monopoly of any tribe, region, religion or ethnic group. While various criminal groups operate across different regions, like the Boko Haram in the Northeast, IPOB in the Southeast, and cultism in the South-South, the association of Fulani herders with banditry in the North-West and North-Central has led to a blanket stereotype.

This stereotype has been amplified by social media, political rhetoric, and even some mainstream media outlets, creating a narrative that criminality is synonymous with Fulani identity. Terms like “Fulani herdsmen” have become shorthand for violent actors, despite the fact that most Fulani people are peaceful and law-abiding citizens. My humble self is a classical example. Fulani blood runs in my arteries and veins but I can confidently say that I am not a criminal. The same thing with many of our present leaders today. A significant number of president Tinubu’s ministers and other appointees are Fulanis, likewise many serving governors especially in the Northern states. And their Fulani identity doesn’t make them criminals.

Moreover, the fulanisation narrative has also been weaponized for political purposes. Accusations that the government, particularly under former President Muhammadu Buhari (who is himself a Fulani), was soft on Fulani-related crimes fed into suspicions of ethnic favoritism. This perception fueled ethnic nationalism, deepened mistrust, and created a toxic political climate.

The framing of national insecurity as an ethnically driven agenda has dangerous implications. It undermines national unity, delegitimizes state institutions, and can incite retaliatory violence. It also distracts from the real drivers of crime: poverty, weak governance, corruption, unemployment, and the proliferation of arms.

Therefore, labeling an entire ethnic group as criminal creates fertile ground for discrimination, mob justice, and even genocide. There have been reports of Fulani communities being attacked or displaced based on mere suspicion. Such acts not only violate human rights but also fuel cycles of revenge and further destabilization.

Moreover, ethnic profiling hinders effective security solutions. When law enforcement targets or overlooks individuals based on their ethnic identity rather than evidence, the real criminals escape justice, and innocent lives are destroyed.

Toward a more nuanced and just approach to addressing insecurity in Nigeria, there must be a rejection of simplistic and dangerous ethnic narratives. The government must:

(1) Strengthen law enforcement and intelligence services to tackle crime without bias.

(2) Invest in rural development and conflict resolution, particularly in areas plagued by herder-farmer clashes. Although people like Sheikh Ahmad Gumi might not be well understood by many Nigerians, his effort in mediating peace restoration especially in the North-West region must be acknowledged and complemented.

(3) Promote inter-ethnic dialogue and reconciliation through education, media, civic engagement, which could easily be achieved through the establishment of tolerance and unity promotion commission of Nigeria (TUPCON).

(4) A regulatory agency must also be established to oversee the activities of young media influencers, bloggers and online media houses to especially verify the truth or otherwise of information before promotion especially if it involves security issues. Spreading hate speech and unverified claims must be controlled. However, I am not in support of the Sultan of Sokoto ‘s view that social media is a terrorist organisation, No!

In closing, the fulanisation of criminality is a dangerous distortion of a complex reality. While certain criminal groups may include Fulani individuals, it is unjust and counterproductive to indict an entire ethnic group. Nigeria’s strength lies in its diversity, and only by addressing security challenges with fairness and objectivity can the nation begin to heal and rebuild trust across its many communities.

Ethnic scapegoating is not a solution, it is a symptom of deeper systemic issues that require urgent and inclusive attention.
I hope Nigerian and Nigerian leaders will pause and rethink…

Baba can be reached via ssbaba.pys@buk.edu.ng

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Opinion

VOSO: God’s Gift to Mankind, and His People Knew Him Not

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By Prof Soji Adejumo

Writing a tribute on Dr. Victor Omololu Sowemino Olunloyo is like carrying out an anatomy on a mathematical, musical and philosophical genius. It’s a rare combination in a human being. A philosopher, a psychic, a mystic and a poet.

“The memory of a great man is like a candle in the darkness, illuminating our path and guiding us forward”

If mathematics, music, the literary arts and philosophy are codified into an earthly religion, Dr. Omololu Olunloyo would be its high priest. Dr. Olunloyo ministered at the altar of the highest intellectual faculties.
In a scenario akin to general relativity, writing a tribute on this intellectual enigma is like reworking different tributes Dr. Olunloyo has written on tens of other people over the course of six decades. In each tribute is a tribute on himself. when his official biographer informed me of his commission to write his biography, I knew the task would be simultaneously difficult and easy. Easy because, the great man has written or contributed to so many lectures, books, monograms and other publications that you can find part of his autobiography in every publication. The difficult part is it would take a very high degree of ingenuity to unravel and put together all those pieces of auto-biographical works. He has expressed parts of himself in all his literary works.

My personal relationship with Dr. Omololu Olunloyo started in 1968 when I got admitted into Ibadan Grammar School and he was the Commissioner for education in the cabinet of the then Colonel Adeyinka Adebayo. My late father was the Vicar of St David’s Church kudeti and his in-law as Dr. Olunloyo was married to my aunty Funmilayo who is my father’s cousin. We are both descendants of priests as my father, grandfather and Dr. Olunloyo’s grandfather were Anglican priests. His father and my grandfather (The late Rev. J.S. Adejumo) were founding members of the Ibadan progressive Union (IPU).

However, his influence on my life started during my first year in Ibadan Grammar School in 1968 when I was awarded the Western State Government Scholarship for my “0” Levels. I later went on to receive the C Zard Scholarship for my higher school certificate “A levels”. After my higher School course, I started making plans to travel abroad for my university education.

Meanwhile, I had been offered a direct entry admission to the University of Ibadan but I did not accept the offer, neither did I decline or defer it. I simply ignored it until the offer lapsed. Unfortunately, my quest to travel abroad fell through and I decided to take up the University of Ibadan offer which had already expired. I ran to Dr. Omololu Olunloyo. I caught up with him in his office at the department of Mathematics in the University and explained my plight along with my expired admission letter. He jumped into his car and we drove straight to see the University registrar. The registrar was Mr. S. J. Okudu. VOSO simply marched into the office with me in tow and started a monologue with the registrar. I remember his words very clearly “My nephew had an admission which had lapsed, I would want you to resuscitate the admission now so he can start his enrolment and make the matriculation” Mr. Okudu was trying to let him know it was a bit difficult but VOSSO would not listen. He was offered a chair but he refused it and said he only wanted my admission letter resuscitated. After marching up and down the registrar’s office for several minutes still reciting his monologue, the registrar called the admissions officer and directed that a fresh admission letter be issued to me. That was how I entered the University.

Due to my late admission, I had a bit of an initial challenge with accommodation and I was practically living with him and that was the beginning of a ritual he initiated me into. It was a ritual which started early on Sunday mornings and ended very late in the evening. I was already a prolific pianist, organist and music enthusiast and Dr. Olunloyo had started acquiring a vast library of classical music which has become a collector’s dream anywhere and in any locality. We would start the day with classical music by the greatest composers in the likes of Beethoven, Mozart, Bach, Handel, Schuman, Tchaikovsky, Chopin etc and also the works of celebrated conductors, pianists, violinists and soloists. He had the music on vinyl records in those days and also the sheet music scores of some of them. I would play some of the scores on his piano and he would give me a comprehensive lecture on every piece and the history and background of the composers including information not readily available on some of them. The sessions would be generally serviced with surplus bottles of cold beer and fried chicken. I would leave the sitting room at the end of the day with wobbly legs and go to the lecture room the following day with a hangover. That ritual lasted till the end of the first term when I realized I would have to make a choice between acquiring an external “degree” in music and entertainment in Dr. Olunloyos house or a degree in Animal Science from the University. I opted for the latter and gradually weaned myself of the odd bucolic routine but our mutual bond with music lasted till his transition. Thankfully he got a federal government appointment as the head of the National Science and Technology Development Agency and that enabled me to escape temporarily from the music/beer and chicken ritual. However, when I finished my undergraduate degree, I went to him and asked for employment in his agency. He flatly refused and commanded me to get back fully into pursuing a goal of acquiring postgraduate degrees before looking for any type of employment. He said he could employ me instantly and post me anywhere in the country but he would not as he wanted me to go back to the University. I was initially disappointed by his stance of which my father was extremely happy and contented. The oracle has spoken and he must be obeyed. I ended up with a doctorate. A few weeks after my doctorate degree he was given the governorship ticket of the NPN and I was extremely sad because many of us younger ones considered Chief Obafemi Awolowo as a mini god and the anointed savior of Nigeria and Yoruba people. Those not in the Action group were considered traitors. More so Uncle Bola Ige was an Old Boy of Ibadan Grammar school and my father’s junior in the school. I was a political neophyte at the time. In annoyance, I went to Dr. Olunloyo’s house where I met a huge number of NPN bigwigs eating and drinking and various groups were huddled together in meetings. I went upstairs where Auntie Funmilayo also served me a plate pounded yam and isapa vegetable (which was an unusual soup in Ibadan) soup with the traditional beer to complement it all. In the course of the meal. VOSO came up and saw me but before he could talk, I got up and asked him why he would commit a sacrilege by aligning against Chief Awolowo and Uncle Bola Ige. The great VOSO completely ignored the question only to simply ask why I was sweating in the room. I replied, it was due to the hot Pounded yam and the equally hot isapa vegetable soup. He nodded and said, “keep eating the pounded yam and the soup, as soon as you finish it just go and leave the politics to us”. With that he left the room! That was vintage VOSO, the man who will later award the title of Ooni of Molete to himself!

Several years later, we rekindled our Sunday afternoon ritual of music but now without the beer and chicken but we would still spend hours in his Molete library playing amid listening to the great classicals. Over a course of about 60 years, he has acquired such a huge and unmatchable library of music in Cds, DVDs and Books with an auction value running into million of dollars. A few years ago, I asked him what plans he had for the protection and preservation of the INESTIMABLE collection of books and music in his library and he told me what he had done, which I believe will help to preserve this rare library in all its glory and also in its original form. The genius in VOSO can never be matched or replicated in an ordinary mortal. It is simply impossible. He had the most historical and mathematical mindset like no one else I knew on earth. He had the rarest of books on mathematics and on music that would require a trip to the ends of the earth to find them. From books on “the mathematics of music”, to “the music of mathematics” and on the origins of algebra and the theory of numbers, he had them. He would spend hours explaining concepts that were completely alien to me about mathematics and I dared not let the genius, the deity, know I was not comprehendimg anything!
He shocked me one day when at a public lecture I was invited to deliver at the Omolewa nursery and primary school 50th anniversary, he took the microphone and announced that I am a genius of musical interpretation because I recognized what Wolfgang Mozart did even before coming into contact with his iconic works on them. This was simply because I had attempted to transpose a solo aria “Rejoice Greatly, O daughter of Zion” from Handel’s Messiah from soprano to tenor as the organ accompanist for its performance because the soprano could not achieve the high vocal notes of that piece, after many failed attempts. I was convinced that the vocal registers of west African Voices may be deeper or lower than European vocal boxes and so I considered a lower transposition a good option. However, my senior organist absolutely refused as he considered it a treasonable offence to tamper with the great Handel’s tonal arrangement. I reluctantly abandoned that experiment.

A few weeks later, during our routine Sunday ritual, Dr. Olunloyo asked us to listen to Mozart’s rearrangement of Handels’ Messiah. That was my first time of knowing that Mozart dared to rearrange the Messiah. We started to play the cds and when it got to “Rejoice greatly….” the arrangement was sung by a Tenor!!! I was enthused and out of excitement I narrated my attempts and how Mozart had proved me right. Note though, that Mozart only dared to tread because Handel was no longer alive at the time. Since then, he kept calling me a genius of musical interpretation!

But VOSO had the last word — After the oratorio, he asked me the fundamental difference between the works of Handel with other European composers and with Mozart’s works. Before I could muster an intelligible answer, He quickly emphasized that Mozart’s works were more German than any other German or European composers because his compositions were harsh just like the German language! He now proceeded to lecture me on how the tonal linguistics of the German language is the harshest in the world. His lecture would have generated a huge and robust discourse in linguistics.

I am not sure the world really knew the depth and content of Dr. Olunloyo’s brains. The same genius he had in Algebra Geometry, he possessed in Poetry, music and culture. He was the Nigerian version of the Greats, like, Albert Einstein, Leonardo da Vinci, Isaac Newton, Stephen Hawking, Nikola Tesla, etc. Truly and Truly, a star has fallen. The shining light is dimmed. Good night and rest in peace, Great Master and Genius

Prof Soji Adejumo is the Ajiroba of Ibadanland, and Asipa Olomi of Omi Adio

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