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The Oracle: State Police and Community Policing: The Urgency of Now (Pt 2)

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By Mike Ozekhome

ENCORE

Last week, we commenced our discourse on this vexed and intriguing issue regarding the desirability or otherwise of having State Police. I have personally crusaded for State Police for over two decades. Today, we shall shed more light on it and take a critical look at the merits and demerits, the thesis, anti-thesis and the synthesis, of having State Police. I shall then give my firm conclusion, unapologetically, stating that having State Police and community policing must be achieved with the urgency of Now.

 SOME OPPONENTS OF STATE POLICE (continues)

Dr. Samson S. Ameh (SAN), once added his voice to this debate, as follows: “We should maintain the Nigeria Police on the exclusive legislative list of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999. The idea of having a State Police is a good one, but the time is not ripe for it yet. We should remember that Nigeria started as a British colony, indeed a creation by a foreign power and thereby any institution like the Nigeria Police which emphasizes our image as a nation, as one country should be encouraged for now.

Nella Andem-Rabana, SAN, forcefully argues that: “Unless Nigeria thinks through the necessary amendments/provisions to be made with   regard to the following: (a) 2011 Constitution (as amended) (b) the Revenue Allocation Formula; and (c) infrastructure, and until it puts into effect those amendments for effective state policing, it may not be expedient to whimsically dismantle the existing Police structure.

“The fact that the Nigeria Police Force is under the command of the IGP, an appointee of the President of the Federal Republic, means that all Commissioners of Police report directly to him and have limited powers/authority to make on-the-spot or far reaching decisions and in maintaining and securing public safety and order. This is a constitutional matter, which must be expressly addressed in order to decentralize the Police Force.

“Also of constitutional significance, are matters such as purchase of fire arms, ammunition, explosives, banking, financial crimes, fingerprinting, identification and criminal records, all of which are on the Exclusive Legislative list in the 1999 Constitution (as amended). These matters should be put on the concurrent list to give states necessary and relevant powers to enable them prevent, investigate and prosecute such crimes independent of Federal Police. This would give the Federal Police the opportunity to concentrate on federal crimes which would have by then been clearly determined such as, interstate, cross-border crimes and national security issues”. She argued that strengthening the Police to cope with current insecurity in the country requires optimal professionalism. The need for up-to-date technological and scientific expertise, robust and comprehensive criminal justice training especially in areas like psychology, forensic investigation, report writing, handwriting analysis, voice analysis, the purchase of hitec equipment, interrogation, negotiation, fingerprinting analysis, study of bomb composition and disposal, Cybercrime, deep sea diving etc, have to form part of the ongoing training program”, she argued powerfully.

Yet, some others have argued that creation of State Police is simply an invitation to anarchy, because even if we create state, LG, clan, community or family Police, it is the same corrupt Nigerians and corrupted institutions they will manage. They remind us of the havoc Native Council and Emirate Police caused Nigerians during colonial times and the First Republic.

Chief John Ochoga noted that: “modern type policing began in London with the establishment of the Metropolitan Police by Sir Robert Peel in 1829, whereas the Nigeria Police Force started as a body to meet the British colonial needs. The Consular Guards was established in Lagos in 1861 and later by 1879 became the Hausa Constabulary, an armed Force. Subsequently, there was the Northern Nigerian Police (1886), Royal Niger Constabulary (1888), The Niger Coast Constabulary (1894) and The Southern Nigerian Police Force (1906). By 1906, three distinct Police Forces existed in Nigeria. And in 1930, they were amalgamated; thus the present name of The Nigeria Police Force.

“It is, therefore, clear that our colonial history produced our current policing status. We can therefore not separate our political development from our Police Force.

Nigeria’s 1966 political experience of coups, counter-coups, civil war and military regimes have made our democracy “a learning process”, even at the age of 53 years.

“In northern Nigeria, opposing politicians and their lawyers were detained at electoral/pooling units to ensure nomination forms and documents were not filled against the ruling NPC (Northern people congress). Multi-party democracy was nothing but a big sham… The primordial nature of Nigeria still makes State Police an idea whose time has not come. Our leaders are still emperors in pretentious democratic garbs”. This argument, from the reverse side of the coin is also very compelling. Now, let us see more.

MERITS AND DEMERITS OF HAVING STATE POLICE

MERITS AND ADVANTAGES OF STATE POLICE

The following are considered by some schools of thought as the merits and advantages of establishing State Police and Community Police Forces in Nigeria:

It will help curb the rising tide of insecurity, amongst other social vices in Nigeria. It will reduce the rate of unemployment, as more people would be recruited into the State Police in proportion to the population of each state. It will help check criminal activities and corruption within the Police Force and the society (Chief Chekwas Okorie as quoted by Bulus, 2012). It will curb the attitude of Policemen who hardly go to their states of origin to work, but go to other states which they consider lucrative to make money, even when they do not know the terrain of such states. State policing will prevent unwarranted attack and imposition of Islam or other ideologies on some unwilling states. Having State Police will reduce the financial burden on the central federal government. It will help abate the ugly trend of kidnappings and militancy in the Southern part of Nigeria. It is easier to operate close systems and shorter processes because of less loops, error percentage and you know your target (Mr Ekene Nwogbo as quoted in Kehinde, 2013). State Police will help institutionalize true federalism and localize/confine criminal activities to their areas of origin. Every state knows its peculiar problems and challenges, and how to adequately engage State Police will also help reduce corruption in the Police because in community policing, every citizen knows the Police officer up to his pedigree and genecology.

DEMERITS AND DISADVANTAGES OF STATE POLICE

Inspite of the compelling attractiveness of the merits and advantages of having State and Community Police, some schools of thought have equally pointed out the numerous demerits and disadvantages of establishing State Police in Nigeria.

They argue that the system is susceptible to abuse by dictatorial state governors who wield enormous and overbearing influence over their subjects. They argue that having State Police is too costly and resources-consuming (Chief Parry Osayande, quoted by Bulus, 2012). State executives can use State Police to harass and intimidate political opponents. State Governors will surely abuse it to the detriment of their political opponents and opposition. State Police can lead to secession where one powerful Governor, considering his full control over fully armed security personnel and arms, would declare his own country (Nwachukwu, 2012). There is likelihood of conflict of jurisdiction between states, especially where the conflicting states are run by different political parties (Kehinde, 2013); The lack of uniformity in financing may also pose a great challenge to the establishment of State Police Forces in Nigeria. Some states are financially stronger than others. Lesser paid Police officers in poorer states may get jealous of their better remunerated colleagues in richer states, and thus lead to demoralization and low input. Some Governors can be reckless by embezzling the money budgeted for same and will not therefore finance it properly. It can lead to a diversion of criminals and criminality from one strong state with effective policing to another weak state, with poor community policing. State Policing will lead to anarchy and chaos, with no moderator appearing to be in control. It enthrone tribalism, nepotism, cronyism and favouritism; There may be conflict of interest between the Federal Police Force and that of states. Having State Police is not financially feasible (Ahmed, quoted in Nwogu, 2012).

According to a Report released on 16th August, 2012, during President Goodluck Jonathan’s regime, by the Presidential Committee on reorganization of the Nigeria Police and the Forum of Former Inspectors-General of Police (IGPs), they warned that the institution of State Police in Nigeria will be a prelude to the disintegration of the country.

Even former IGPs, that include Alhaji Muhammadu Gambo-Jimeta, Alhaji Ibrahim Coomasie, Mr. Sunday Ehindero and Sir Mike Okiro, have since argued that the clamour for State Police, was an invitation to anarchy, because it was not in the interest of the nation’s democracy. They argued that the most unreasonable thing for any administration to do at this time was to allow State Police, stressing that with the current ‘political climate in our country, a State Police would only be a tool in the hands of political leaders at the state level.’ These no doubt are very strong reasons to discard with State Police.

MY HUMBLE SUBMISSION

However, notwithstanding this powerful line of thinking, it is my humble submission that the current ratio of 1:602 with which the Nigeria Police is operating is grossly inadequate and far below the United Nation’s ratio. This, notwithstanding also the fact that 20,000 Police officers have since been recruited to fill the yarning gap. This is still a very far cry from the UN ratio of 222 Policemen to 100,000 people, or 1:400. With this, to meet up with the UN ratio, the Nigeria Police Force requires over 170,000 additional Police officers in the next five years.

This is coupled with the ugly spectre that a large chunk of the officers and men of the NPF are attached privately to top elites, politicians, government officials, companies and money bags.

Our argument for the desirability of State Police is further strengthened by a disclosure by the then Inspector-General of Police, Mr Ibrahim Kpotun Idris, at a public hearing on Police reforms at the House of Representatives. He maintained that the Police would require N1.13 trillion annually to effectively execute Police operations.

He noted that the N560 billion recommended by the MD Yusuf-led Police Reform Committee in 2008, was a far cry from the current amount required to reposition the Police.

He told the committee that fuelling of Police vehicles alone annually required an average of N26.9 billion, including maintenance costs of course, with spiral inflation, these figures have since gone up. With this frightening scenario, why should the federal government alone be saddled with policing matters?

CONCLUSION

There is the clear and urgent need to have State Police. It accords with common sense, modern trends and true federalism. We could still have a Federal Police like the FBI, that deals with cross-border crimes, high profile crimes, treasonable and drugs and narcotics matters.

Emerging criminal behaviours have necessitated the creation of State Police and Community Policing to address the various needs of the Police, including proper funding and staff strength.

State Police would also bring security closer to the people, while making the people part of the new security arrangement.

Modern community policing appears to be the in-thing nowadays. By the way, tell me the difference between State and community Police, and Amotekun, Eastern Security Network.

In any event, state Police is not going to be created for any particular person, as there would be laws to regulate its operations. We cannot, because of fear of the unknown, resist an idea whose time has come. Now is the time for state Police. It is the URGENCY OF NOW.

THOUGHT FOR THE WEEK

“I am in favor of community policing because it builds better working relationships with the communities”. (Vincent Frank).

 “The way you make communities safer and Police safer is through community policing” (Tim Kaine).

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Opinion

The End of a Political Party

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By Obianuju Kanu-Ogoko

It is deeply alarming and shameful to witness an elected official of an opposition party openly calling for the continuation of President Tinubu’s administration. This blatant betrayal goes against the very essence of democratic opposition and makes a mockery of the values the PDP is supposed to stand for.

Even more concerning is the deafening silence from North Central leadership. This silence comes at a price—For the funneled $3 million to buy off the courts for one of their Leaders’, the NC has compromised integrity, ensuring that any potential challenge is conveniently quashed. Such actions reveal a deeply compromised leadership, one that no longer stands for the people but for personal gain.

When a member of a political party publicly supports the ruling party, it raises the critical question: Who is truly standing for the PDP? When a Minister publicly insulted PDP and said that he is standing with the President, and you did nothing; why won’t others blatantly insult the party? Only under the Watch of this NWC has PDP been so ridiculed to the gutters. Where is the opposition we so desperately need in this time of political crisis? It is a betrayal of trust, of principles and of the party’s very foundation.

The leadership of this party has failed woefully. You have turned the PDP into a laughing stock, a hollow shell of what it once was. No political party with any credibility or integrity will even consider aligning or merging with the PDP at this rate. The decay runs deep and the shame is monumental.

WHAT A DISGRACE!

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Opinion

Day Dele Momodu Made Me Live Above My Means

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By Uzor Maxim Uzoatu

These are dangerous days of gross shamelessness in totalitarian Nigeria.
Pathetic flaunting of clannish power is all the rage, and a good number of supposedly modern-day Nigerians have thrown their brains into the primordial ring.

One pathetic character came to me the other day stressing that the only way I can prove to him that I am not an ethnic bigot is to write an article attacking Dele Momodu!

I could not make any head or tail of the bloke’s proposition because I did not understand how ethnic bigotry can come up in an issue concerning Dele Momodu and my poor self.

The dotty guy made the further elaboration that I stand accused of turning into a “philosopher of the right” instead of supporting the government of the day which belongs to the left!

A toast to Karl Marx in presidential jet and presidential yacht!

I nearly expired with laughter as I remembered how one fat kept man who spells his surname as “San” (for Senior Advocate of Nigeria – SAN) wrote a wretched piece on me as an ethnic bigot and compelled one boozy rascal that dubiously studied law in my time at Great Ife to put it on my Facebook wall!

The excited tribesmen of Nigerian democracy and their giddy slaves have been greased to use attack as the first aspect of defence by calling all dissenting voices “ethnic bigots” as balm on their rotted consciences.

The bloke urging me to attack Dele Momodu was saddened when he learnt that I regarded the Ovation publisher as “my brother”!

Even amid the strange doings in Nigeria of the moment I can still count on some famous brothers who have not denied me such as Senator Babafemi Ojudu who privileged me to read his soon-to-be-published memoir as a fellow Guerrilla Journalist, and the lionized actor Richard Mofe-Damijo (RMD) who while on a recent film project in faraway Canada made my professor cousin over there to know that “Uzor is my brother!”

It is now incumbent on me to tell the world of the day that Dele Momodu made me live above my means.

All the court jesters, toadies, fawners, bootlickers and ill-assorted jobbers and hirelings put together can never be renewed with enough palliatives to countermand my respect for Dele Momodu who once told our friend in London who was boasting that he was chased out of Nigeria by General Babangida because of his activism: “Babangida did not chase you out of Nigeria. You found love with an oyinbo woman and followed her to London. Leave Babangida out of the matter!”

Dele Momodu takes his writing seriously, and does let me have a look at his manuscripts – even the one written on his presidential campaign by his campaign manager.

Unlike most Nigerians who are given to half measures, Dele Momodu writes so well and insists on having different fresh eyes to look at his works.

It was a sunny day in Lagos that I got a call from the Ovation publisher that I should stand by to do some work on a biography he was about to publish.

He warned me that I have only one day to do the work, and I replied him that I was raring to go because I love impossible challenges.

The manuscript of the biography hit my email in fast seconds, and before I could say Bob Dee a fat alert burst my spare bank account!

Being a ragged-trousered philanthropist, a la the title of Robert Tressel’s proletarian novel, I protested to Dele that it’s only beer money I needed but, kind and ever rendering soul that he is, he would not hear of it.

I went to Lagos Country Club, Ikeja and sacked my young brother, Vitus Akudinobi, from his office in the club so that I can concentrate fully on the work.

Many phone calls came my way, and I told my friends to go to my divine watering-hole to wait for me there and eat and drink all that they wanted because “money is not my problem!”

More calls came from my guys and their groupies asking for all makes of booze, isiewu, nkwobi and the assorted lots, and I asked them to continue to have a ball in my absence, that I would join them later to pick up the bill!

The many friends of the poor poet were astonished at the new-fangled wealth and confidence of the new member of the idle rich class!

It was a beautiful read that Dele Momodu had on offer, and by late evening I had read the entire book, and done some minor editing here and there.

It was then up to me to conclude the task by doing routine editing – or adding “style” as Tom Sawyer would tell his buddy Huckleberry Finn in the eponymous adventure books of Mark Twain.

I chose the style option, and I was indeed in my elements, enjoying all aspects of the book until it was getting to ten in the night, and my partying friends were frantically calling for my appearance.

I was totally satisfied with my effort such that I felt proud pressing the “Send” button on my laptop for onward transmission to Dele Momodu’s email.

I then rushed to the restaurant where my friends were waiting for me, and I had hardly settled down when one of Dele’s assistants called to say that there were some issues with the script I sent!

I had to perforce reopen up my computer in the bar, and I could not immediately fathom which of the saved copies happened to be the real deal.

One then remembered that there were tell-tale signs when the computer kept warning that I was putting too much on the clipboard or whatever.

It’s such a downer that after feeling so high that one had done the best possible work only to be left with the words of James Hadley Chase in The Sucker Punch: “It’s only when a guy gets full of confidence that he’s wide open for the sucker punch.”
Lesson learnt: keep it simple – even if you have been made to live above your means by Dele Momodu!

To end, how can a wannabe state agent and government apologist, a hired askari, hope to get me to write an article against a brother who has done me no harm whatsoever? Mba!

I admire Dele Momodu immensely for his courage of conviction to tell truth to power.

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Opinion

PDP at 26, A Time for Reflection not Celebration

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By Obianuju Kanu-Ogoko

At 26 years, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) should have been a pillar of strength, a beacon of hope and a testament to the enduring promise of democracy in Nigeria.*

Yet, as we stand at this milestone, it is clear that we have little, if anything, to celebrate. Instead, this anniversary marks a sobering moment of reflection, a time to confront the hard truths that have plagued our journey and to acknowledge the gap between our potential and our reality.

Twenty-six years should have seen us mature into a force for good, a party that consistently upholds the values of integrity, unity and progress for all Nigerians.

But the reality is far from this ideal. Instead of celebrating, we must face the uncomfortable truth: *at 26, the PDP has failed to live up to the promise that once inspired millions.*

We cannot celebrate when our internal divisions have weakened our ability to lead. We cannot celebrate when the very principles that should guide us: justice, fairness and accountability,have been sidelined in favor of personal ambition and short-term gains. We cannot celebrate when the Nigerian people, who once looked to the PDP for leadership, now question our relevance and our commitment to their welfare.

This is not a time for self-congratulation. It is a time for deep introspection and honest assessment. What have we truly achieved? Where did we go wrong? And most importantly, how do we rebuild the trust that has been lost? These are the questions we must ask ourselves, not just as a party, but as individuals who believe in the ideals that the PDP was founded upon.

At 26, we should be at the height of our powers, but instead, we find ourselves at a crossroads. The path forward is not easy, but it is necessary. We must return to our roots, to the values that once made the PDP a symbol of hope and possibility. We must rebuild from within, embracing transparency, unity and a renewed commitment to serving the people of Nigeria.

There is no celebration today, only the recognition that we have a long road ahead. But if we use this moment wisely, if we truly learn from our past mistakes, there is still hope for a future where the PDP can once again stand tall, not just in name, but in action and impact. The journey begins now, not with *fanfare but with resolve.

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