Connect with us

Opinion

The Oracle: State Police and Community Policing: The Urgency of Now (Pt 2)

Published

on

By Mike Ozekhome

ENCORE

Last week, we commenced our discourse on this vexed and intriguing issue regarding the desirability or otherwise of having State Police. I have personally crusaded for State Police for over two decades. Today, we shall shed more light on it and take a critical look at the merits and demerits, the thesis, anti-thesis and the synthesis, of having State Police. I shall then give my firm conclusion, unapologetically, stating that having State Police and community policing must be achieved with the urgency of Now.

 SOME OPPONENTS OF STATE POLICE (continues)

Dr. Samson S. Ameh (SAN), once added his voice to this debate, as follows: “We should maintain the Nigeria Police on the exclusive legislative list of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999. The idea of having a State Police is a good one, but the time is not ripe for it yet. We should remember that Nigeria started as a British colony, indeed a creation by a foreign power and thereby any institution like the Nigeria Police which emphasizes our image as a nation, as one country should be encouraged for now.

Nella Andem-Rabana, SAN, forcefully argues that: “Unless Nigeria thinks through the necessary amendments/provisions to be made with   regard to the following: (a) 2011 Constitution (as amended) (b) the Revenue Allocation Formula; and (c) infrastructure, and until it puts into effect those amendments for effective state policing, it may not be expedient to whimsically dismantle the existing Police structure.

“The fact that the Nigeria Police Force is under the command of the IGP, an appointee of the President of the Federal Republic, means that all Commissioners of Police report directly to him and have limited powers/authority to make on-the-spot or far reaching decisions and in maintaining and securing public safety and order. This is a constitutional matter, which must be expressly addressed in order to decentralize the Police Force.

“Also of constitutional significance, are matters such as purchase of fire arms, ammunition, explosives, banking, financial crimes, fingerprinting, identification and criminal records, all of which are on the Exclusive Legislative list in the 1999 Constitution (as amended). These matters should be put on the concurrent list to give states necessary and relevant powers to enable them prevent, investigate and prosecute such crimes independent of Federal Police. This would give the Federal Police the opportunity to concentrate on federal crimes which would have by then been clearly determined such as, interstate, cross-border crimes and national security issues”. She argued that strengthening the Police to cope with current insecurity in the country requires optimal professionalism. The need for up-to-date technological and scientific expertise, robust and comprehensive criminal justice training especially in areas like psychology, forensic investigation, report writing, handwriting analysis, voice analysis, the purchase of hitec equipment, interrogation, negotiation, fingerprinting analysis, study of bomb composition and disposal, Cybercrime, deep sea diving etc, have to form part of the ongoing training program”, she argued powerfully.

Yet, some others have argued that creation of State Police is simply an invitation to anarchy, because even if we create state, LG, clan, community or family Police, it is the same corrupt Nigerians and corrupted institutions they will manage. They remind us of the havoc Native Council and Emirate Police caused Nigerians during colonial times and the First Republic.

Chief John Ochoga noted that: “modern type policing began in London with the establishment of the Metropolitan Police by Sir Robert Peel in 1829, whereas the Nigeria Police Force started as a body to meet the British colonial needs. The Consular Guards was established in Lagos in 1861 and later by 1879 became the Hausa Constabulary, an armed Force. Subsequently, there was the Northern Nigerian Police (1886), Royal Niger Constabulary (1888), The Niger Coast Constabulary (1894) and The Southern Nigerian Police Force (1906). By 1906, three distinct Police Forces existed in Nigeria. And in 1930, they were amalgamated; thus the present name of The Nigeria Police Force.

“It is, therefore, clear that our colonial history produced our current policing status. We can therefore not separate our political development from our Police Force.

Nigeria’s 1966 political experience of coups, counter-coups, civil war and military regimes have made our democracy “a learning process”, even at the age of 53 years.

“In northern Nigeria, opposing politicians and their lawyers were detained at electoral/pooling units to ensure nomination forms and documents were not filled against the ruling NPC (Northern people congress). Multi-party democracy was nothing but a big sham… The primordial nature of Nigeria still makes State Police an idea whose time has not come. Our leaders are still emperors in pretentious democratic garbs”. This argument, from the reverse side of the coin is also very compelling. Now, let us see more.

MERITS AND DEMERITS OF HAVING STATE POLICE

MERITS AND ADVANTAGES OF STATE POLICE

The following are considered by some schools of thought as the merits and advantages of establishing State Police and Community Police Forces in Nigeria:

It will help curb the rising tide of insecurity, amongst other social vices in Nigeria. It will reduce the rate of unemployment, as more people would be recruited into the State Police in proportion to the population of each state. It will help check criminal activities and corruption within the Police Force and the society (Chief Chekwas Okorie as quoted by Bulus, 2012). It will curb the attitude of Policemen who hardly go to their states of origin to work, but go to other states which they consider lucrative to make money, even when they do not know the terrain of such states. State policing will prevent unwarranted attack and imposition of Islam or other ideologies on some unwilling states. Having State Police will reduce the financial burden on the central federal government. It will help abate the ugly trend of kidnappings and militancy in the Southern part of Nigeria. It is easier to operate close systems and shorter processes because of less loops, error percentage and you know your target (Mr Ekene Nwogbo as quoted in Kehinde, 2013). State Police will help institutionalize true federalism and localize/confine criminal activities to their areas of origin. Every state knows its peculiar problems and challenges, and how to adequately engage State Police will also help reduce corruption in the Police because in community policing, every citizen knows the Police officer up to his pedigree and genecology.

DEMERITS AND DISADVANTAGES OF STATE POLICE

Inspite of the compelling attractiveness of the merits and advantages of having State and Community Police, some schools of thought have equally pointed out the numerous demerits and disadvantages of establishing State Police in Nigeria.

They argue that the system is susceptible to abuse by dictatorial state governors who wield enormous and overbearing influence over their subjects. They argue that having State Police is too costly and resources-consuming (Chief Parry Osayande, quoted by Bulus, 2012). State executives can use State Police to harass and intimidate political opponents. State Governors will surely abuse it to the detriment of their political opponents and opposition. State Police can lead to secession where one powerful Governor, considering his full control over fully armed security personnel and arms, would declare his own country (Nwachukwu, 2012). There is likelihood of conflict of jurisdiction between states, especially where the conflicting states are run by different political parties (Kehinde, 2013); The lack of uniformity in financing may also pose a great challenge to the establishment of State Police Forces in Nigeria. Some states are financially stronger than others. Lesser paid Police officers in poorer states may get jealous of their better remunerated colleagues in richer states, and thus lead to demoralization and low input. Some Governors can be reckless by embezzling the money budgeted for same and will not therefore finance it properly. It can lead to a diversion of criminals and criminality from one strong state with effective policing to another weak state, with poor community policing. State Policing will lead to anarchy and chaos, with no moderator appearing to be in control. It enthrone tribalism, nepotism, cronyism and favouritism; There may be conflict of interest between the Federal Police Force and that of states. Having State Police is not financially feasible (Ahmed, quoted in Nwogu, 2012).

According to a Report released on 16th August, 2012, during President Goodluck Jonathan’s regime, by the Presidential Committee on reorganization of the Nigeria Police and the Forum of Former Inspectors-General of Police (IGPs), they warned that the institution of State Police in Nigeria will be a prelude to the disintegration of the country.

Even former IGPs, that include Alhaji Muhammadu Gambo-Jimeta, Alhaji Ibrahim Coomasie, Mr. Sunday Ehindero and Sir Mike Okiro, have since argued that the clamour for State Police, was an invitation to anarchy, because it was not in the interest of the nation’s democracy. They argued that the most unreasonable thing for any administration to do at this time was to allow State Police, stressing that with the current ‘political climate in our country, a State Police would only be a tool in the hands of political leaders at the state level.’ These no doubt are very strong reasons to discard with State Police.

MY HUMBLE SUBMISSION

However, notwithstanding this powerful line of thinking, it is my humble submission that the current ratio of 1:602 with which the Nigeria Police is operating is grossly inadequate and far below the United Nation’s ratio. This, notwithstanding also the fact that 20,000 Police officers have since been recruited to fill the yarning gap. This is still a very far cry from the UN ratio of 222 Policemen to 100,000 people, or 1:400. With this, to meet up with the UN ratio, the Nigeria Police Force requires over 170,000 additional Police officers in the next five years.

This is coupled with the ugly spectre that a large chunk of the officers and men of the NPF are attached privately to top elites, politicians, government officials, companies and money bags.

Our argument for the desirability of State Police is further strengthened by a disclosure by the then Inspector-General of Police, Mr Ibrahim Kpotun Idris, at a public hearing on Police reforms at the House of Representatives. He maintained that the Police would require N1.13 trillion annually to effectively execute Police operations.

He noted that the N560 billion recommended by the MD Yusuf-led Police Reform Committee in 2008, was a far cry from the current amount required to reposition the Police.

He told the committee that fuelling of Police vehicles alone annually required an average of N26.9 billion, including maintenance costs of course, with spiral inflation, these figures have since gone up. With this frightening scenario, why should the federal government alone be saddled with policing matters?

CONCLUSION

There is the clear and urgent need to have State Police. It accords with common sense, modern trends and true federalism. We could still have a Federal Police like the FBI, that deals with cross-border crimes, high profile crimes, treasonable and drugs and narcotics matters.

Emerging criminal behaviours have necessitated the creation of State Police and Community Policing to address the various needs of the Police, including proper funding and staff strength.

State Police would also bring security closer to the people, while making the people part of the new security arrangement.

Modern community policing appears to be the in-thing nowadays. By the way, tell me the difference between State and community Police, and Amotekun, Eastern Security Network.

In any event, state Police is not going to be created for any particular person, as there would be laws to regulate its operations. We cannot, because of fear of the unknown, resist an idea whose time has come. Now is the time for state Police. It is the URGENCY OF NOW.

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“I am in favor of community policing because it builds better working relationships with the communities”. (Vincent Frank).

 “The way you make communities safer and Police safer is through community policing” (Tim Kaine).

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

When Men in Power Feel Threatened: Obiageli Ezekwesili vs Senator Nwebonyi

Published

on

By

By Oyinkan Andu

Nigerian politics has never been a bastion of decorum, but even by our standards, the recent Senate committee hearing was a spectacle. What was supposed to be a forum for governance quickly devolved into a verbal brawl, with Senator Nwebonyi launching into a tirade against former Minister of Education, Obiageli Ezekwesili The exchange—filled with name-calling and personal insults—was as telling as it was embarrassing.

If there’s one thing that rattles the political establishment in Nigeria, it’s an outspoken woman who knows what she’s talking about. And that’s exactly what Ezekwesili represents.

Power and Gender
This was not just a disagreement over policy. If it were, we would have seen a spirited debate backed by facts and counterarguments. Instead, we witnessed what has become a predictable pattern: a powerful woman challenging the system and being met not with logic but with derision.

Ezekwesili has built a career on holding power to account. From her time in government to her role in the Bring Back Our Girls movement, she has consistently pushed for transparency and justice. She is not known for being timid. But in Nigeria, confidence and competence in women are often seen as provocation rather than virtue.

Senator Nwebonyi’s outburst was not just about a disagreement—it was a performance. A warning. A reminder that no matter how qualified or respected a woman is, the political boys’ club will not hesitate to put her “in her place.”

A System Built to Humiliate Women in Power
We’ve seen this before. The Nigerian political arena is no stranger to public humiliations aimed at female leaders.

Dora Akunyili faced relentless attacks for daring to reform NAFDAC.

Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was branded a “foreign agent” when she pushed for economic reforms.

Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan was suspended after speaking out against the Senate President.

It is the same old playbook: when women hold power to account, the response is not to engage—it is to attack.

The Spectacle Over Substance Problem
What makes this clash even more concerning is how quickly our political discourse is degenerating into theatre. Instead of focusing on policy, lawmakers are turning committee hearings into reality TV auditions, complete with shouting matches and insults. This is more than just bad optics—it’s dangerous.

One would expect that a senator, tasked with shaping the laws of a country, would at least have the intellectual stamina to engage in a meaningful debate. But apparently, that’s asking for too much.

Instead of challenging Ezekwesili on substance, Senator Nwebonyi opted for personal attacks—an age-old trick used by those who have run out of ideas. It’s almost as if logic took one look at the Senate chamber that day and quietly excused itself.

How does a man get elected to the highest lawmaking body in the country, only to behave like a schoolyard bully? Shouldn’t there be an entrance exam for basic reasoning before handing out Senate seats? Or at the very least, a crash course in How to Argue Without Embarrassing Yourself 101?

Perhaps the real problem is that Senator Nwebonyi was simply outmatched. In a battle of wits, he brought a dull spoon to a sword fight. And when words failed him, he defaulted to insults—because nothing exposes intellectual bankruptcy faster than resorting to name-calling.

The sad reality is that few will be surprised by what happened between Senator Nwebonyi and Obi Ezekwesili. Many will even justify it. But the question is: will we ever demand better?

Will we insist on a political culture where disagreements are debated, not reduced to playground insults?

Will we support women who dare to challenge the status quo instead of letting them be shouted down?

Will we hold those in power accountable for their actions instead of treating these moments as entertainment?

If we do not demand better, we will continue to see our political institutions degrade into arenas of ego and pettiness rather than governance. And if that happens, we can not act shocked when the country remains in a perpetual state of dysfunction.

The real scandal is not that a senator insulted Ezekwesili—it’s that this is what governance in Nigeria has become.

Continue Reading

Opinion

President Tinubu’s Silence on Wike: A Calculated Gambit or Political Oversight?

Published

on

By

By Oyinkan Andu

Hours after the March 18 explosion on the Trans Niger Pipeline – which threatened to upend the transportation of 245,000 barrels of crude oil daily – President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took decisive action by declaring a state of emergency in Rivers State. The move was undeniably bold, but also deeply ironic.
Flashback to 2013, when Tinubu, then opposition leader, furiously condemned former President Goodluck Jonathan’s declaration of a state of emergency in parts of Northern Nigeria. He decried it as a “ploy to subvert constitutional democracy” and warned of its destructive consequences. While the 2013 emergency was aimed at addressing a genuine humanitarian crisis in the face of Boko Haram insurgency, the context now is starkly different – politically motivated turmoil in Rivers State, driven by the power struggle between President Tinubu’s allies.

The Dangers of a State of Emergency in the Niger Delta

Looking back at Nigeria’s history, it’s hard to ignore the dark shadows of military rule, where states of emergency were routinely invoked as political tools. Under military regimes from the 1960s to the 1990s, emergency powers were used to quell dissent and assert control, often at the cost of democratic freedoms. From General Yakubu Gowon’s administration, which invoked emergency rule during the Civil War, to Ibrahim Babangida’s deployment of the same tactic to suppress electoral uprisings, Nigeria has seen firsthand the dangers of turning to emergency rule in times of political unrest.

These authoritarian precedents have often led to deeper divisions and instability, fostering environments ripe for corruption and manipulation. President Tinubu’s potential misuse of the state of emergency in Rivers State echoes this troubling past, underscoring how history could repeat itself if Nigeria’s political elites continue to prioritise personal alliances over democratic principles.

History teaches that such measures often spark unintended consequences: renewed piracy, cultism, and an uptick in kidnappings. It threatens to undermine the peace painstakingly fostered by the Niger Delta Amnesty Program since 2009. The real danger? A resurgence of inter-militant warfare, as the Wike and Fubara factions, already drawing lines in the sand, could plunge the region into a new cycle of chaos and vendettas.

The real irony? Tinubu’s deafening silence on Nyesom Wike’s role in this mess. The man at the heart of the Rivers crisis, Wike, remains untouched by the political fallout, and yet his actions remain a looming shadow over the state’s governance. Why?

The Rivers State Crisis

To get a sense of the stakes, one must understand the underlying political drama that’s been unfolding in Rivers State. It all began with Wike’s choice of Siminalayi Fubara as his successor in 2023. What seemed like a smooth transition turned into an intense clash of egos and ambitions. Fubara, instead of toeing Wike’s line, started flexing his independence, particularly by resisting Wike’s influence from Abuja.

What followed? Political warfare.

Wike’s loyalists in the Rivers State House of Assembly attempted an impeachment of Fubara. In response, Fubara dissolved the assembly, triggering a constitutional crisis. Then, the Rivers House of Assembly complex mysteriously caught fire, sparking accusations of foul play. Fubara, in a rash display of misguided impunity, demolished the complex, citing safety concerns, but fuelling allegations of erasing evidence.
The more this drama unfolded, the more one figure remained untouchable: Wike.

Tinubu’s Selective Accountability

President Tinubu, however, has opted for a peculiar kind of selective accountability. He swiftly reprimanded Fubara, yet remained silent on Wike’s clear interference in the affairs of Rivers State. His silence is deafening, especially when PDP Governors openly criticised Wike’s destabilising influence. Why? Is Wike above reproach?
The silence, coupled with the fact that civil society groups and opposition figures have questioned President Tinubu’s inaction, has raised critical questions about whether Tinubu is playing favorites.

Nyesom Wike – The Untouchable

A plausible explanation for President Tinubu’s reluctance to confront Wike may lie in the realm of political debt. In the 2023 elections, Wike defied his own party, the PDP, and backed Tinubu’s presidential bid. This defection was pivotal in securing Rivers State for Tinubu. In return, Wike secured the cushy post of Minister for the Federal Capital Territory, further entrenching his influence.

The question now is whether President Tinubu is unable to hold Wike accountable due to this political debt. President Tinubu may view Wike’s support as indispensable for his broader 2027 political ambitions, particularly in neutralising the PDP and bolstering his hold in the South-South. But this kind of political manoeuvring is a dangerous gamble. By selectively punishing Fubara while allowing Wike to go unchallenged, Tinubu risks institutionalising a culture of impunity which directly challenges his Hope Renewed agenda.

Wike’s Troubling Track Record

Wike is no stranger to accusations of overreach and intimidation. During his tenure as Governor of Rivers State, his administration was plagued by Allegations of using security forces to silence opposition and undue influence over judicial matters to maintain his grip on power.

This history of excess, combined with President Tinubu’s blind eye, raises serious concerns about the future trajectory of governance in Rivers State—and Nigeria at large.

From Lagos to Rivers, powerful figures who control the strings of political fortunes in their states have often used this leverage to demand loyalty from political protégés. Wike’s unchecked influence could very well be a continuation of this political tradition, where the state apparatus bends to the will of the godfather, rather than the people.

The Broader Implications for Nigerian Democracy

The turbulence of Nigeria’s post-1999 civilian government era remains a cautionary tale. Though Nigeria made strides in its return to democracy, its political stability remains fragile. Many of the challenges faced in the post-1999 era — rigged elections, systemic violence, and political manipulation still persist and appear to be directly incompatible with the promised “Renewal” we voted for in the 2023 election, so why maintain the status quo? The failure to hold Wike accountable continues this troubling tradition of weak governance and selective justice. When Nigerian leaders are continuously carte blanche to act without consequence, it escalates a negative trajectory in an environment where impunity already flourishes. It also sets a dangerous precedent for other politicians, who might see the president’s inaction as an endorsement of their own ambitions, no matter how disruptive.

If President Tinubu continues to shield Wike from accountability, it could further erode the public’s trust in the rule of law and democratic institutions and the “hope” that’s already on life support might flatline entirely.

The longer he withholds action, the greater the cost—both for his credibility and for the future of Nigeria’s democracy.
As Nigeria watches, one thing is clear: silence in this case is not neutrality—it is complicity.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Akpoti-Uduaghan vs The System: A Battle for the Soul of Nigeria

Published

on

By

...Examining the Court’s Ruling on Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s Recall

By Oyinkan Andu

The Federal High Court’s decision to vacate the order restraining INEC from receiving recall petitions against Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan might seem like another legal technicality. But in Nigeria, where democracy often functions like a high-stakes chess game, it’s far more than that.

Yes, the ruling reaffirms the constitutional right of constituents to recall elected officials. But it also raises a pressing question: is this a legitimate expression of voter dissatisfaction or just another political tool wielded to neutralise opponents?

In a political landscape as ruthless as Nigeria’s, recall mechanisms can be easily weaponised. Imagine a system where every ambitious politician, backed by well-oiled interests, could trigger a recall simply to distract, destabilise, or discredit an opponent. That’s not democracy—that’s guerrilla warfare.

The courts, therefore, carry the weighty responsibility of ensuring that recalls serve the people, not political vendettas. While this ruling allows the petition process to proceed, INEC must still verify whether it meets legal standards. The real challenge? Ensuring the recall process remains a tool of accountability, not an instrument of sabotage.

A Battle Beyond the Courts

There’s an unspoken rule in Nigerian politics: women must play by different rules or risk being destroyed. Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is learning this the hard way.

When she accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment, the expected reaction should have been outrage, an investigation, something. Instead, she was swiftly suspended for six months—punished for daring to speak out in a system meticulously designed to silence women like her.

The backlash followed a familiar script. Yet, something unprecedented happened: many Nigerians rallied behind her.

For a country where high-profile accusations of sexual misconduct have historically met women with more backlash than justice, this shift was remarkable.

Consider Busola Dakolo’s case against Pastor Biodun Fatoyinbo—the backlash was so severe that she eventually fled the country briefly. The playbook is always the same: discredit, dismiss, destroy.

Yet, despite the growing support Akpoti-Uduaghan has received, scepticism remains.

Some immediately doubted her claims—not just out of political distrust, but because the truth can be too unsettling to confront. What if she’s pulling back the curtain on something too ugly to acknowledge? What if this is just the tip of the iceberg—a world where male politicians have long wielded power with unchecked impunity, protected by silence, complicity, and fear? Or worse still, what if some female politicians, past and present, have been coerced into submission, while others—women who could have reshaped Nigeria’s political landscape for the better—were cast aside and destroyed simply for refusing to play along?

Others dismissed her as yet another ambitious politician playing the game. They scrutinised everything—her privileged background, her past as a single mother, even her audacity to be politically ambitious.

But did they stop to ask: what if she’s telling the truth?

Her allegations don’t exist in a vacuum. Investigative reports from The Guardian and Al Jazeera have hinted at murmurings—and even documented claims—about Akpabio’s conduct. Former aides and political insiders have whispered about inappropriate behavior for years. But like so many before, these allegations were swept under the rug.

The same forces that fuel scepticism today—patriarchy, political self-interest, and distrust of authority—are the ones that have allowed such claims to be ignored in the past.

If history teaches us anything, it’s that impunity thrives in silence. And yet, silence is precisely what is expected of women in Nigerian politics.

Speaking Out Isn’t Just Hard—It’s Dangerous
Calling out powerful men in Nigeria doesn’t just lead to public humiliation—it’s a battle for survival. If Akpoti-Uduaghan is telling the truth, she isn’t just fighting for justice; she’s fighting for her future.

Women across Africa who challenge power rarely escape unscathed:

Fatou Jagne Senghore (Gambia) was persecuted for pushing gender rights.
Stella Nyanzi (Uganda) was jailed for calling out misogyny.
Joyce Banda (former President of Malawi) endured relentless smear campaigns simply for daring to lead.
Nigeria is no different. The system is designed to make women regret speaking up.

Why Is It So Hard to Believe Women?

Scepticism toward Akpoti-Uduaghan follows predictable lines. She’s a politician. In a system riddled with corruption, people assume any claim is a power move.

She’s privileged. Many believe wealth should shield a woman from harassment. In reality, privilege just makes her easier to discredit.
She’s a single mother. Nigerian society weaponises a woman’s personal life. Being unmarried or divorced is treated as a flaw, making her an easy target.
She’s up against a powerful man. This isn’t just any politician—Akpabio is the Senate President. This is a battle between an insider and an inconvenient woman.
In a system that prioritises the status quo, it’s always easier to believe a woman is lying than to confront the reality that a powerful man might be guilty.

A Nigerian #MeToo Moment?
Nigeria has dodged its #MeToo reckoning for years.

In 2017, the U.S. saw powerful men fall as women spoke out. In Nigeria, women who speak up are ridiculed, threatened, or erased.

Now, with Natasha’s case, we stand at a crossroads:

If she is lying, let the evidence prove it.
If she is telling the truth and is destroyed for it, what does that say about us as a society?Let’s us also give her the benefit of the doubt that she may not have planned to reveal this issue if her hand was not forced by the Senate presidents petty actions against her while undergoing her duties.
This isn’t just about Natasha. This is about every Nigerian woman who has been afraid to speak.

It’s why women’s groups chant “We Are All Natasha.” It’s not just a slogan—it’s a demand for change. If a senator can be silenced, what hope do ordinary women have?

Beyond Politics: This Is About Justice
Forget party lines. Forget personal opinions about Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan. This is about justice.

What allegedly happened to her could happen to any woman—any woman who dares to say, “Enough.”

So will Nigeria listen? Or will we continue silencing women until they stop speaking altogether?

A Shifting Demographic Tide—And A Hopeful Future
There’s something the system isn’t ready for: women are becoming the majority.

Demographic studies show that across Africa, female populations are growing faster than male populations due to socio-economic factors. This shift could fundamentally change power dynamics.

A growing female electorate will demand better representation.
As women gain economic power, traditional gender roles will evolve.
A society that values female leadership is more likely to embrace justice, collaboration, and reform.

But change is never welcomed by those who benefit from the status quo. The very trend that could lead to a more equitable Nigeria is already provoking backlash.

The Real Battle: Will Nigeria Listen?
At its core, this is a battle over Nigeria’s future.

Will we continue a culture where speaking up comes at a cost too high to bear? Or will we seize this moment to redefine the standards of justice and power?

The courage of women who speak out must be celebrated, not condemned. Because if a senator, armed with privilege and power, can be silenced—what chance do the millions of silenced women stand?

And so, the question remains: Will Nigeria listen?

Continue Reading

Trending